11Introduction other minority composers infused such developments into their own religious music. Ottoman innovations included new instrumentation, complex or new makams and usuls, development of the vocal and in- strumental taksim (improvisation), and changes in fasıl genres, such as the nineteenth-century light classical şarkı (literally, “song”) that popu- larized the fasıl cycle in the twentieth century.18 European genres and instruments, as well as notational systems, presented further musical choices to Ottoman composers, especially by the nineteenth century; however, oral transmission and performance dominated the musical scene through the early twentieth century. With the advent of records and growth of gazinos (nightclubs) at the turn of the century, fasıl music found a popular, commercial stage—an early entertainment industry often owned and operated by minorities, including Jews, and showcas- ing vocalists who may have also sung religious songs in synagogues. Maftirim music shared in such musical crosscurrents of the time, and by the early Republic boasted big audiences and a repertoire that included contemporary composers and topical subjects. In the 1920s, as Turk- ish Jews from the provinces increasingly congregated in Istanbul, local Maftirim singers joined Edirne émigrés to perform at numerous syna- gogues in the city, providing a popular, weekly venue to hear Ottoman court music forms in an era of political and cultural reform. In the course of the twentieth century, as Jews gradually vacated their neighborhoods in Istanbul, whether through emigration or up- ward mobility, the historical practice of Maftirim gatherings on Shab- bat diminished into today’s single secured session, together with one public performance group. By the 1990s, three male vocalists were considered the last remaining masters of the genre in Istanbul: David Behar, İsak Maçoro, and David Sevi. Recently, the Ottoman- Turkish Sephardic Culture Research Center completed a major proj- ect remastering their recordings together with notation and historical background of extant Maftirim compositions. Taken as a whole, the evidence of the century appears to match a story of increasing cul- tural reduction, isolation and, ultimately, preservation. As we shall see, however, behind this apparent decline lies a more complex history of music-making across the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, as Jew- ish and non-Jewish musicians continued to network together to pro- tect endangered Ottoman musical forms in a republican era of cultural 3 Final Examination GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment Multiple Choice Questions (Enter your answers on the enclosed answer sheet) Which is a way some people cope with the ambiguity of human freedom? 1. driftinga. shared decision makingb. appealing to some type of authorityc. All of the above. d. Change or development in a desirable direction is called: 2. personal growtha. personal freedo ...

1. 11Introduction
other minority composers infused such developments into their
own
religious music. Ottoman innovations included new
instrumentation,
complex or new makams and usuls, development of the vocal
and in-
strumental taksim (improvisation), and changes in fasıl genres,
such as
the nineteenth-century light classical şarkı (literally, “song”)
that popu-
larized the fasıl cycle in the twentieth century.18 European
genres and
instruments, as well as notational systems, presented further
musical
choices to Ottoman composers, especially by the nineteenth
century;
however, oral transmission and performance dominated the
musical
scene through the early twentieth century. With the advent of
records
and growth of gazinos (nightclubs) at the turn of the century,
fasıl music
found a popular, commercial stage—an early entertainment
industry
often owned and operated by minorities, including Jews, and
showcas-
ing vocalists who may have also sung religious songs in
synagogues.
Maftirim music shared in such musical crosscurrents of the
time, and by

2. the early Republic boasted big audiences and a repertoire that
included
contemporary composers and topical subjects. In the 1920s, as
Turk-
ish Jews from the provinces increasingly congregated in
Istanbul, local
Maftirim singers joined Edirne émigrés to perform at numerous
syna-
gogues in the city, providing a popular, weekly venue to hear
Ottoman
court music forms in an era of political and cultural reform.
In the course of the twentieth century, as Jews gradually
vacated
their neighborhoods in Istanbul, whether through emigration or
up-
ward mobility, the historical practice of Maftirim gatherings on
Shab-
bat diminished into today’s single secured session, together
with
one public performance group. By the 1990s, three male
vocalists
were considered the last remaining masters of the genre in
Istanbul:
David Behar, İsak Maçoro, and David Sevi. Recently, the
Ottoman-
Turkish Sephardic Culture Research Center completed a major
proj-
ect remastering their recordings together with notation and
historical
background of extant Maftirim compositions. Taken as a whole,
the
evidence of the century appears to match a story of increasing
cul-
tural reduction, isolation and, ultimately, preservation. As we
shall see,

3. however, behind this apparent decline lies a more complex
history of
music-making across the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, as
Jew-
ish and non-Jewish musicians continued to network together to
pro-
tect endangered Ottoman musical forms in a republican era of
cultural
3
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
Multiple Choice Questions (Enter your answers on the enclosed
answer sheet)
Which is a way some people cope with the ambiguity of human
freedom? 1.
driftinga.
shared decision makingb.
appealing to some type of authorityc.
All of the above. d.
Change or development in a desirable direction is called: 2.
personal growtha.
personal freedomb.
self-directionc.
individualism d.

4. Altruism means: 3.
helping someone else at a cost to yourselfa.
possessing a sense of personal freedomb.
having a sense of control over others’ livesc.
fearing making decisions d.
According to Maslow, which disorder does not result from the
failure to grow? 4.
stunted persona.
amoral personb.
apathetic personc.
adjusted person d.
Researchers have found high stability across a lifespan for
which personality trait? 5.
introversion-extroversiona.
perfectionismb.
authoritarianismc.
self-esteem d.
An important component of health and well-being is: 6.
self-efficacya.
perfectionismb.
authoritarianismc.
self-esteem d.

5. 4
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
All of the following traits remain rather stable over a lifetime
EXCEPT: 7.
neuroticisma.
expressivenessb.
self-esteemc.
introversion d.
The experience of personal growth usually begins with: 8.
reorganizing our experiencea.
acknowledging changeb.
feeling anxiety and discomfortc.
changing our attitudes d.
According to Erikson, the second stage of psychosocial
development poses the developmental 9.
task of:
autonomy vs. shamea.
trust vs. mistrustb.
industry vs. inferiorityc.
initiative vs. guilt d.
From 3 to 6 years of age, children are faced with the crisis of:

6. 10.
autonomy vs. shamea.
trust vs. mistrustb.
identity vs. role confusionc.
initiative vs. guilt d.
According to Erikson, individuals face the identity vs. role
confusion stage at what age? 11.
3-6a.
6-11b.
12-18c.
20-40 d.
According to Erikson, in young adulthood, the inability to
establish rewarding relationships 12.
with friends result in a sense of:
inferioritya.
stagnationb.
despairc.
isolation d.
5
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
What is Erikson’s final stage of psychosocial development? 13.

7. integrity vs. despaira.
generativity vs. stagnationb.
industry vs. inferiorityc.
initiative vs. guilt d.
_________ is the addition of something that increases the
likelihood of a behavior occuring 14.
again.
Temperamenta.
Attachmentb.
Social learningc.
Reinforcement d.
The process by which we learn by observing is called: 15.
punishmenta.
reinforcementb.
learning theoryc.
observational learning d.
Carol likes Dr. Reed, the supervisor of her practice teaching. In
fact, Carol often finds herself 16.
adopting many of Dr. Reed’s methods and mannerisms in the
classroom. Bandura refers to
this type of learning as:
classical conditioninga.
observational learningb.
identification with the parent figurec.
due to the effects of unconscious Oedipal wishes d.

