539ReportsCultural Cannibalism as a PaleoeconomicSys.docx

539
Reports
Cultural Cannibalism as a Paleoeconomic
System in the European Lower Pleistocene
The Case of Level TD6 of Gran Dolina (Sierra
de Atapuerca, Burgos, Spain)
Eudald Carbonell, Isabel Cáceres, Marina Lozano,
Palmira Saladié, Jordi Rosell, Carlos Lorenzo,
Josep Vallverdú, Rosa Huguet, Antoni Canals, and
José Marı́a Bermúdez de Castro
Institut Català de Paleoecologia Humana i Evolució Social
(IPHES), Unidad Asociada al Consejo Superior de
Investigaciones Cientı́ficas (CSIC). Universitat Rovira I
Virgili (URV), Campus Catalunya, Avinguda de Catalunya,
35, 43002 Tarragona, Spain (Carbonell, Cáceres, Lozano,
Saladié, Rosell, Lorenzo, Vallverdú, Huguet, Canals)
(icaceresprehistoria.urv.cat)/Visiting professor, Institute of
Vertebrate Paleontology and Paleoanthropology of Beijing
(IVPP; Carbonell)/Centro Nacional de Investigación sobre
Evolución Humana (CENIEH), Paseo Sierra de Atapuerca,
s/n, 09t002 Burgos, Spain (Bermúdez de Castro). 19 III 10
Human cannibalism is currently recorded in abundant ar-
chaeological assemblages of different chronologies. The TD6
level of Gran Dolina (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos), at more
than 800 ka, is the oldest case known at present. The analysis
of cranial and postcranial remains of Homo antecessor has

established the presence of various alterations of anthropic
origin (cut marks and bone breakage) related with exploita-
tion of carcasses. The human remains do not show a specific
distribution, and they appeared mixed with lithic tools and
bones of other taxa. Both nonhuman and human remains
show similar evidence of butchering processes. The strati-
graphic evidence and the new increment of the collection of
remains of Homo antecessor have led us to identify a succession
of cannibalism events in a dilated temporal sequence. These
data suggest that hunting strategies and human meat con-
sumption were frequent and habitual actions. The numerous
evidences of cannibalism, the number of individuals, their age
profile, and the archaeostratigraphic distribution suggest that
cannibalism in TD6 was nutritional. This practice, accepted
and included in their social system, is more ancient cultural
cannibalism than has been known until now.
� 2010 by The Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological
Research.
All rights reserved. 0011-3204/2009/4901-0005$10.00 DOI:
10.1086/
653807
Cannibalism is by definition the act of consuming tissues of
individuals of the same species, and it occurs among a wide
variety of living organisms. From an ethological point of view,
there are different mechanisms that determine this behavior.
However, why humans process and consume other humans
is a complex question, and moving away from purely ethologic
causes, the answer may encompass nutritional, economic, cos-
mogonic, social, and political purposes. Because these con-
ditions can sometimes intermingle, cannibalism must be
viewed not as something unitary or simple (Sanday 1986) but
rather as a complex activity that has some temporal conti-
nuity.

Human cannibalism has traditionally given rise to extreme
feelings ranging from fascination to revulsion—attitudes often
caused by ignorance or cultural bias. Denying the anthro-
pophagy is a response to the moral issue. Several scientific
researchers have even taken positions of denial with regard
to its existence (Arens 1979; Bahn 1992; Salas 1921). Can-
nibalism revealed through oral and written sources has led to
paradoxical situations that are explained only by traditions
and customs (Conklin 2001; Sanday 1986). Strictly speaking,
we can infer that a society rejects that which cannot be log-
ically and acceptably explained within its social system, beliefs,
and environment.
Classifying cannibalism from different perspectives has al-
lowed us to combine archaeological cases from a range of
typologies. First, human cannibalism can be considered by
examining the relationship between those who consume and
those who are consumed (Villa 1986; White 1992). Endocan-
nibalism occurs when the consumed individuals are from the
same group as those who consume them. It is usually asso-
ciated with sacred beliefs and matters related to the spiritual
regeneration of the deceased, including respect and honor,
although some argue it was used, for example, for social con-
trol (Kantner 1999). The term exocannibalism refers to the
consumption of individuals outside the group and is related
to expressions of hostility, violence, and contempt and may
indicate a clear predator/prey relationship between the con-
sumers and the consumed. When a group practices both types
of cannibalism, these differences can sometimes be observed
in the treatment of the bodies and bones, although an ar-
chaeological reading is not always possible (Conklin 2001;
Fausto 2007; Sanday 1986).
Second, cannibalism can be classified by means of moti-
vation or function, although sometimes the lack of recogni-
tion of certain behaviors can cause these concepts to be am-

biguous. Nutritional cannibalism refers to the consumption
of human flesh for its taste or nutritional value. With regard
to this type, Terrazas (2007) suggests cannibalism can be prag-
matic, as the objective is to obtain benefits such as nutrients.
Ritual or magical cannibalism is related to religious beliefs.
This type may include sacrificing and consuming individuals
or ingesting the bodies of the dead in funerary rituals. Finally,
survival cannibalism takes place in times of food stress. Al-
540 Current Anthropology Volume 51, Number 4, August 2010
Figure 1. Schematic plan of the TD6 level from south to north.
The test
pit (south area) was excavated in 1994–1995, whereas the
excavations of
the middle and north areas are in progress (2003–2010). A color
version
of this figure is available in the online edition.
though these are the most widely accepted and processed types
of cannibalism found in archaeological sites, there are still
other possible motivations for human cannibalism, such as
using it for medicinal or figurative purposes.
Regardless of how cannibalism is viewed from the outside,
it is usually closely linked to the cultural systems of the groups
that practice it. The term culture comprises the ways of life,
traditions, and beliefs that make up a social system. Canni-
balism within any of these areas becomes a cultural phenom-
enon. The motivations that lead humans to consume con-
specifics are diverse, and the complexity escalates as societies
become increasingly structured and hierarchical. It is precisely
with regard to such groups that cultural cannibalism has been
defined: a practice seen as part of the system of values and

