The bankruptcy of the political system in Brazil results from the bankrupt political model approved in the 1988 Constituent Assembly. The bankruptcy of the political system in Brazil is also manifested in the ethical and moral disruption in the political-institutional plane never seen in the history of Brazil. economic system in Brazil results from the bankruptcy of the neoliberal and antinational economic model implanted since 1990 after provoking a true devastation in the Brazilian economy until the present moment. The bankruptcy of justice in Brazil is manifested mainly in the higher spheres of the Judiciary, which is thus integrated with the mire where the Executive Branch and the Legislative Branch are located. The bankruptcy of the public management model in Brazil is due to the fact that the Brazilian State is inefficient and ineffective due, among other factors, to the lack of integration of the federal, state and municipal governments in the promotion of national, regional and local development.

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THE FAILURE OF THE POLITICAL SYSTEM, OF THE ECONOMIC
SYSTEM, OF THE JUSTICE AND OF THE MODEL OF PUBLIC
MANAGEMENT IN BRAZIL
Fernando Alcoforado *
The bankruptcy of the political system in Brazil results from the failed political model
approved in the 1988 Constituent Assembly. The bankruptcy of the 1988 Constitution is
demonstrated by the fact that current presidentialism has totally failed and generates
political and institutional crises, the political system is contaminated by corruption,
representative democracy in Brazil manifests clear signs of exhaustion not only by
corruption scandals in the Republic's powers, but above all by discouraging popular
participation in government decisions, reducing political activity to mere electoral
processes that repeat themselves periodically in which the people elect their
representatives who, with few exceptions, after the elections begin to defend interests of
economic groups in opposition to the interests of those who elected them.
The bankruptcy of the political system in Brazil also manifests itself in the ethical and
moral disruption in the political-institutional plane never seen in the history of the
country. The growing disbelief of the population with respect to political institutions is
a great mark of our time because most candidates for elected office in Brazil is not
moved by the public interest, that is, to promote political, economic and social changes
for the benefit of the population. The occupation of elective positions in the executive
branch and in parliament is fundamentally a means for most of the elect to render
services to the financiers of their electoral campaigns, to enrich themselves and to
obtain the existing stewardships. The scandals that continually follow in the present
times involving all the powers of the Republic in Brazil are some of the examples that
can be presented demonstrating the bankruptcy of representative democracy in the
country.
The bankruptcy of the economic system in Brazil results from the bankruptcy of the
neoliberal and antinational economic model implanted since 1990 after provoking a true
devastation in the Brazilian economy until the present moment configured in the weak
economic growth, in the existing bottlenecks in the economic and social infrastructure
of the Country, in the deindustrialization of the Brazilian economy, the explosion of the
internal public debt and the denationalization of the Brazilian economy. From 2014, the
devastation in the Brazilian economy continued with the deepening of the recession of
the Brazilian economy, the largest in Brazil's economic history, in the excessive
increase of the internal public debt, in the imbalance of the external accounts, in the
generalized breakdown of companies and also mass unemployment (13 million
unemployed).
The bankruptcy of justice in Brazil is manifested mainly in the higher spheres of the
Judiciary, which is now integrated into the mire where the Executive Branch and the
Legislative Branch are located. The political facts of Brazil's recent history demonstrate
that Brazil's political and legal institutions are crumbling. In the Executive Branch, we
have a President of the Republic totally demoralized by accusations of corruption and
surrounded by ministers, also responsible for crimes of corruption. Meanwhile, in the
Legislative Branch, we have a large part of its parliamentarians, about 100, demoralized
for responding to corruption. In the Judiciary, there are, on the one hand, the existence
of judges such as Sérgio Moro and the Federal Prosecutor's Office, who are engaged in