8. Women in middle adulthood go through significant physical
changes called: 17.
cessationa.
menopauseb.
reproductionc.
dysfunction d.
Which statement regarding Alzheimer’s disease is true? 18.
Alzheimer’s usually strikes in childhood.a.
There is no way to diagnose Alzheimer’s.b.
Alzheimer’s is a debilitating cognitive disorder.c.
All of these are true.d.
6
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
Which statement is NOT true of hormone replacement therapy?
19.
It lowers the risk of most types of cancer.a.
It helps to alleviate such symptoms as hot flashes, night sweats,
and dry skin.b.
It reduces the risk rates of osteoporosis and heart disease.c.
none of the above d.
Viagra is used to: 20.

9. treat loss of appetitea.
treat memory lossb.
improve facial appearance in womenc.
treat erectile inhibition d.
Ageism refers to: 21.
the midlife crisisa.
the study of people over the age of 80b.
the inherent rights of the elderlyc.
negative attitudes toward older Americans d.
Which of the following is NOT important in healthy aging? 22.
exercisinga.
smoking cessationb.
eating wellc.
avoiding physicians d.
Which of the following is generally a sign of low self-esteem?
23.
savoring one’s accomplishments and successesa.
bragging excessively about one’s achievementsb.
expressing one’s opinions readilyc.
making demands on oneself to do better next time d.
Low self-esteem is characterized by: 24.
rejecting complimentsa.
high performance on academic testsb.
looking at oneself in the mirror oftenc.

10. All of the above. d.
7
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
Which of these is NOT associated with high self-esteem? 25.
greater happinessa.
bullying behaviorsb.
better job performancec.
lower alcohol and drug abuse d.
People tend to elicit feedback that confirms their own self-
perceptions, both positive and 26.
negative, according to:
self-enhancement theorya.
social-self theoryb.
self-verification theoryc.
ideal self theory d.
Self-esteem of minority individuals is found to be as high as
that of Whites because minority: 27.
individuals have as many opportunities as Whitesa.
individuals often compare themselves to each other rather than
to Whitesb.
populations have grown in sizec.

11. groups no longer experience as much prejudice as they used to
d.
When people visualize themselves as competent, successful
persons, they tend to: 28.
earn higher than average salariesa.
become more successful than their peersb.
cope more effectively with present problemsc.
succumb to pathological self-deception d.
Which of these is NOT key to quitting smoking? 29.
avoiding relapse at all costsa.
getting support and encouragementb.
getting medication and using it correctlyc.
learning new skills and behaviors d.
Those most likely to drink excessively are: 30.
college studentsa.
middle-aged menb.
widowers and widowsc.
preteens d.
8
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment

12. The leading cause of death among youths in America is: 31.
AIDSa.
heart diseaseb.
overexertion on the athletic fieldc.
car accidents involving alcohol d.
Youth are most at risk for drug abuse: 32.
at school eventsa.
in a chaotic family environmentb.
in middle schoolc.
as college students d.
The use of unhealthy substances (e.g., cigarettes, alcohol, or
drugs) is depicted in: 33.
10 percent of G rated filmsa.
50 percent of PG-13 filmsb.
80 percent of all filmsc.
95 percent of all films d.
Those who underreport their physical symptoms to health care
professionals are: 34.
likely to be extrovertsa.
known as “hypochondriacs”b.
self-conscious peoplec.
self-healing personalities d.
_________________ is where the individual believes he or she

13. has control over life events. 35.
Internal locus of controla.
External locus of controlb.
Universal controlc.
none of the above d.
Which of the following best exemplifies appropriate learned
optimism? 36.
“I guess she isn’t going to call back.”a.
“It was a good interview but nothing will probably come of
it.”b.
“She didn’t return my call; she must be busy.”c.
“No wonder she doesn’t call back. I’ve been inconsiderate of
her.” d.
9
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
Optimism is especially appropriate in those situations in which:
37.
solving problems under stress.a.
your goal involves a low degree of risk.b.
the cost of failure is high.c.
none of the above d.
Being optimistic is inappropriate when: 38.

14. there are many risks involveda.
there are many people with unique responsibilitiesb.
multiple solutions to an issue are availablec.
None of the above. d.
Which of these is NOT a stage in the recommended process for
decision making? 39.
search for alternativesa.
make a commitmentb.
rise to the challengec.
avoid looking back d.
A critical element in decision making, especially in the early
stages, is: 40.
taking risksa.
clarifying valuesb.
vigorous information processingc.
justifying your choices d.
When presented with a modest person and a self-promoter,
which did Japanese children 41.
perceive as more athletically competent?
they were perceived to be equally competenta.
the modest personb.
the self-promoterc.
neither was selected d.
According to the text, one of the four important components of

15. emotion is: 42.
social interactiona.
behavioral stagnationb.
cognitive processesc.
self-efficacy d.
10
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
Which researcher has created a model of emotions? 43.
Banduraa.
Howellb.
Plutchikc.
Richards d.
Which is NOT one of the primary emotions? 44.
acceptancea.
disgustb.
angerc.
embarrassment d.
When people of various countries are asked about their
experiences of different emotions, 45.
most of them distinguish emotions with regard to:

16. primary and secondary emotionsa.
inborn and learned emotionsb.
pleasant and unpleasant emotionsc.
simple and complex emotions d.
Men tend to report more ________ feelings, while women tend
to report ________ feelings. 46.
powerless; powerfula.
powerful; powerlessb.
negative; positivec.
positive; negative d.
If we see people as cold and withdrawn, we tend to attribute
additional negative qualities to 47.
them. This is called:
the halo effecta.
stereotypingb.
false cuesc.
the devil effect d.
The fundamental attribution error causes us to misjudge people
because: 48.
we are impressed by wealtha.
of situational and environmental influencesb.
of their personal traits and characteristicsc.
we are influenced by unconscious motives d.
11

17. Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
Where does shyness originate? 49.
biological and environmental influencesa.
biological influencesb.
environmental influencesc.
none of the above d.
According to the text, to overcome shyness, it’s best to: 50.
reduce the inner monitoring of one’s thoughtsa.
pay less attention to people around youb.
avoid situations involving othersc.
become keenly aware of how people see you d.
Shyness is on the rise in America because: 51.
more people are pursuing their own personal goalsa.
electronic communication has reduced face-to-face meetingsb.
more Americans are moving to big, crowded citiesc.
more children are being placed in daycare centers d.
The most common activity among women friends is: 52.
telling jokesa.
having an intimate talkb.
sharing a job-related chorec.
doing a favor for a friend d.

18. Which of the following does NOT have an interdependent
culture? 53.
Japana.
Zimbabweb.
The United Statesc.
Lebanon d.
When flattery is used in the hopes that the flattered individual
will give in to a certain 54.
request, this is a form of:
the bystander effecta.
ingratiationb.
the norm of reciprocityc.
the foot-in-the-door effect d.
12
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
In what type of social influence situation do we follow direct
orders from others? 55.
conformitya.
complianceb.
interpersonal attractionc.
obedience d.