beliefs within a society, usually associated with a symbolic
component (Fausto 2007; Sanday 1986). Archaeological re-
mains cannot always provide answers to these questions be-
cause there may be expressions in the practice of anthropic
cannibalism that are archaeologically unrecognizable.
The archaeological record leaves no doubt about the ex-
istence of such practices among different species within the
genus Homo, from the Pleistocene until recent prehistory in
Europe, starting with Homo antecessor (Fernández-Jalvo et al.
1996, 1999) and including Neanderthals (Defleur et al. 1999;
Rosas et al. 2006) and Homo sapiens during the Upper Pa-
leolithic (Andrews and Fernández-Jalvo 2003) and the Meso-
lithic (Boulestin 1999). In the Neolithic, evidence of canni-
balism at archaeological sites increases quantitatively (Botella
and Alemán 1998; Botella, Alemán, and Jiménez 2000; Villa
et al. 1986a, 1986b). Finally, such practices have recently been
documented in Bronze Age sites on the Iberian Peninsula
(Cáceres, Lozano, and Saladié 2007).
Cannibalism is identified in archaeological contexts
through taphonomic criteria (Cáceres, Lozano, and Saladié
2007; Turner and Turner 1992; Villa et al. 1986b; White 1992).
The oldest example of this behavior currently comes from the
remains recovered from level TD6 of the Gran Dolina site at
the Sierra de Atapuerca (Spain; Fernández-Jalvo et al. 1996,
1999). The remains found there during the first phase of
interventions provide clear evidence of nutritional cannibal-
ism (Fernández-Jalvo et al. 1996, 1999). This kind of can-
nibalism gives rise to two different assumptions: (1) it was a
repetitive behavior over time as part of a culinary tradition;
versus (2), it occurred in response to a time of nutritional
stress, as a specific case of survival cannibalism. Stratigraphic
data along with the taphonomic and zooarchaeological results
presented in this paper suggest that the evidence of canni-

Figure 2. North-south schema at Gran Dolina lithostratigraphic
unit 6
(top right); southern Trinchera stratigraphic unit 6 and bedsets
(Ssp; left).
Left center, microstratigraphy of Gran Dolina bedset 6.2,
located in the
northern face of the sounding pit. Cave morphology
reconstruction: 1 p
hypothetical cave morphology; 2 p observed cave morphology.
A, Gran
Dolina 6.2 bedset; B, microstratigraphical units; C, facies
number; D,
facies description; E, sedimentary process and deposits. Limits:
1 p
abrupt and flat, 2 p scoured surface, 3 p gradual and flat.
Sedimentary
structures and lithologies: 4 p sand and mud, 5 p mud, 6 p
granules
and fine gravels matrix to clast supported, 7 p sand and clay, 8
p
lithoclast and speleothems, 9 p massive, 10 p lamina set, 11 p
grading
and partial alineation, 12 p calcareous coarse gravels and
blocks, 13 p
current marks and paleocurrent orientation, 14 p human
remains. Ped-
ological structures: 15 p prismatic, subangular, and granular
micro-
aggregation; 16 p dusty coatings, coarse infillings, and
intercalation tex-
tural features; 17 p desiccation figures and fissural textural
infillings.

Table 1. Number of identified speci-
mens (NISP) and taxa of level TD6
Taxa NISP
Homo antecessor 165
Eucladoceros giulii 32
Cervus elaphus 8
D. nestii? vallonetensis 18
Cervidae indet. medium size 283
Cervidae indet. small size 91
Cervidae indet. 159
cf. Bison voigtstedtenensis 119
Equus stenonian 59
Stephanorhinus etruscus 45
Sus scrofa 1
Cercopithecidae 2
Mammuthus sp. 1
Canis mosbachensis 17
Vulpes praeglacialis 7
Canidae indet. 1
Ursus dolinensis 9
Crocuta crocuta 3
Lynx sp. 4
Carnivora 15
Total 1,039
Note. indet. p indeterminate.
balism found in level TD6 may be the result of the first
scenario.

Level TD6 of Gran Dolina
The Sierra de Atapuerca is located 14 km east of the city of
Burgos, Spain, and has a maximum altitude of 1,082 m above
sea level. There are several Pleistocene deposits found in this
area, one of which is Gran Dolina. The Gran Dolina cavity
is made up of 11 lithostratigraphic units, all with archaeo-
paleontological records except for TD1, TD2, and TD3, which
are sterile. The lower levels of this site (TDW4, TDW5, TD5,
and TD6) have provided evidence (lithic tools and faunal
remains) of settlement close to a million years ago.
Two phases of excavation of level TD6 of Gran Dolina have
been carried out to date. The first is a biostratigraphic test
pit (9 m2) dug between 1993 and 1997, and the second is a
profiled section of the site with the Railway Trench (13 m2;
fig. 1). In 1994 the biostratigraphic test pit reached the upper
part of level TD6. An unprecedented set of human remains
was recovered in this level, showing clear anthropogenic signs
of processing associated with a significant accumulation of
lithic tools and faunal remains. Different methods of dating
and biostratigraphic studies have established that level TD6
of Gran Dolina was formed during the end of the Lower
Pleistocene (Berger et al. 2008; Falguères et al. 1999; Parés
and Pérez-González 1995, 1999; Pérez-González et al. 2001).
Paleoanthropological studies indicate that the human remains
belong to a new species. Using the ATD6–5 jaw and the teeth
as holotypes, the remains were classified as Homo antecessor
(Bermúdez de Castro et al. 1997). Due to the importance of
the assemblage, the layer was named the Aurora Stratum (Car-
bonell et al. 1999a).
The Aurora Stratum was excavated between 1994 and 1995.
Archaeoestratigraphic and sedimentological studies indicated

the existence of different microstratigraphic units arranged
on a northwest-southeast slope (fig. 2). This phenomenon
suggests some diachrony in the formation of the complex.
However, the diachrony was difficult to quantify because the
vertical resolution of archaeostratigraphic unit 1 is low (Ca-
nals, Vallverdú, and Carbonell 2003). The excavation works
in level TD6 have been underway since 2003. New human
remains, macromammal fossils, and lithic tools have been
recovered in this sector, indicating that these associations of
elements are distributed throughout the surface of the site
(Bermúdez de Castro et al. 2008). Sediment mainly originates
from a gravitational entrance located to the north of Gran
Dolina and forms a smooth northwest-southeast slope. At
approximately squares 15–16, these deposits interdigitate with
those identified in the test pit, and a change of slope occurs.
The magnetic north stratigraphic profile of the level TD6
test pit shows a bed set at least four lithofacies rhythms within
archaeostratigraphic unit 1 (Canals, Vallverdú, and Carbonell
2003; Vallverdú et al. 2001). The microstratigraphic units are
made up of a rhythm of muds and calcarenites with granules
of limestone. This allowed many of the objects recovered
during this excavation phase to be assigned to their respective
lithofacies rhythms or equivalent surfaces. The excavation of
this area has revealed the existence of human remains in each
of these well-stratified sedimentary rhythms and, conse-
quently, the existence of multiple processing events of human
carcasses in Gran Dolina during the formation process of level
TD6.
In level TD6, together with the human fossils we have
recovered fossils of other animals and 845 lithic artifacts made
from flint (Neogene and Cretaceous), quartzite, sandstone,
quartz, and limestone. The diversity of raw materials was the
result of selection behavior because the retouched pieces have
been preferentially made with Cretaceous flint (Carbonell et