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a bitter struggle against corruption and, on the other hand, the leniency of the Federal
Supreme Court (STF) and others instances of justice with corruption.
Leniency with corruption by the Federal Supreme Court (STF) is exemplified by
abdicating his constitutional power to keep the corrupt Senator Aécio Neves out of
parliament, by turning into a house arrest of the corrupt Eike Batista in his stay at home
only at night, to keep out of prison the businessmen Jacob Barata Filho and Lélis
Teixeira, accused of crimes of criminal organization, active corruption and laundering
of assets in nocturnal home recollection. Another example is that of TRF-2 (Federal
Court of Appeals-2), which turned into a house arrest that of Vice-Admiral Othon Silva,
former president of Eletronoclear, sentenced to 43 years in military prison, accused of
corruption, money and obstruction of justice, as well as that of the Supreme Electoral
Tribunal (TSE), which acquitted the Dilma / Temer plate accused of corruption in the
2014 presidential elections despite clear evidence of corruption pointed out by the
minister Herman Benjamin. The bankruptcy of justice in Brazil is also manifested in the
crisis of the Brazilian prison system, which houses a large population of prisoners, the
third largest in the world, awaiting a fair trial.
The bankruptcy of the public management model in Brazil is demonstrated by the fact
that the Brazilian State is inefficient and ineffective due, among other factors, to the
lack of integration of federal, state and municipal governments in the promotion of
national, regional and local development. This is one of the main causes of the
administrative debacle of the public sector in Brazil, generating waste, delays in the
execution of works and unbridled corruption. The lack of integration of the various
instances of the Brazilian State is therefore total, causing the action of the public power
to become chaotic as a whole, generating, consequently, diseconomies of all order. It is
unacceptable for federal, state, and municipal government structures to have
unnecessary, overstaffed bodies and superimpose efforts as is still the case today in
many sectors, exhausting the meager resources placed at their disposal. The bankruptcy
of Brazil's public management model also manifests itself in the crisis of the public
security system, whose failure is blatant in the fight against crime in Brazil.
In order to face the bankruptcy of the political system in Brazil, it is necessary to elect
in 2018 a president of the Republic that undertakes to call a new National Constituent
Assembly to reorder the national life in new bases. The new Constituent Assembly
would deliberate on the implantation of a new political system in Brazil that would
contemplate the substitution of the present impracticable presidentialism by the
parliamentarism, the substitution of the bicameral regime for the unicameral, the
institutionalization of the social control of the elect by the people that would have
instruments to initiate processes of cassation of mandates when there are noncompliance
with electoral campaign promises by the candidates and the participation of the
population in government decisions through plebiscite and / or referendum, among
other measures.
In order to face the bankruptcy of the economic system in Brazil, it is necessary to elect
in 2018 a president of the Republic who undertakes to replace the failed neoliberal and
antinational model that privileges international capital for the national development
model that privileges national interests with selective opening of the Brazilian economy
and to elaborate an economic plan that contributes to the resumption of the development
of Brazil that beckons to the population and the productive sectors a perspective of
economic growth recovery. The first measures to combat the current economic

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stagnation would contemplate the financial reorganization of the public sector with the
increase of the public collection with: 1) taxation of the great fortunes with assets
superior to 1 billion Reais that could yield approximately 100 billion Reais per year;
and (2) an increase in the tax on banks and, on the other hand, the reduction of
government spending by: 1) a drastic reduction in the number of ministries and public
agencies and expenditures at all levels of government; and (2) a drastic reduction of the
basic interest rate of the economy (Selic) to reduce the size of public debt and the
burden of paying interest and amortizing public debt. To reduce interest payments and
public debt amortizations, the government needs to renegotiate with creditors the
lengthening of public debt payments.
In order to face the bankruptcy of justice in Brazil, it is necessary to elect in 2018 a
President of the Republic who undertakes to convene a new National Constituent
Assembly to re-order the Judiciary on new bases. The new Constituent Assembly would
decide on the implementation of a new system of justice in Brazil, which would include
the selection and election of ministers of the higher courts of Justice by members of the
Public Prosecutor's Office (promotors), OAB (lawyers) and AMB (judges) and not by
the President of the Republic as it currently does, whose term of office would last for a
maximum of 10 years.
In order to face the bankruptcy of Brazil's public management model, it is necessary to
elect in 2018 a President of the Republic who undertakes to convene a new National
Constituent Assembly to carry out the reform of the State and Public Administration so
that the State to efficiently and effectively carry out its constitutional functions and
reduce its operating costs to minimize the tax burden on taxpayers. Only then will it be
possible to correct the current distortions in order to eliminate waste and reduce public
expenditure to reduce the tax burden for companies and workers. The future capacity of
the Brazilian State to invest in the expansion of the economy and to implement
programs in the social area depends to a great extent on the administrative restructuring
that is processed in it.
* Fernando Alcoforado, 78, member of the Bahian Academy of Education and the Brazilian Academy of
Letters of Rotary - Bahia Section, engineer and doctor in Territorial Planning and Regional Development
by the University of Barcelona, university professor and consultant in the areas of strategic planning,
business planning, regional planning and planning of energy systems, is the author of the books
Globalização (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1997), De Collor a FHC (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 1998), Um
Projeto para o Brasil (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2000), Os Condicionantes de Desenvolvimento do
Estado da Bahia (PhD Thesis, University of Barcelona, http: //www.tesisenred.net/handle/10803/1944,
2003), Globalização e Desenvolvimento (Editora Nobel, São Paulo, 2006), Bahia- Desenvolvimento da
Bahia do Século XVI ao Século XX e Objetivos Estratégicos na Era Contemporânea (EGBA, Salvador,
2008), The Necessary Conditions of the Economic and Social Development- The Case of the State of
Bahia (VDM Verlag Dr. Müller Aktiengesellschaft & Co. KG, Saarbrücken, Germany, 2010),
Aquecimento Global e Catástrofe Planetária (Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São
Paulo, 2010), Amazônia Sustentável- Para o progresso do Brasil e combate ao aquecimento global
(Viena- Editora e Gráfica, Santa Cruz do Rio Pardo, São Paulo, 2011), Os Fatores Condicionantes do
Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2012), Energia no Mundo e no Brasil-
Energia e Mudança Climática Catastrófica no Século XXI (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2015), As Grandes
Revoluções Científicas, Econômicas e Sociais que Mudaram o Mundo (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2016) e A
Invenção de um novo Brasil (Editora CRV, Curitiba, 2017).