19. Which factor reduces social loafing? 56.
When failure is possible if and only if loafing occurs.a.
When people believe their performance will not be evaluated.b.
When the task is not important.c.
When the group is not valued by its individual members. d.
When groups make riskier or more conservative decisions than
individuals, this is known as: 57.
groupthinka.
the foot-in-the-door effectb.
the group polarization effectc.
the door-in-the-face effect d.
Two well-documented leadership styles are ______ and ______.
58.
severe; moderatea.
people-oriented; task-orientedb.
casual; intensec.
thoughtful; thoughtless d.
Which is true of job burnout? 59.
Men are more likely to burn out.a.
Those who are unmarried are more prone to burnout.b.
Those who burn out are likely to have high self-esteem.c.
Stress is rarely a factor in burnout. d.
How do most Americans feel about their jobs? 60.

20. Despite all the griping, most Americans report relatively high
satisfaction.a.
Most Americans dislike their jobs and want a job change.b.
Midlevel managers report highest job satisfaction.c.
People at the bottom of an organization are likeliest to report
high job satisfaction. d.
13
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
Surveys on job satisfaction show all of the following except: 61.
People who love their jobs perform better than those who
don’t.a.
The highest-paying jobs tend to result in the highest job
satisfaction.b.
Recent graduates tend to enjoy high job satisfaction.c.
Workers prefer job where they don’t have to learn new skills. d.
When asked about ways to get ahead on the job, most American
workers emphasize the 62.
importance of:
being willing to accept responsibilitya.
knowing the right peopleb.
understanding how to use office politicsc.
complimenting your boss often d.

21. How has workplace technology changed our employment? 63.
It really hasn’t changed employment in America that much.a.
It can affect us even before we are hired by means of e-
recruiting.b.
It has mostly affected upper-level management.c.
It affects us only after we are hired and introduced to new
technology. d.
One of the best ways to increase the proportion of minority
groups in the workplace is to: 64.
lower the educational requirements for many jobsa.
raise the educational level of minority studentsb.
provide more high-tech jobs in the workplacec.
encourage minority students to take jobs in manufacturing d.
Masters et al. found greater orgasmic variation in both the
physiology and subjective 65.
accounts of orgasm among:
men compared to womena.
homosexuals compared to heterosexualsb.
women compared to menc.
married couples compared to unmarried couples d.
What is the most significant life stressor for homosexuals? 66.
discovering their homosexual orientationa.
telling friends and family about their sexual orientationb.
having their first homosexual encounterc.
all of these are equally stressful according to the literature d.

22. 14
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
People who believe they were born into the body of the wrong
sex are: 67.
homosexuala.
transsexualb.
hermaphroditesc.
transvestites d.
People who are born with chromosomal or hormonal birth
defects so they do not really fit into 68.
“male” or “female” categories are:
transvestitesa.
intersexedb.
transsexualc.
autoerotic d.
A loving relationship based primarily on emotional closeness
rather than physical intimacy is 69.
called:
romantic lovea.
consummate loveb.
companionate lovec.
passionate love d.

23. Hypoactive, or inhibited, sexual desire is commonly caused by:
70.
anger, boredom, or anxietya.
genetic deficienciesb.
psychopathologyc.
hormonal deficiencies d.
Which statement about marriage in the U.S. is true? 71.
People are getting married later in life.a.
People tend to marry someone of similar age, education, and
background.b.
Intercultural marriages are more conflict-prone but not more
divorce-prone.c.
All of these are true. d.
Approximately _________ out of every 10 marriages end in
divorce. 72.
2a.
3b.
4c.
8 d.
15
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment

24. Which statement about marriage is false? 73.
51% of adults in the United States are currently married.a.
When asked, most Americans say they marry because they are in
love.b.
Husbands and wives should be best friends.c.
none of the above d.
An overview of numerous marital studies reported in the text
indicated that a major factor 74.
related to marital satisfaction is:
joint problem-solving abilitya.
wanting the relationship to succeedb.
a satisfying sex lifec.
financial security d.
When women work outside of the home: 75.
they still do most of the houseworka.
the couple is less satisfiedb.
the husbands usually do half of all houseworkc.
they do less housework than men d.
How do homosexual couples distribute housework? 76.
Work is fairly equally distributed.a.
Work is distributed about the same as heterosexual couples.b.
The more masculine partner does the most.c.
The more masculine partner does the least. d.

25. What is the correct sequence in the general adaptation
syndrome? 77.
alarm, exhaustion, resistancea.
resistance, alarm, exhaustionb.
exhaustion, resistance, alarmc.
alarm, resistance, exhaustion d.
16
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
Such stress-related illnesses when the body defenses break
down and one’s energy runs out 78.
are likely to occur in which stage of the general adaptation
syndrome?
alarma.
resistanceb.
exhaustionc.
the intermediate stage d.
Cumulative changes that reflect the cost to the body for
adapting to stressful demands is 79.
called:
homeostasisa.
allostatic loadb.
repressionc.
acting out d.

26. The unconscious blocking of a threatening impulse or idea from
entering one’s consciousness 80.
is:
deniala.
projectionb.
repressionc.
None of the above. d.
Sarah’s father is gravely ill; Sarah, however, does not respond
emotionally. Rather, Sarah 81.
convinces herself that he is in a good hospital and that the
doctors are doing everything they
can. Sarah’s strategy for coping might be:
deniala.
repressionb.
intellectualizationc.
displacement d.
When Mohammed’s girlfriend unexpectedly broke off their
relationship, he said it was just as 82.
well because he no longer loved her. Yet, Mohammed did love
her unconsciously.
Mohammed’s response is an example of:
reaction formationa.
denialb.
sublimationc.
repression d.

27. 17
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
A critical feature of obsessive-compulsive disorder is: 83.
involuntary dwelling on an unwelcome thought.a.
fear of dirt.b.
fear of losing control.c.
an overinflated sense of responsibility. d.
A(n) __________ is someone with OCD who wants his or her
possessions in their rightful 84.
place and arranged in a certain way.
hoardera.
pure obsessiveb.
repeaterc.
orderer d.
Flashbacks are associated with what disorder? 85.
OCDa.
phobiab.
PTSDc.
None of the above. d.
During college, three-quarters of all students experience some
symptoms of: 86.

28. antisocial personalitya.
agoraphobiab.
schizophreniac.
depression d.
People who become depressed in the winter months because of
seasonal affective disorder 87.
are thought to suffer from an imbalance of the hormone called:
dopaminea.
melatoninb.
adrenalinec.
thyroxin d.
Which is a plausible reason why women are more prone to
depression than men? 88.
The region of the brain affected by depression is eight times
larger in women than in a.
men.
They aren’t; they are just more likely to seek professional
help.b.
Women have equal power and status compared to men.c.
Women are more likely to live in transitions than men.d.
18
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment

29. Who is associated with cognitive therapy? 89.
Sigmund Freuda.
Fritz Perlsb.
Victor Franklc.
Aaron Beck d.
Couples often come to relationship therapy because of infidelity
on the part of one partner. 90.
During therapy:
the therapist works only with the offending partner.a.
the therapist works mainly with the offended partner.b.
the therapist focuses on both partners’ interaction.c.
the therapist usually recommends that they split up. d.
The most common mode of treatment in psychiatry is: 91.
biomedical therapy alonea.
psychotherapy aloneb.
family therapyc.
psychotherapy combined with biomedical therapy d.
Which statement about antianxiety medications is true? 92.
These medications do not cure anxiety.a.
These drugs are dangerous to take in combination with
alcohol.b.
They provide prompt alleviation from symptoms.c.
All of the above. d.
After beginning treatment, antidepressants take effect: 93.