al. 1999b). Macromammal species are abundant and 15 dif-
ferent taxa have been identified (tables 1, 2): H. antecessor,
Ursus dolinensis, Canis mosbachensis, Vulpes praeglacialis,
Cro-
cuta crocuta, Lynx sp., Mustela palerminea, Mammuthus sp.,
Equus cf. altidens, Stephanorhinus etruscus, Cervus elaphus,
Eucladoceros giulii, Dama nestii vallonetensis, cf. “Bison voigt-
stedtensis,” and Sus scrofa (Bermúdez de Castro et al. 1997;
Garcı́a 2001; Garcı́a and Arsuaga 1999; van der Made 1998,
1999). Both lithic tools and faunal remains allow us to infer
that the TD6 level represents a camp site (Carbonell et al.
1999b; Dı́ez et al. 1999). The tool manufacturing process took
place inside the cave because all the structural categories pro-
duced during the successive stages of the chaı̊ nes opératoires
are represented. We have recovered cores and flakes derived
from reduction sequences and from retouching artifacts. Also
we have found two sets of refitted artifacts of Neogene flint,
suggesting that their flaking occurred inside the cave. In re-
543
Table 2. Number of identified specimens (NISP) and minimal
number of elements (MNE) grouped for size-weight cate-
gory and Homo antecessor remains
NISP (MNE)
Very large
(+1,000 kg)
Large
(300–1,000 kg)
Medium
(100–300 kg)

Small
(!100 kg)
Homo antecessor
(!100 kg) Indeterminate Total
Antler/corn � (�) 4 (�) 55 (�) 2 (�) � (�) 160 (�) 221 (�)
Skull 2 (2) 20 (2) 58 (5) 62 (5) 21 (3) 12 (�) 175 (16)
Maxillae �(1) 3 (6) 4 (3) � (�) 4 (5) � (�) 11 (15)
Mandible 6 (2) 8 (6) 11 (7) 10 (2) 5 (5) 1 (�) 41 (22)
Maxillae/mandible � (�) 1 (�) 2 (�) � (�) � (�) � (�) 3 (�)
Isolated tooth 13 (�) 71 (�) 52 (�) 15 (�) 24 (�) 31 (�) 206
(�)
Hiodes � (�) 1 (1) � (�) 1 (1) � (�) � (�) 2 (2)
Vertebrae 2 (2) 17 (7) 49 (7) 63 (11) 19 (14) 9 (�) 159 (41)
Clavicle � (�) � (�) � (�) � (�) 3 (�) 1 (�) 3 (3)
Ribs 4 (1) 72 (11) 89 (8) 129 (18) 31 (14) 16 (�) 341 (52)
Coxae 1 (1) 2 (1) 7 (1) 5 (5) 2 (1) 1 (�) 18 (9)
Scapula � (�) 4 (2) 6 (2) 9 (6) 3 (3) 1 (�) 23 (13)
Humerus 1 (1) 12 (6) 34 (7) 9 (2) 3 (3) � (�) 59 (19)
Radius � (�) 19 (4) 26 (7) 14 (7) 2 (2) � (�) 61 (20)
Ulna 2 (1) 6 (1) 8 (3) 4 (4) 2 (2) � (�) 22 (11)
Carpals 1 (1) 9 (9) 1 (1) 6 (6) 5 (5) � (�) 22 (22)
Femur 1 (1) 15 (4) 30 (5) 25 (12) 4 (2) � (�) 75 (24)
Patella � (�) � (�) � (�) 2 (2) 2 (2) � (�) 4 (4)
Tibia � (�) 31 (11) 26 (7) 10 (6) 2 (2) � (�) 69 (26)
Fibula � (�) � (�) 2 (2) � (�) 2 (2) � (�) 4 (4)
Talus � (�) 2 (2) 2 (2) 2 (2) � (�) � (�) 6 (6)
Calcaneus � (�) 2 (2) � (�) � (�) 1 (1) � (�) 3 (3)
Tarsals 1 (1) 1 (1) 4 (4) 3 (3) � (�) � (�) 9 (9)
Metapodial � (�) 44 (12) 42 (12) 27 (10) 6 (5) 3 (�) 122 (39)
Phalanges 1 (1) 15 (10) 13 (13) 19 (17) 24 (18) � (�) 72 (59)
Long bone 1 (�) 181 (�) 461 (�) 186 (�) � (�) 9 (�) 838 (�)
Flat bone 4 (�) 118 (�) 198 (�) 95 (�) � (�) 9 (�) 424 (�)
Articular bone 2 (�) 14 (�) 10 (�) 10 (�) � (�) 3 (�) 39 (�)

Indeterminates 1 (�) 58 (�) 3 (�) 5 (�) � (�) 1,312 (�) 1,379
(�)
Total 43 (15) 730 (98) 1,193 (96) 713 (119) 165 (92) 1,567 (�)
4,411 (419)
Sources. Data from Huguet 2007; Saladié 2009.
lation with the faunal remains, there is evidence of all the
butchering process stages, and so we infer a primary or early
access to carcasses that were obtained by either hunting or
scavenging (Dı́ez et al. 1999).
One of the most outstanding features of H. antecessor is
the primitive morphology of its teeth. This morphology is
similar to that of hominids from Africa 1.8 and 1.4 million
years ago (Bermúdez de Castro et al. 1999, 2001). These hom-
inids also share many of their dental characteristics with Asian
Homo erectus and other African forms at periods a little more
recent than that determined in TD6. The facial morphology
of individual 3 is similar to that of current human popula-
tions, while the frontal bone retains a primitive morphology
(Arsuaga et al. 1999). Other features present in the fossils of
Dolina, such as the high squama temporalis and the presence
of the styloid process, are shared with Neanderthals and Homo
sapiens and, therefore, bring together the three populations
in the same clade. The absence of derived features and the
set of cranial and dental features have led us to propose H.
antecessor as the last common ancestor between the African
lineage that gave rise to our species, H. sapiens, and the lineage
leading to the European Neanderthals of the Upper Pleisto-
cene (Arsuaga et al. 1999; Bermúdez de Castro et al. 1997).
To date 165 remains have been recovered that correspond
to a minimum of 11 individuals of different ages. Specifically,