30. immediatelya.
within a few daysb.
within two weeksc.
after two to four weeks d.
In persons with schizophrenia, antipsychotic drugs tend to
reduce: 94.
apathya.
lonelinessb.
hallucinationsc.
social withdrawal d.
19
Final Examination
GED 215 Psychology of Adjustment
After the bargaining stage, individuals enter which stage? 95.
deniala.
depressionb.
resentmentc.
acceptance d.
Acceptance of death includes: 96.
denying that death is imminenta.
bargainingb.

31. disengaging the self from othersc.
All of these are part of the acceptance stage. d.
The healthy process of working through the emotions associated
with loss is called: 97.
grief worka.
mourningb.
unresolved griefc.
bereavement d.
Which of the following is a normal initial response to death?
98.
sadnessa.
guiltb.
reliefc.
All of the above. d.
About _________ year(s) is the norm for grief work. 99.
onea.
twob.
threec.
four d.
Which one of the following groups has an above-average death
rate compared to others the100.
same age?
elderly people who are unhappily marrieda.
widowed men between 55 and 65 years of ageb.

32. elderly widowers who have remarriedc.
widowed women between 55 and 65 years of aged.
10 Introduction
Izmir and Salonika to hear renowned hazanim (prayer leaders,
or can-
tors) like İsak Algazi (1889–1950), and Samuel Benaroya
(1908–2003)
visited the Mevlevi lodge in Edirne as a boy to learn Ottoman
music.15
As mentioned earlier, it is significant that the city of Edirne
figures in
these reports since it was the Ottoman capital (1402–1453)
before the
taking of Constantinople and a default royal residence at least
until the
eighteenth century. Given the Mevlevis’ historical linkages with
the
Ottoman ruling class and musical education, interactions with
Jewish
musicians—especially in Edirne and Istanbul—would
effectively spell
the latter’s active participation near or at the very center of
religious
and musical crosscurrents in Ottoman imperial culture. Ongoing
visi-
tations until the end of the twentieth century, moreover, suggest
a
historically multifunctional dimension to Ottoman and Turkish
syna-
gogues for learning, making music, and socializing—a
dimension that

33. has progressively narrowed and been reduced exclusively to
Jewish re-
ligious practice today.16
According to the textual source of the güfte mecmuası (song-
text
collection), Jewish composers documented music in ways
similar to
their non-Jewish counterparts and participated in
contemporaneous
developments in court music. From an early Ottoman Jewish
güfte
mecmuası (Israel Najara, 1587) to later collections starting in
the sev-
enteenth century, Jewish composition and documentation of
religious
pieces correlated more and more with pervasive Ottoman
practices,
incorporating lyrics, makam, usul (rhythmic patterns), and
genres in
use in the Ottoman court suite.17 Developing into the Maftirim
reper-
toire, the non-notated compositions confirm performance and
educa-
tional practices in common with Ottoman musical culture. Until
the
twentieth century, oral learning through master-pupil
apprenticeship
relationships (meşk) predominated in the empire, taking place
within
such venues as the palace music school (Enderun), Mevlevi
lodges,
private homes, and later music schools and societies of the early
twen-
tieth century. The well-documented historical employment of
Jewish,

34. Armenian, and Greek Orthodox composers at court suggests
another
avenue for the sharing of such musical practices through active
involve-
ment of Jews in palace culture.
Far from being a static tradition, Ottoman court music changed
and
developed over the centuries, and as it did so participating Jews
and
9Introduction
liturgical practices of Muslims and non-Muslims worshipping in
Sufi
lodges, churches, and synagogues of the empire, including
gatherings
of Maftirim groups. The Ottoman court suite, or fasıl, arose
within a
longtime regional environment of suite forms in the Near East,
Persia,
and North Africa, developing a specific Ottoman style,
distinctive from
Arab and Persian predecessors, by at least the seventeenth
century.
As a chamber music form, the court suite was generally
performed in
intimate settings (palace, homes) by an ensemble of
instrumentalists
and singers, showcasing a series of compositions of distinct
genres in
the same makam. Similar and contrasting, the sacred suite of
Maftirim

35. pieces translated court musical forms into Jewish religious
space
through Hebrew-language pieces performed a capella by a male
choral
ensemble in synagogues on Shabbat.14 This vocal ensemble
presented
original compositions by Jewish composers, as well as
adaptations
from non-Jewish Ottoman pieces with Hebrew poems or
scriptural
passages as lyrics. Historically, Maftirim singers performed one
suite
in one makam before weekly prayer services, and by the
nineteenth
century established a tradition of early morning performances in
Otto-
man cities with significant Jewish populations (Edirne,
Salonika, Izmir,
and Istanbul).
Textual sources point to a measure of interaction between
Jewish
and Mevlevi (“whirling dervish”) musicians, suggesting clear
avenues
of musical contact and confluence. Originating in Konya in the
thir-
teenth century, the Mevlevi gradually became the most
prominent
Muslim Sufi order connected to the sultan and Ottoman ruling
class,
establishing lodges in 1436 in the second Ottoman capital of
Edirne and
in 1494 in the third capital of Constantinople. Developing a
distinctive
musical form, the ayin, to accompany their religious
choreography,

36. the order played a central role in court music culture through
the pres-
ence of Mevlevi musicians at the palace, the significant role of
Mevlevi
lodges in music education, and the further development of the
ayin
as some of the most complex compositions related to Ottoman
court
music. Meetings between Mevlevi and Jewish musicians are
reported
from the early empire in biographical accounts of sixteenth-
century
Edirne religious scholar R. Joseph Caro and composer R.
Avtalyion
ben Mordechai, and in contemporary times in life stories from
Jewish
urban centers. For example, Mevlevi musicians attended
synagogues in
8 Introduction
to categorize descendents of Iberian Jews exiled by the Spanish
Inqui-
sition in the fifteenth century, and currently to define Ladino-
speaking
Ottoman and post-Ottoman worlds. Scholars have also debated
the
utility of “Sephardi” as a broad category of identification in
Jewish his-
tory today.9 Despite the term’s usefulness for a variety of
scholarly foci,
the intercommunal and musical dimension of the present study
begs

37. for language reflecting the ethno-religious breadth and
interactivity of
Ottoman and Turkish music-making, however contentious and
chang-
ing over time. Indeed, this varied, shifting collectivity included
a wide
swath of Jewish individuals, not only so-called Sephardi
composers, for
example, but also Arabic-speaking instrumentalists from
Ottoman Arab
territories, Jewish gramophone entrepreneurs from Eastern
Europe and
Russia, dönme composers from Salonika, and Jewish émigrés
from Nazi
Germany, Austria, and Hungary.10 These Jewish musicians and
busi-
nesspeople also interacted closely with Greeks, Armenians, and
diverse
Muslims straddling the worlds of their coreligionists and the
surround-
ing urban musical spheres. Whereas highlighting the ethno-
religious
distinctiveness of any one of these musicians risks over-
accenting Ot-
toman religious communities or retroactively imposing
contemporary
ethnic boundaries, language reflecting the interactive cultural
realm of
music-making elucidates aspects of individual and communal
identifi-
cations transcending the so-called millet system and at times
opposing
it.11 By speaking of “Ottoman Jews” we can capture the social
and
musical milieu of which musicians were a part, and “Turkish
Jews”

38. follows them into the Republic, reflecting new national
identifications
and citizenship as well as the disjunctions and transitions from
what
might be called their Ottoman culture area.
❊
Let us briefly survey Ottoman court music as the historical
foundation
for the Maftirim repertoire at the core of this cultural history.12
Based
on compelling and well-documented textual analysis by music
histo-
rians,13 the current study investigates the social and urban
contexts of
this historical record. Patronized by the palace and cultivated in
a va-
riety of urban settings over time, Ottoman court music shares
musical
structures—compositional, rhythmic, melodic, poetic—with
historical
University of Texas Press
Politics, Ethnic Identity, and Music in Israel: The Case of the
Moroccan Bakkashot
Author(s): Edwin Seroussi
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Asian Music, Vol. 17, No. 2, Music in the Ethnic
Communities of Israel (Spring -
Summer, 1986), pp. 32-45
Published by: University of Texas Press

39. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/833897 .
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POLITICS, ETHNIC IDENTITY, AND MUSIC IN ISRAEL:
THE CASE OF THE MOROCCAN BAKKASHOT'
by
Edwin Seroussi
A. Z. Idelsohn, considered by many as the father of
Jewish music research, stressed that "the Jewish people
have created a special type of music, which is an
interpretation of its spiritual and social life, [of] its
ideals and emotions" (Idelsohn 1929:429). We can agree
with Idelsohn on this broad statement. At the same time,
we must consider that the Jewish people have changed
radically since Idelsohn's days in almost every aspect of

40. their physical, social, and spiritual existence. The most
dramatic of these changes, besides the Holocaust and the
rise of the American Jewish community, has been the
creation of the State of Israel. The rise of an
independent political entity run by and for a Jewish
majority is an event whose ultimate impact in Jewish
history is still difficult to assess.
To researchers of Jewish culture in general and
Jewish music in particular, the upheaval in the behavior
and values of world Jewry caused by the creation of the
State of Israel indicates that it is time for new concepts
and new theoretical frameworks. If we agree with Blacking
and say that music "reflects the deeper sources and
meanings of social and cultural continuity and change"
(1977:23), then contemporary Jewish music studies can
throw new light on the social and cultural processes set
in motion by the creation of the modern Jewish state.
I think we are inevitably moving toward a dichotomy
between Jewish music studies inside and outside of Israel.
This belief stems from the growing difference in patterns
of behavior and in the world view of Israeli Jews and
those from the Diaspora (see Herman 1970). In Israel,
Jews are experiencing, for the first time in the modern
era, the effects on their lives of governing an
independent political entity. Also, Israeli society is
essentially pluralistic, the result of the direct and
unprecedented confrontation of different Jewish
communities characterized by particular social backgrounds
and by diverse interpretations of Judaism. For these and
for many other reasons, Israel comprises a new social and
existential experience for Jews. As a consequence, the
forces that shape the culture of Israeli Jews, including
their music, are of a different nature from those that
have shaped Jewish culture in other times and lands. In

41. 32
modern Israel Jewish musics and musical cultures are for
the first time in confrontation with other Jewish musics
and musical cultures, rather than those of non-Jewish
groups.
The literature on the problems of modern Israeli
society is as vast as one can imagine. However, a
disproportionate majority of these works is sociological
or socio-anthropological in nature. Aspects of culture,
particularly the expressive arts, are rarely treated in
the literature, as if nothing can be learned from the
understanding of these aspects of human behavior.
Statements like "while the complete assimilation of all
ethnic groups [in Israel] is still a national goal,
cultural uniformity is no longer pursued" (Smooha
1978:236) or "Oriental [Jews] will continue to lose their
most distinctive subcultural attributes . . . while
preserving some of their folk variations (such as food and
music)" (ibid.: 241) are typical. Seldom posed are such
questions as why certain types of cultural expression
change while others do not, what the role of these forms
of cultural expression is in the life of the people, or
how changes in such cultural expressions reflect other
trends in society.
THE BAKKASHOT TRADITION
In this paper I shall attempt to show how, in Israel,
political interests intermingled with the ethnic identity
of a specific Jewish community (the Moroccan) promote and
help to define the context of performance and the symbolic

42. meaning of an old musico-poetic tradition: the singing of
bakkashot. Renewal of content and meaning in traditional
patterns of behavior among non-Western Jewish immigrants
in Israel has already been pointed out by anthropologists
(see especially Deshen and Shokeid 1974). For Moroccan
Israelis renewal has become an essential motivation for
the expressive behavior associated with the singing of
bakkashot, a tradition long predating immigration.
Bakkashot is a paraliturgical event performed after
midnight by Jewish communities around the Mediterranean
Sea. The origins of this tradition go back to the
sixteenth-century Kabbalistic movement led by Rabbi Ishaq
Luria Ashkenazi (the Holy Ar'i) from Safed in northern
Galilee. Following the ideas of the Kabbalah concerning
the occult and the esoteric values of the vigil
('ashmoret) and the power of song and music, a custom of
rising in the middle of the night to pray and praise God
33
with sacred songs of mystical content developed (Scholem
1976:143-45).
This practice, along with other aspects of Lurianic
Kabbalah, spread to Jewish centers in North Africa, Italy,
the Balkans, and Turkey (Fenton 1975). Societies of
rabbis, poets, and singers with names such as Shomrim la-
bogger (watching [or watchers] for the vigil) were
organized during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
The purpose of these societies was to organize special
prayers for night watches and to publish collections of
texts for the vigils. The decline of these societies (and
therefore the decline of the whole tradition) was evident

43. during the nineteenth century. Nevertheless, two of the
most important bakkashot traditions survived to the
twentieth century and still exist in Israel: the Syrian
(Aleppo) and the Moroccan.
Two important characteristics apply to the bakkashot
traditions in their different versions: (1) a large body
of Hebrew sacred poems is composed or compiled from
different sources for these occasions and (2) local "art"
music traditions are adapted by Jews for the singing of
those texts. These characteristics reveal an important
social aspect of the bakkashot: the existence of this
tradition in well-to-do Jewish urban societies. The
conditions for the presence of such societies existed in
geographical locations where Jews enjoyed a relatively
prosperous and stable social life.
Although there is no evidence of the existence of a
bakkashot tradition in Morocco until the mid-nineteenth
century, one can suppose that such events took place there
at least since the early eighteenth century. The Moroccan
Jewry was traditionally immersed in the study and practice
of Kabbalah and produced some of the most renowned rabbis
in that field. Moreover, a large body of Hebrew mystical
poetry was composed in Morocco between the seventeenth and
nineteenth centuries. Considering this fact, one can
assume that gatherings in which Hebrew mystical poetry was
read, studied, and sung did exist.
Today, the Moroccan Jews in Israel perpetuate this
old mystical tradition. In every large or mid-sized city
in Israel, they gather early on Saturday mornings during a
period of twenty weeks between -Shabbat Ber'eshit (at the
end of October) and Shabbat Zakhor (at the end of
February).2 The event takes place in the synagogue. It
starts about 3:00 a.m. and ends around 6:00 a.m., close to