six individuals have been identified as children, four of which
are 0–4 years old and two of which are between 5 and 9 years
old; two adolescents 10–14 years old; and three young adult
individuals 15–20 years old (Bermúdez de Castro et al. 2006,
2008, 2010). Although the assignment of sex is very problem-
atic with incomplete remains, the size of the mandibular body
enabled us to identify two male individuals (hominids 1 and
10) and a female individual (hominid 7; Bermúdez de Castro
et al. 2008; Carbonell et al. 2005). Human remains recovered
include teeth and cranial and postcranial elements. The ma-
jority of human remains are very fragmented. In fact, there
are no complete cranial elements, and axial wholes are scarce.
Evidence of Cultural Cannibalism in TD6
The analysis of the cranial and postcranial remains of Homo
antecessor has established the presence of several damages of
Figure 3. Examples of human damage on human remains of TD6
of
Gran Dolina. Top left, humerus of an infantile specimen without
evident
human modifications; top right, maxilla that shows a percussion
pit on
the zygomatic process; bottom left, cut marks on the shaft
fragment of
tibia—these incisions are related to defleshing of the corpse;
bottom right,
human rib with incisions on the ventral side of angle.
545

Table 3. Homo antecessor remains with human-induced
modifications
Cut
marks
Percussion
pits
Percussion
impacts
Conchoidal
scars
Adhered
flakes Peeling
NISP %h NISP %h NISP %h NISP %h NISP %h NISP %h
Skull 7 4.2 4 2.4 . . . . . . 4 2.4 1 .6 2 1.2
Mandible 2 1.2 1 .6 . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 .6 5 3.0
Vertebrae 3 1.8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 5.4
Ribs 12 7.2 1 .6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Clavicle 4 2.4 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Scapula 1 .6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Radius 2 1.2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1.2
Ulna 2 1.2 1 .6 1 .6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Coxae 1 .6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 .6 . . . . . .
Femur 4 2.4 2 1.2 1 .6 1 .6 1 .6 . . . . . .
Fibula 1 .6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Tibia 2 1.2 . . . . . . 1 .6 . . . . . . 1 .6 . . . . . .
Metapodial 3 1.8 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 .6
Phalange 4 2.4 1 .6 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 1.2
Total 48 28.7 10 6.0 3 1.8 5 3.0 5 3.0 21 12.6

Note. NISP p number of identified specimens. Percentage (%h)
is estimated number of identified of Homo antecessor specimens
(data from Huguet
2007; Saladié 2009).
anthropic origin (cut marks and bone breakage) related to
the exploitation of carcasses (fig. 3; table 3).
Cut marks (slicing, chop, and scraping marks) on the cra-
nial segment are abundant on the base of the temporal bones,
face, and zygomatic bones: segments with a large amount of
muscular attachments and ligaments. Cut marks found on
the face indicate skinning and defleshing activities. Cranial
fragments also display abundant evidence of breakage (per-
cussion pits and adhered flakes) mainly located on the lower
part of the cranium. The majority of zygomatic bones are
broken in a similar manner to those documented in Native
American cannibalized remains (Turner and Turner 1999;
White 1992) and Neolithic individuals (Fontbrégoua; Villa et
al. 1986a, 1986b).
In the axial segment, ribs, vertebrae, and clavicles exhibit
cut marks and peeling. On the limbs we found cut marks and
bone breakage by percussion and bending. Phalanges and
metapodials are smashed, indicating intensive exploitation of
human remains (Saladié 2009).
Human remains do not display any specific distribution in
level TD6; they appear mixed with bones of other animals
and lithic tools. The taphonomic analysis shows that the way
in which human bodies were processed is similar to the way
in which faunal remains were. All surface bone damage on
these human and nonhuman remains is of anthropic origin.
Cut marks, peeling, and percussion marks show that the
corpses of these individuals were processed in keeping with

the mimetic mode used with other mammal carcasses: skin-
ning, defleshing, dismembering, evisceration, and periosteum
and marrow extraction. The butchery techniques exhibited in
TD6 show the primordial intention of obtaining meat and
marrow and maximally exploiting nutrients. Once consumed,
human and nonhuman remains were dumped, mixing them
together with lithic tools.
These practices were conducted by H. antecessor, who in-
habited in Europe 1 million years ago. Significantly, there is
no conclusive evidence about another human species inhab-
iting Europe at this time (Muttoni et al. 2009); thus, we
consider that the same species is responsible for the human
consumption and assert that the TD6 level has evidence of
cannibalism. Homo antecessor, with a cranial capacity of 1,000
c3, was able to choose raw materials based on specific knap-
ping objectives. This behavior demonstrates the relative degree
of complexity in the production of lithic tools of evolved
mode 1 (Carbonell et al. 1999b; Rodrı́guez 2004). Zooar-
chaeological analyses show that humans had primary and
immediate access to the majority of the taxa represented at
the site, reflecting some degree of social cohesion within these
human groups (Huguet 2007; Rosell 2001). The prey selection
and the primary or early access to the carcasses in direct
competition with other predators indicate a certain level of
organization inside these human groups. A group cohesion
is required for obtaining resources to guarantee a strategical
success and the survival of the group. Necessarily, a level of
behavioral complexity is present among these human groups.
This complexity allows using the cannibalism in response to
resources competition with other human groups; thus, these
hominids would have been able to establish the consumption
of other hominids as a useful behavior within their paleoeco-
nomical system.