44. the beginning of the morning prayers.
34
The "program" of such gatherings is dictated by a
printed collection of sacred poetry entitled Shir
Yedidot,3 which is owned by almost every participant in
the bakkashot. The book is divided into two sections:
the first part includes prayers and psalms that are
invariably performed at the beginning of each meeting
(Tur-el 1981:85); and the second section consists of
twenty "chapters," each one corresponding to a specific
Saturday.
Each chapter of Shir Yedidot consists of a set of
about twenty piyyutim (sing. piyyut) and various gasa'id
(sing. qasidah). A piyyut is a liturgical poem in
Hebrew. The qasidah is a long poem modeled after an
Arabic poetic form with the same name. The content of
these qasa'id is based on exegetic interpretations of the
biblical passage corresponding to each Shabbat.
The music to which the piyyutim of Shir Yedidot are
sung is derived from the Andalusian music of Morocco, the
"classical" or "art" tradition of Moroccan urban society
(see Chottin 1939:101-33, Al-Fassi 1962, and Schuyler
1978). The poems, corresponding to each Saturday, are
sung to one nubah (in the technical vocabulary of the
Moroccan-Jewish singers in Israel). The nubah is the
largest unit of the Moroccan Andalusian repertoire,
comprising an extended suite which includes instrumental
and vocal compositions. Two principles dominate the
concept of nubah: tba', the modal organization; and
mizan, the rhythmic organization.

45. To comply with the religious ban on instrumental
music inside the synagogue, the performance of bakkashot
is a purely vocal event. Therefore, the concept of tba'
(related to the melodic organization) is more important in
the Jewish repertoire. As a consequence, variety is
achieved through melodic means, notably melodic
modulation. However, in social gatherings held outside
the synagogues during the weekdays, piyyutim from the
bakkashot repertoire combined with piyyutim not included
in Shir Yedidot are performed with instrumental
accompaniment. These social events are not called
"bakkashot," but their musical content is intimately
related to that tradition and the performers are the same
singers that appear in the synagogues. Among the pretexts
for these gatherings are the dedication of a new Torah
scroll, the visit of an important personality and the
beginning of a new month of the Hebrew calendar.
35
The bakkashot are performed by singers called
paytanim (sing. paytan). Paytanim are considered by the
Moroccan Jews in Israel as specialists, and those most
appreciated by the audience are called "professionals."
This select group of "professionals" is invited to
participate in gatherings outside their hometowns and is
rewarded with substantial payments by their sponsors. It
should be stressed, though, that the paytanim consider
their work as singers as a "side job" and that all of them
hold stable jobs.
The relevant features of the bakkashot tradition can
thus be summarized as follows:

46. 1) The bakkashot tradition takes place as a
religious event with a mystical background and
some educational overtones (a rabbi usually
delivers a homily in the intermission of a
bakkashot event).
2) The tradition is deeply engraved in the social
life of Moroccan Jews in large urban centers.
3) Its musical content is considered by performers
and audiences as highly sophisticated; the
singers are specially trained individuals versed
in an intricate musical system as well as in a
large body of liturgical poetry.
4) The tradition survived critical stages in the
social history of Moroccan Jewry, especially
during the twentieth century. These stages
included the advent of the French protectorate in
Morocco, internal mass migration toward big
cities (notably to Casablanca) in the 1930s, and
finally the mass emigration to the State of
Israel in the 1950s and 1960s.
PERSISTENCE AND CHANGE WITHIN THE BAKKASHOT
TRADITION
The endurance of the tradition itself is therefore
the first subject of any inquiry. The question which
confronts us when witnessing not only the survival but the
revival of the Moroccan bakkashot in Israel is: why? Why
is this group interested in ensuring the continuity of
such a tradition after so many other traditional patterns
of behavior are abandoned in the process of integration
into their new society? A related second question

47. concerns the nature of the changes through which this
tradition has passed in order to adapt to the new
circumstances. I believe that investigation of the
processes of change can eventually lead us to clues for
the answer to our first question.
36
From a theoretical viewpoint, one of Blacking's
hypotheses concerning the nature of musical changes
(1977:2-3 and 17-18) seems to be confirmed when analyzing
the Moroccan bakkashot in Israel. In our case, changes in
the social and cultural condition of the group are not
necessarily reflected in the musical material but more in
the context of performance and in the ways singers and
audiences perceive this tradition. I will mention here
only two aspects in the process of contextual change in
the bakkashot that seem to me cardinal to the
understanding of the interaction among politics, ethnic
identity, and this musical event. I refer here to (1)
secularization and (2) change in the symbolic meaning of
this tradition in the eyes of performers and audiences.
By secularization, I define the process of change in
the external behavior of the individual and in the shared
values of a community whose behavior and values were
previously dictated by the laws and customs of Jewish
religion. Secularization is reflected in visible changes
in the performance practice of the event, in the role and
status of the singers in Israel in comparison with
Morocco, and in the behavior of the audiences. For
example, the paytanim today tend to behave more like
"artists" in the Western sense of the word. In general
they care less about religious norms, such as covering the

48. head or driving on Saturdays. Moreover, they are very
aware of the commercial aspects of their craft; the
payments to the most distinguished singers have been
rising consistently in recent years. All these patterns
of behavior contrast with the traditional role of the
paytanim in Morocco.5 There, they were renowned rabbis or
pious individuals concerned more with the religious
aspects of the tradition.
The shift in symbolic meaning can be deduced from the
ways audiences and singers reflect the importance of the
tradition's continuity in Israel in verbal expressions or
in actions. These suggest that in Morocco this tradition
reflected, in the form of a non-normative religious event,
the identity of the Jewish minority in a potentially
hostile non-Jewish environment. In Israel, the bakkashot
is perceived as a cultural event based on paraliturgical
practices that reflect the specific identity of a
Moroccan-Jewish minority in the context of a European-
dominated Jewish society. An example of actions aimed to
ensure the tradition's continuity in Israel is the
creation of previously non-existent frameworks for
training singers, such as organized workshops in community
centers.
37
NEW FUNCTIONS FOR THE BAKKASHOT TRADITION:
MOROCCAN-
ISRAELI POLITICAL IDENTITY AND THE ABUCHATZIRA
CASE
Transformation of the symbolic meaning of the
bakkashot is further suggestive of widespread social and

49. cultural change in Moroccan-Israeli society. I posit that
the concern of the Moroccan Jews with the continuity of
this tradition can be grasped today as a vehicle that
helps to promote the political interests of this
particular community. To illustrate this thesis, I
selected one of many examples from field experience. Some
background concerning the circumstances is necessary in
order fully to understand the case.
The 1977 elections in Israel marked the initiation of
a new period in the political, social, and economic order
of the state. It is important for us here to stress the
political role played by the ethnic identity of the non-
Western Jewish communities in this new period of the
country's history. The cultural policies of the
governments dominated by the Labor Party during the first
twenty years of the state were based on the concept of the
"melting pot," the integration of cultural heritages of
the different immigrant groups into an ideally neutral
Jewish-Zionist cultural matrix (Smooha 1978:252-53).
However, it was evident from the start that such a matrix
was largely based on concepts and values drawn from the
modern industrialized societies of the Western world.
These concepts and values reflected the ideals of the
dominant socio-economic strata of the society formed by
immigrants or descendants of immigrants from Western
countries (Smooha 1978:217).
Immigrants from non-Western countries who moved to
Israel with almost messianic hopes had therefore to adjust
to new norms of behavior, new social values, and new
cultural contexts. The process of adjustment created
complex feelings in which the desire to integrate into the
new Jewish state was mixed with bitterness toward the
authorities because of social injustice and protest over a
growing economic gap between social classes stratified

50. along ethnic lines (Bensimon-Donath 1971:84). The
Moroccan Jews, being the largest and most disadvantaged
among the non-Western communities, fell especially victim
to the social, economic, and cultural crisis caused by
immigration. A pattern of identifying Moroccans with
negative values, such as laziness and violence, began to
emerge among the Israeli middle class of Western descent
(Bar-Yossef 1970) and even within the establishment
(Smooha 1978:87-89).
38
Despite the perception of total ethnic integration as
an ideal norm (Smooha 1978:77-78), the cultural pluralism
of Israeli society became a recognized fact by the
establishment during the 1960s and 1970s. At the same
time, the second generation of non-Western immigrants born
and/or educated in Israel slowly learned how to cope with
the new socio-economic system (even if from a
disadvantaged starting point) and how to channel the
identity crisis of their parents into constructive
patterns of social action. After a period of violent
protests in the early 1970s, non-Western Jews started to
grasp the latent possibilities behind political power,
particularly due to the growing proportion of their votes
vis-A-vis those of the overall population. They realized
that only social, economic, and cultural improvements (the
last being connected with the abolition of the stereotypic
image of the "Oriental") could be achieved on their own
and not through the paternalistic concessions from the
Ashkenazi establishment and would redeem them from past
frustrations. To achieve these improvements, there was
only one alternative: to gain a representative share in
the governmental decision-making mechanism and to have

51. direct access to the state's economic resources. A
challenge of such alternatives produced unprecedented
political activism among the non-Western Jews, notably
among Moroccans during the 1977 election.
The results of the 1977 national election, with the
victory of the right-wing parties for the first time since
the creation of the state, demonstrated these new trends.
The victorious parties openly addressed the ethnic
sentiments of the non-Western public by indirectly
accusing the Labor administration of being the source for
all social and economic injustices and by stressing
nationalistic views that always appealed to that part of
the electorate. The demagogic use of concepts such as
"the ethnic gap" (pa'ar 'adati) during the campaign reflected the
sensitivity of the "ethnic issue" in the
political arena of Israel in 1977. In the aftermath of
the elction, Jews from non-Western communities started to
fill more important governmental posts than before (but
still not in proportion to their percentage of the
population). In the realm of cultural policies, the
creation of the Center for the Integration of the Oriental
Jews' Heritage in Israel as a division of the Ministry of Culture
and Education was a visible sign of the growing
political influence of that segment of the population.
39
In 1979, the specific case that I want to analyze
began to develop. The Minister of Religious Affairs,
Aaron Abuchatzira, a Jew of Moroccan descent, was accused
of mismanagement and corruption during his previous tenure
as mayor of an important city near Tel-Aviv. Suddenly the
case was in the headlines. Insinuations of a plot

52. intended to discredit one of the first Moroccan Jews to
become a cabinet minister in Israel were made by his
supporters. Moreover, the minister belonged to a
prestigious family of renowned rabbis. His great-
grandfather is revered as a saint by Moroccan Jews in
Israel until this day. All these facts added very
emotional arguments to the case. At stake was the honor
and integrity of the largest and most influential among
the non-Western Jewish communities in Israel.
In March 1980, I went to record an "end-of-the-
season" bakkashot party, an event held between the last
Saturday of the bakkashot and Passover in every city where
an active group of singers has met throughout the winter.
These parties are celebrated in rented halls to allow
dining and the use of an instrumental ensemble. Tickets
are sold by the organizers of the event, who take care to
invite the most distinguished group of singers from around
the country. The particular party I am referring to took
place in an important southern city where the overwhelming
majority of the population is of Moroccan origin.
After setting up my equipment, I was informed that
there was the unprogrammed possibility that the accused
minister would come to the party after the Parliament
session in Jerusalem. The atmosphere in the overflowing
hall was tense. The minister indeed arrived about one
hour after the event started and was received in an
enthusiastic manner by the audience, which stood up and
clapped hands rhythmically while chanting his name. After
a series of songs and speeches the minister was invited to
deliver a speech. He showed a personal acquaintance with
some of the singers, whom he greeted by first names. His
speech dealt with only one surprising (for me) issue,
especially considering his political and personal
circumstances at that time. He spoke about the meaning of

53. the bakkashot tradition for the Moroccan Jews in Israel.
He stressed the following points:
1) Two weeks before that evening, Israeli television
(which has only one channel and is controlled by the
government) presented a two-program series on the
bakkashot tradition of the Moroccan Jews. The minister
40
argued that such a program demonstrated that Moroccan-
Jewish cultural values had now been recognized by the
whole of Israeli society. This statement clearly implied
that such values were not widely recognized in earlier
days.
2) He accused the older generation of Moroccans of
being ashamed of their traditions. He stressed that the
older generation hid their traditions because they were
taught to think that such customs were "primitive" and
improper for a modern nation.
3) He pointed out that cultural integration in
Israel cannot be achieved through melting-pot policies,
but only through the formation of a cultural mosaic in
which the best values of each community have been brought
to the fore.
4) He encouraged audience members to bring their
children to social gatherings like the one he was
addressing.
5) Finally, he mentioned that, until the 1970s,

54. Moroccans participated only in the building of the state's
economic infrastructure and in the defense of its borders.
It was now time for them to "collaborate in the
consolidation of the Jewish [emphasis mine] culture of the
state of Israel."
This speech was one of the best examples
demonstrating the awareness of a new symbolic mening for
the bakkashot tradition in Israel. Moreover, in this case
a skilled politician was using this awareness to convey
his ideological stance and to promote personal interests
as well.
THE BAKKASHOT AS MOROCCAN-ISRAELI VALUE
SYSTEM
What is the essence of this new symbolic meaning and
what is the mechanism that allows a politician to address
such a meaning for political gains? I believe that the
Moroccan Jews perceive the bakkashot as a counterpart to
classical European music (and its performance), which they
associate with the high cultural values of the Western
Jews. Thus a parity between both repertories is
suggested, and, by extension, an equal status for the
music of both groups is proposed. "This is our concert
music," a singer once told me.6 This analogy is based on
the artistic value of the Andalusian musical tradition as
reflected in its sophisticated modal and rhythmic
organization and in the length of the performances. Both
characteristics, sophistication and length, are associated
by the Moroccan singers with the European classical
tradition.
41