The skeletal representation discovered at the site suggests
that humans were completely processed inside the cave, so
the hominids had primary access to the corpses. Other small-
sized animals (!100 kg) were processed in the same way (Dı́ez
Table 4. Number of remains with cut marks, localization,
morphology, and activity attached by elements and size-weight
category and Homo antecessor
Element, size-weight category No. CM Location CM-m Activity
Skull:
Large 1 Zygomatic process Sl Sk
Medium 4 Occipital and parietals Sl Sk
Small 3 Nassal and endocranial bones Sl Sk
Homo antecessor 6 Temporal and zygomatic process Sl Sk � Df
Maxillae:
Medium 1 Above molars Sl Sk
Homo antecessor 1 Below orbital bone Sl/Sc Df
Mandible:
Very large 2 Below molars Sl Df
Large 1 Below molars/premolars Sl Df
Medium 2 Ascending ramus, lateral side Sl Sk � Da
Small 1 Ascending ramus and notch, lateral side Sl Da
Homo antecessor 2 Below molars and ascending ramus Sl Df
Vertebrae:
Very large 2 Above articular facets and transverse processes Sl
Df � Da
Large 2 Spinous process Sl Df
Medium 6 Laminae, spinous process, and above articular facets
Sl Df � Da

Small 1 Laminae Sl Df
Homo antecessor 5 Laminae, spinous process, and above
articular facets Sl Df � Da
Clavicle:
Homo antecessor 3 Shaft and ends Sl/Sc Df � Da
Ribs:
Very large 2 Angle and shaft, external side Sl/Sc Df � Da
Large 24 Neck and shaft, ventral and external sides Sl Df � Da
� Ev
Medium 20 Neck and shaft, ventral and external sides Sl Df �
Da � Ev
Small 12 Shaft, ventral and external sides Sl Df � Ev
Homo antecessor 12 Neck and shaft, ventral and external sides
Sl Df � Da � Ev
Coxae:
Medium 1 Inferior edge of ilium Sl/Sc Df
Small 1 Inferior edge of ilium Sl Df
Homo antecessor 1 Edge of acetabular fossa Sl Da
Scapula:
Large 2 Neck, borders, and ventral surface Sl Df � Dm
Small 2 Neck, and dorsal and ventral surfaces Sl Df � Dm
Homo antecessor 1 Neck Sl Dm
Humerus:
Large 7 Medial and distal shaft; anterior, lateral, and medial
sides Sl Df
Medium 15 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, all sides Sl/Sc Df
� Da � Pr
Small 5 Medial and distal shaft; posterior, lateral, and medial
sides Sl Df � Da
Homo antecessor 1 Medial and distal shaft, anterior and
posterior sides Sl Df

Radius:
Large 7 Medial and distal shaft, some sides Sl/Sc Df
Medium 9 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, all sides Sl Df �
Da
Small 5 Medial and distal shaft; anterior, lateral, and medial
sides Sl/Sc Df � Da
Homo antecessor 2 Distal shaft, anterior and posterior sides
Sl/S/Ch Df � Da � Pr
Ulna:
Very large 2 Trochlear notch Sl/Sc Da
Large 1 Medial shaft, posterior side Sl Df
Medium 2 Medial shaft and distal end, posterior side Sl Da or
Sk
Homo antecessor 1 Medial and distal shaft, posterior side Sl/Sc
Df � Pr
Femur:
Very large 1 Distal shaft, posterior side Sl/Sc Df
Large 6 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, and proximal end;
poste-
rior, lateral, and medial sides
Sl Df � Da
Medium 9 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, all sides Sl Df
Small 6 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, and proximal end;
poste-
rior, lateral, and medial sides
Sl Df
Homo antecessor 4 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, all sides
Sl/Sc Df � Pr

Tibia:
Large 13 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, all sides Sl Df
Medium 9 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, all sides Sl Df /Da
or Sk
547
Table 4 (Continued)
Element, size-weight category No. CM Location CM-m Activity
Small 3 Proximal and medial shaft and proximal end; posterior,
lateral, and medial sides
Sl Df
Homo antecessor 2 Distal side, anterior side Sl Df
Fibula:
Medium 1 Medial shaft, lateral side Sl Df
Homo antecessor 1 Proximal shaft, lateral side Sl Df
Hamate:
Medium 1 Lateral side Sl Sk
Sesamoid:
Medium 1 Lateral side Ch Sk
Metapodials:
Large 12 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, all sides Sl Sk � Df
Medium 6 Medial and distal shaft, all sides Sl/Ch Sk � Df
Small 3 Proximal and medial, lateral and medial sides Sl Sk
Homo antecessor 3 Medial shaft, lateral side and proximal end,

anterior side Sl Df � Da
Phalanges:
Large 3 Proximal shaft and end, anterior side Sl Sk
Medium 2 Shaft medial, anterior side Sl Sk
Small 3 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, anterior and palmar
sides Sl Sk or Da
Homo antecessor 4 Proximal, medial, and distal shaft, anterior
and palmar sides Sl Tr or Df
Note. CM p number of cut marks, CM-m p cut mark
morphology, Sl p slicing marks, Sc p scraping marks, and Ch p
chop marks. Activity:
Skp skinning, Df p defleshing, Da p disarticulation, Dm p
dismembering, Ev p viscera removed, Pr p periostium removed,
and Tr p tendon
removed. Data from Saladié 2009.
et al. 1999; table 4). These data suggest that they practiced
gastronomic cannibalism (Carbonell et al. 2006; Fernández-
Jalvo et al. 1999). Today, new stratigraphic evidence and an
increased number of H. antecessor remains have led us to
support the previous hypothesis (Fernández-Jalvo et al. 1999).
A wide variety of species from different size categories and
individuals of different ages were found along with the H.
antecessor remains in TD6. In this regard it is important to
consider data from paleoclimatic and paleoenvironmental
analyses, which found that the environment of TD6 would
have consisted of a temperate climate with a landscape similar
to that of a present-day holartic forest with a large potential
pool of resources (Burjachs 2002; Cuenca-Bescós, Laplana,
and Canudo 1999; Garcı́a Antón 1998; Rodrı́guez 1997). We
could rule out a situation of nutritional stress, because the
TD6 hominids had a high diversity of vegetal and animal
resources available, and they could perform raising strategies
to exploit preys of different sizes. Cannibalism in TD6 cannot

have been an isolated event because it has been documented
in different archeostratigraphic units (fig. 2). Sedimentary
characteristics have allowed us to identify a succession of
events in a dilated temporal sequence (Canals, Vallverdú, and
Carbonell 2003). Human fossils with evidence of consump-
tion by other humans have been discovered in all archeo-
stratigraphic units. It is important to point out that we have
excavated only a small area of the total surface of level TD6.
During future fieldwork seasons we expect to find new human
remains and further evidence of cannibalism.
The abundant evidence of cannibalism, the number of in-
dividuals, their age profile, and the archeostratigraphic dis-
tribution suggest that the motive for cannibalism in level TD6
was nutritional. Evidence shows that these hominids had pri-
mary and immediate access to the corpses of other hominids
because the anatomical segments providing the most amounts
of meat were those consumed. The same primary and im-
mediate access to other mammals has been detected in those
brought into the cave by the hominids. The exploitation se-
quence rules out the scavenging of corpses abandoned by
carnivores because the carnivore toothmarks found on these
remains were always made after anthropic activity (Dı́ez et
al. 1999; Fernández-Jalvo et al. 1999; Huguet 2007; Rosell
2001; Saladié 2009).
A relationship between who ate and who was eaten has been
established that is similar to the hunter-versus-prey relation-
ship. We are looking at hunting strategies to obtain and con-
sume human meat as a frequent and habitual action, making
H. antecessor the most numerous species (according to the
minimum number of individuals) in this association.
In TD6, cannibalism has been included as a subsistence
strategy of H. antecessor. This strategy was incorporated as

successul behavior against another group to compete for re-
sources and territories. The cannibalistic behavior was valu-
able for the species, and it was transmitted between genera-
tions because we can observe cyclic episodes of cannibalism
in the different sublevels of TD6. Such strategies can be related
to the competition between different human groups for ter-
ritorial resources. When faced with a competitive situation,
hunter-gatherer groups create more complex strategies (Win-
terhalder and Smith 2000). The cannibalism documented in
TD6 exhibits this type of response; it is cultural cannibalism
with a functional purpose. This type of cannibalism would
have reaped a double benefit. On the one hand it served a
dietary purpose, while on the other it would have proved
useful in defending the group’s territory from other human
groups. Anthropophagy was practiced for a long period of
time during which humans of one group consumed those of
another. The represented ages of H. antecessor (infants and
juveniles) suggest that individuals that would have posed a
lower risk for hunters and that would have been effective in
the strategy of controlling competitors were sought out. The
pyramid of mortality suggests exocannibalism as H. antecessor
would have been limiting the reproductive capabilities of the
competitor group.
So, anthropophagy was an integral part of the way of life
of these hunter-gatherers. The goal of these people would
have been to obtain meat from a broad taxonomical variety
of resources; H. antecessor would have been included among
those resources. This drift from simple ethological activities
to the cannibalistic behavior of the H. antecessor species would
have been closely related to their subsistence system. These

societies would have had some degree of socio-structural com-
plexity. Cannibalism would have been integrated into their
cultural context as a response to a variety of different possible
situations.
In conclusion, about 1 million years ago, the hominids of
level TD6 added cannibalism to their set of survival strategies
as a way of competing with other human groups for available
resources. This practice, accepted and included in their social
system, is the oldest example of cultural cannibalism known
to date. Over time, this behavior would take on more com-
plexity and assume abstract and symbolic concepts lacking in
the TD6 record.
Acknowledgments
We are deeply grateful to the Atapuerca research team, the
fieldwork participants, and to J. L. Arsuaga, codirector of the
Atapuerca Project. We thank the editor and two anonymous
reviewers for their comments on the manuscript that have
greatly improved the final version. The Ministerio de Ciencia
y Investigación (project CGL2006-13532-C03) and General-
itat de Catalunya (SGR 2009-324, SGR 2009-188) supported
this research. Funding for the fieldwork came from Consejerı́a
de Cultura y Turismo of the Junta de Castilla y León and
Fundación Atapuerca. Palmira Saladié had received a grant
from Fundación Duques de Soria-Fundación Atapuerca, and
Rosa Huguet received a grant from Fundación Atapuerca.
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Here are links to the required readings for CRJS 3003

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Learning Resources
Please read and view (where applicable) the following Learning
Resources before you complete this week's assignments.
Readings
· Course Text: Policing America: Challenges and Best Practices
. Chapter 12, "Pursuing Criminal Syndicates: Terrorists, the
Mob, Gangs, Drug Traffickers"
. Chapter 13, "Addressing 'People Problems': Immigrants, Youth
Crimes, Hate Crimes, and the Homeless"
. Chapter 14, "Technology Review: Tools for the Tasks"
· Article:Jones, B. R. (2007). Virtual neighborhood watch: Open
source software and community policing against cybercrime.
Journal of Criminal Law & Criminology, 97(2), 601-629
· Article:Wells, M., Finkelhor, D., Wolak, J., & Mitchell, K. J.
(2007). Defining child pornography: Law enforcement dilemmas
in investigations of internet child pornography possession.
Police Practice & Research, 8(3), 269-282.
· Article:O'Connell, P. E. (2008). The chess master's game: A
model for incorporating local police agencies in the fight
against global terrorism. Policing, 31(3), 456–465.

Use the ProQuest Central database, and search using the
article's title.
· Article:Wall, D. S. (2007). Policing cybercrimes: Situating the
public police in networks of security within cyberspace. Police
Practice and Research, 8(2), 183–205.
Use the Academic Search Complete database, and search using
the article's title.
· Article: Marino, R. (2003). Terror in cyberspace. Retrieved
from http://www.crime-
research.org/news/2003/12/Mess2702.html
Websites
· Chicago Police Department. (n.d.). CLEARMAP: Crime
incidents. Retrieved January 28, 2010,
from http://gis.chicagopolice.org/CLEARMap/startPage.htm
This site provides detailed information regarding crime in the
city of Chicago, including the photos of known sex offenders.
· Murder: New York City. (2009, November 3). The New York
Times. Retrieved
fromhttp://projects.nytimes.com/crime/homicides/map
This site demonstrates how technology allows researchers to
filter homicide statistics based on the demographics of the
perpetrators, the victims, or both.
· Los Angeles Police Department. (n.d.). LAPD crime maps.
Retrieved January 28, 2010,
fromhttp://www.lapdcrimemaps.org/

· The sites listed above demonstrates how technology connects
the site user directly to the specific police station responsible
for policing an address.
Video
· The video provides an overview of the Internet Crime
Complaint Center (IC3), detailing some of the latest
technologies the police are using to track criminals who use the
Internet to commit theft and fraud.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. (Producer). (n.d). Tracking a
web of criminals [Video]. Retrieved Retrieved May 1, 2013
from http://www.fbi.gov/news/videos/tracking-a-web-of-
criminals
Book Reference
Peak, K. J. (2015). Policing America: Challenges and Best
Practices (8th ed). Upper Saddle
River, NJ: Pearson Education, Inc.
/
(Courtesy Lisa F. Young!Shutterstock.)
13 Addressing "People Problems"
Immigrants, Youth Crimes, Hate Crimes, the
Mentally Ill, and Homeless