55. As a consequence of such an evaluation of the music,
the role and status of the Moroccan singers have changed.
Singers and audiences now stress the importance of the
music in the bakkashot more and the role of the texts
less. This trend, which I have labeled secularization, is
also reflected in the increasing commercialization of the
bakkashot repertoire. Songs can now be purchased on
cassettes sold in stands in markets and central bus
stations side by side with recordings of popular music.
The awareness of the importance of the mass media is, in
my opinion, another important element in the process of
secularization and in the forging of a new public image of
the Moroccan as an "educated" individual in the eyes of
other Israelis.
Aaron Abuchatzira discovered that there are potential
political gains in new cultural trends such as the revival
of the bakkashot tradition. Such cultural trends helped
to strengthen the identity and unity of the group that
supported him politically on ethnic grounds. The
reaffirmation of such support was particularly important
for him in a critical moment of his own political career.
Instead of appealing directly for sympathy from the
audience by attacking those who accused him of corruption
or by recalling the divisive ethnic (and therefore
negative from a Jewish-Zionist point of view) background
that his followers attached to such accusations, he chose
to recall the symbolic meaning of the bakkashot. By doing
so, he also reaffirmed, without having to state them
directly, his ideological convictions concerning the
future of Israeli society, i.e., a moderate religious
(this is the inner meaning of the word "Jewish" in his
speech), pluralistic society with equal participation of
all the Jewish communities.

56. Finally, one must, at least in a few words, relate
this contextual analysis of the bakkashot revival to the
music material itself. At the beginning of my study of
this tradition, I was especially interested in the
singers' cognitive concepts of "old" and "new" in the
bakkashot repertoire. They think that the "old style" (to
use their own term) consists of piyyutim sung to
Andalusian melodies belonging to a tradition unknown to
the Moroccan Arabs and therefore less subject to the rules
that regulate the present repertoire of Andalusian music
in Morocco. The "new style," they argue, consists of
piyyutim composed in recent times and sung to well-known
parts of the Andalusian repertoire as performed today by
Arab musicians in Morocco. This "new style" requires more
42
expertise in the subtle melodic and rhythmic structure of
the music. The "new style" is therefore performed by
"professional" paytanim and is preferred in social
gatherings outside the synagogues to enable the necessary
use of instrumental accompaniment.
I mentioned at the beginning of this paper that
changes in the symbolic meaning of the bakkashot are not
particularly reflected in critical changes of musical
content but in contextual changes. However, I may add now
that there is a change in the emphasis of the different
parts of the repertoire. The "new style" is more and more
preferred because it reflects the transformations in the
contextual level. In this latter "style," the music is
more sophisticated (according to singers and audiences)
and thus appeals more to the mass media and to commercial
diffusion.

57. From a broad theoretical perspective, we learn from
this study that symbolic forms of expression - music chief
among them - are an important source for the understanding
of more general patterns of behavior. In Israel, where
almost every mode of expression involves statements
concerning existential issues, for example inter-ethnic
relations or the Jewish nature of the state, the study of
music can help to refine the scholar's perception of
reality in a way that the study of no other mode of human
behavior can do.
University of California,
Los Angeles
NOTES
1. An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the
Annual Meeting of The Society for Ethnomusicology in
Tallahassee, Florida, October 18-23, 1983.
2. On each Shabbat (Saturday) of the Jewish year, a
portion of the Torah is read in the synagogue. This
reading is one of the central events of the Saturday
prayers. Consequently, each Shabbat is named after
the first word of its corresponding Torah reading.
3. Shir Yedidot means "a song of loves" after Psalm
45:1.
43
4. Sociologists have pointed out a general trend of
secularization in Israeli society. See Katz and

58. Gurevitch 1976, for example.
5. Some of these trends, however, were already visible
in Casablanca during the 1940s.
6. In the slang of non-Western Jews, the word konzertim
(literally "concerts"), refers to the whole
repertoire of European classical music and not to the
specific musical form or performance context attached
to that word by Westerners.
REFERENCES CITED
Al-Fassi, Muhammad
1962 "La musique marocaine dite 'musique
andaluse'." Hesperis-Tamada 3 (1):
79-106.
Bar-Yosef, Rivkah
1970 "The Moroccans: Background to the
Problem." S.N. Eisenstadt, Rivkah Bar-
Yosef, and Chaim Adler, eds.,
Integration and Development in Israel.
Jerusalem: Israel University Press.
Pp. 419-28.
Bensimon-Donath, Doris
1971 "Social Integration of North-African
Jews in Israel." Dispersion and Unity
12:68-100.
Blacking, John
1977 "Some Problems of Theory and Method in

59. the Study of Musical Change." Yearbook
of the International Folk Music Council
9:1-26.
Chottin, Alexis
1939 Tableau de la musique marocaine.
Paris: Geuthner.
Deshen, Shlomo and Moshe Shokeid
1974 The Predicament of Homecoming: Cultural
and Social Life of North African
Immigrants in Israel. Ithaca: Cornell
University Press.
44
Fenton, Paul
1975 "Les baqqasot d'orient et d'occident."
Revue des Etudes Juives 134 (1-2):
101-21.
Herman, Simon N.
1970 Israelis and Jews: The Continuity of an
Identity. New York: Random House.
Idelsohn, Abraham Z.
1929 Jewish Music in its Historical
Development. New York: Holt,

60. Rinehart, and Winston.
Katz, Elihu and Michael Gurevitch
1976 The Secularization of Leisure: Culture
and Communication in Israel.
Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press.
Scholem, Gershom
1976 Elements of the Kabbalah and its
Symbolism. Jerusalem: Bialik
Institute. (In Hebrew)
Schuyler, Philip
1978 "Andalusian Music of Morocco." The
World of Music 20 (1): 33-46.
Smooha, Sammy
1978 Israel: Pluralism and Conflict. London
and Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Tur-el (Gilead), Tali
1981 "The Place of Music in the Custom of
the 'Bakkashot' among Moroccan Jews in
Israel." M.A. Thesis, Tel-Aviv
University. (In Hebrew)
45
List the Similarities and Differences between Jewish -

61. Moroccan 'Bakk ashot' and Jewish - Ottoman 'Maftirim'.
Please make a comparison of the similarities and differences
(rather than talking about the 'Bakkashot' separately for one
page and Then about the 'Maftirim' for one page ...) - for
example, you might write something like: "B oth the Bakk a
shot and Maftirim are sung on ... yet the former is sung in the
morning while the latter.
1. You should use ALL 3 sources listed below. If you would
like to add other sources (but NOT instead of the 3 listed
below), you are welcome to do so. If you add additional
sources, include them in your paper's "Works Cited."!
2. Keep the introduction and conclusion concise. Get to the
comparisons quickly.!
3. Not more than TWO 1.5 – spaces pages
4. Cite your sources
References
1. Seroussi, Edwin. "Politics, Ethnic Identity and Music in the
Singing of Bakkashot among Moroccan Jews in Israel" in Asian
Music 17/2 (1986), 32 - 45.
2. Jackson, Maureen. Mixing Musics: Turkish Jewry and The
Urban Landscape of a Sacred Song (Stanford University Press,
2013)
3. Seroussi, Edwin. "The Turkish Maqam in the Musical Culture
of the Ottoman Jews: Sources and Examples", in Israel Studies
in Musicology, Volume 5 (1990) 43 - 68