LEARNING OBJECTIVES
As a result of reading this chapter, the student will be able to :
0 Explain several issues-political, economic, and social-that
underlie
immigration and border security
f) Explain what measures some state and local units of
government are
adopting to attempt to reduce the number of undocumented
immigrants
residing in their jurisdictions
8 Delineate some new police methods for controlling illegal
border crossings
0 Explain the nature and extent of youth crime and violence
341
T
0 Describe how the police are addressing selected problems
involving
youth, such as school violence, and gun violence
0 Discuss the problems with determining the actual numbers of
hate crimes,
how such crimes differ from other crimes, and some potential
responses to
the problem
f) Describe the social factors that contribute to mental illness
and

homelessness, and what police are doing to assist those who live
on
the streets
Introduction
This chapter continues with our "extraordinary problems" theme
established in Chapter 12 with
selected problematical types of offender groups . Whereas
Chapter 12 looked at organized. syndicated
crime groups, this chapter concerns more individualized
offenders who confront the police (although the
argument could be made that some of these individuals are in
fact organized in their criminal activities;
in fact, some problems discussed in this chapter, such as illegal
immigration and youth violence, can
and do evolve into problems that are gang- or drug-oriented in
nature) .
Put another way, a common thread running through the types of
offenders who are discussed in this
chapter-undocumented immigrants who wish to live in the
United States or to maintain cross-
international criminal activities, violent and disorderly youth,
persons who perpetrate crimes because
of their hatred for others, and those who are homeless-is that
each poses unique challenges for the
police, who are often compelled to utilize some unique practices
in order to deal with them.
This chapter begins with an examination of what might be

viewed as the dual problem of illegal immi-
gration and border security. Included is a review of several
rationales that underlie the immigration
problem; also included is a discussion of several federal and
state laws, methods (e.g , the Southwestern
fence) , and technologies that attempt to address the problem.
Next we examine crime from the perspective of youth; it has
long been said by people working in
criminal justice that "Crime is a young person's game," and
certainly that holds true; we examine youth
crime and violence from several vantage points , including
guns, disorderly conduct, and the problem of
underage drinking. Following that we look at another
increasingly serious matter: crimes committed by
individuals who are motivated out of hate; we also consider
some police hate-crime initiatives involving
enforcement and prevention. Then we review the problems of
mental illness and homelessness, includ-
ing the nature and extent of the problems; as with the preceding
topics , we also look at some police
"best practices" for helping these individuals.
The chapter concludes with a summary, key terms, review
questions, and several scenarios and activi-
ties that provide opportunities for you to learn by doing .

..,... Policing U.S. Borders
Extent and Rationales
There are an estimated 11 .5 million illegal immigrants residing
in the United States. 1 The
annual influx of unauthorized immigrants into the United States
began to decline in 2007
and even stabilized during 2012, given tougher state
immigration laws, fewer available
domestic jobs, greater levels of border enforcement, and
improved social conditions as well
as changing demographics (i.e. , lower fertility rates) in
Mexico.2
CHAPTER 13 Addressing "People Problems" 342
'f'
The status and numbers of persons now living in the United
States illegally could change
dramatically if pending legislation is fully implemented,
however. A bill, originally called
the Development, Relief and Education for Alien Minors Act
(the "DREAM Act") was first
introduced in Congress in 2001, but has failed to pass since;
however, it is expected to be re-
introduced by both Houses of Congress in 2013.3 An estimated
1.8 million immigrants could
be affected in the United States who are, or could become
eligible for citizenship. Current
versions of the legislation would offer a two-year, renewable
reprieve from deportation to
unauthorized immigrants who: are below the age of thirty-one;
entered the United States
prior to age sixteen and have lived here continuously for at least

five years; have not been con-
victed of a felony or "significant" misdemeanor, or three other
misdemeanors; and are either
now in school, have graduated from high school, earned a GED,
or served in the military.4
The reasons for persons wishing to immigrate to the United
States are varied.
Historically, however, income and lifestyle stand at the root of
the matter: Many people,
like those persons attempting to cross the Southwest border
from Mexico, want to relocate
here primarily in order to live a productive and more
comfortable life. The difference in per
capita income between the United States and Mexico is
staggering, and until the Mexican
economy can become even moderately robust, people will
attempt to breach borders and
barriers in order to enter the United States. As David Von
Drehle stated, "Given the historic
ties, family ties, and economic ties connecting the two
countries, the long-term solution to
border security is a robust Mexican economY:'5 Other
motivations for immigrating to the
United States include: to escape persecution and corrupt
governments, to join their fami-
lies, and to provide better education for their children.
Unfortunately, however, history has
shown there are also those persons who would cross U.S.
borders in order to plan, facilitate,
and commit terrorist acts on U.S. soil.
Issues, Crime-and a Fence
A number of long-standing social and economic questions
remain in the minds of many
American citizens concerning immigration and border security:

Do illegal immigrants
A Ille gal immigrants are placed in holding facilities by
Customs and Border Protection agents
before they are returned to Mexico. (Courtesy U.S. Customs and
Border Protection.)
CHAPTER 13 Addressing "People Problems" 343 ...
commit a disproportionately high number of crimes? Do they
take jobs and money away
from American citizens and reduce wages? Are U.S. local
school districts overtaxed by the
needs of immigrant children? Do undocumented immigrants in
emergency rooms who
are uninsured drive up the costs of premiums for the insured?6
The latter three questions-if answerable at all-can be addressed
by economists or
related federal agencies and are beyond the reach of this chapter
section. However, the
first question was recently considered by the Congressional
Research Service, which
looked at arrests of illegal and criminal immigrants for a three-
year period and deter-
mined that criminality by immigrants is not insignificant: These
arrests involved 159,286
individuals and 205,101 arrests. About 26,412 (17 percent) of
the database's illegal and
criminal immigrants had been detained for some crime and were
then released from
custody-and later accounted for a total of 42,827 arrests and
57,763 alleged violations.

Of these arrests, about 8,500 (14.6 percent) were for driving
under the influence, 6,000
(10.9 percent) were for drug violations, 4,000 (7.1 percent)
involved major crimes (i.e.,
murder, assault, battery, rape, and kidnapping), and about 1,000
(2.1 percent) were for
other violent offenses (including carjacking, child cruelty, child
molestation, domestic
abuse, lynching, stalking, and torture). Also included were 59
murders, 21 attempted
murders, and 542 sex crimes?
Protecting the nation's 7,000 miles of borders is also a highly-
charged-and expensive-
political issue. President George W. Bush signed into law the
Secure Fence Act of 2006,
which allocated $1.2 billion for a "double-layer:' nearly 650-
mile system of physical bar-
riers between the United States and Mexico, including 299 miles
of vehicle barriers, 350
miles of pedestrian fencing, checkpoints, lighting, cameras,
satellites, and unmanned aerial
vehicles along the southwestern border in areas of California,
Arizona, New Mexico, and
Texas, where more than 95 percent of all border crossings
occur.8 Then, in June 2013, an
immigration reform bill was passed by the U.S. Senate and sent
to the House that would
deploy 20,000 additional border agents and complete the 700-
mile border fence, while also
addressing other related issues.9
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A Vehicles at the border. One is parked under an improvised
fence to protect the agent from rocks thrown from the Mexican
side of the border; the other got stuck while its driver attempted
to drive over a 14'1 fence . (Courtesy U.S. Customs and Border
Protection
(left); AP Photo/U. S. Customs and Border Protection (right)).
T
State Immigration Legislation-and a Supreme
Court Decision
Several state and local lawmakers, frustrated with this influx of
illegal immigrants and the
federal government's lack of success in dealing with it, have
sought to check the problem by
limiting their opportunities to get work, housing, and driver's

licenses. In 2008, more than
200 state laws were enacted relating to immigration, the
majority of which clamped down
on illegal immigrants and their employers,10 and during the
first quarter of 2011, more
than 1,500 immigration-related bills were introduced in the
states, most of which dealt
with employment, identification/ driver's licenses and law
enforcement. 11
Then in April2010, the Arizona legislature enacted Senate
Bill1070 (Support Our Law
Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act)-the toughest
immigration enforcement law
ever-which:
Made it a violation of state law to be in the country illegally,
and requiring immigrants
to have proof of their immigration status; violations are
punishable by up to six months
in jail and a $2,500 fine; repeat offenses become a felony.
Required police officers to "make a reasonable attempt" to
determine the immigration
status of a person if "reasonable suspicion" exists that he or she
is an illegal immigrant
(race, color, or national origin cannot be the only elements to be
considered in initiat-
ing such a determination) .
Allowed local or state government agencies to be sued if having
policies that hinder
enforcement of immigration laws.
Made it a crime to stop one's vehicle on a road to offer
employment to illegal immi-

grants as day laborers. 12
In June 2012, however, the U.S. Supreme Court13 voted 5-3 to
strike down most of the
law and essentially upheld the federal government's authority to
set immigration policy and
laws. One provision of the law that was allowed to stand by the
Court's decision-and its
most controversial-is one that allows police to check a person's
immigration status while
enforcing other laws if "reasonable suspicion" exists that the
person is in the United States
illegally. This provision-dubbed by opponents as the "show me
your papers" or "papers
please" law-has long been condemned by critics of the law that
it opens the door to racial
profiling.
Arizona's police chiefs and county sheriffs were quick to find
problems with the
administration of the Court's ruling-particularly the "show me
your papers" clause. They
wonder how long must officers wait for federal authorities to
respond when they encounter
someone illegal- especially given President Obama's new policy
to only deport danger-
ous criminals and repeat offenders. (If federal agents decline to
pick up immigrants, the
state has no means of forcing federal authorities to pick them
up, and will likely have to
release them unless they're suspected of committing a crime that
would require them to
be put in jail.) If they release a person too soon, are they
exposing themselves to a lawsuit
from residents who accuse them of failing to enforce the law?
How do they avoid being

sued for racial profiling? What justifies reasonable suspicion
that someone is in the coun-
try illegally? Until such questions are answered, the Court's
decision will certainly make
enforcement of the law challenging. 14
States' Reactions in the Aftermath
The Supreme Court's 2012 decision in the Arizona case end this
trend: Frustrated with the
federal government's failure to secure the southern border, in
early 2013 dozens of state
lawmakers throughout the nation had begun drafting measures
designed to address illegal
T
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immigration, including at least six states that planned to
introduce bills similar to Arizona's,
and others that intended to limit access to public benefits for
undocumented immigrants
and to punish employers who hire them. Oklahoma initiated a
plan to enact a law allowing
authorities to seize and keep the vehicle of anyone who harbors
an illegal immigrant and
Missouri, Mississippi, and Nebraska are among the states where
legislators will offer bills
similar to Arizona. In several other states, lawmakers plan to
push for laws that require
employers to verify the immigration status of their workers.
Newly elected governors in
Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida vowed to enact tough
immigration control laws dur-
ing their high-profile campaigns, and Georgia's governor-elect
(Nathan Deal) also wants
to revoke birthright U.S. citizenship for children born to illegal
immigrants. Commonly
known as anchor babies, the number of children born to
undocumented immigrants has
nearly doubled to 4 million in the last few years and U.S.
taxpayers spend tens of billions of
dollars annually just to educate them.15
Police Responses
Training As illegal immigration has increased over the past
thirty years, so have state,
local, and tribal law enforcement officer encounters with illegal
immigrants during routine
police duties. Furthermore, the Supreme Court's decision
concerning the aforementioned

Arizona law made immigration enforcement an even more
challenging legal arena for the
police and triggered the need for formal training to ensure fair
and just enforcement of
immigration laws. One response to these demands was the
federal Office of Community
Oriented Policing Services (COPS) providing funding in 2007
for a private corporation
and a public university to develop and implement a pilot web-
based Basic Immigration
Enforcement Training (BIET) program, which is offered at a
nominal charge through a
private web-based provider. The BIET program was designed to
respond to that need by
addressing topics such as the following: 16
Identifying false identification. Federal law prohibits the
production "without
lawful authority an identification document or a false
identification document:'
Technologies now allow counterfeiters to make false documents
look absolutely
legitimate- to include the state hologram, watermarks, even bar
codes. The police
dilemma is daunting: How can they keep citizens safe if they do
not know the true
identity of the people they arrest? Some federal, state, and local
authorities have devel-
oped a plan whereby each person who is arrested is
fingerprinted, and within thirty
minutes the local police receive a reply on their fingerprint
apparatus giving them
the identity of the person arrested (if they have been charged
before). If that person
is an illegal immigrant, the ICE agents will give them a call,
interview the immigrant,

detain them as necessary and, ultimately, if warranted, the
immigrant will be deported.
Fortunately, local law enforcement officers also have
technology to authenticate pass-
ports, driver's licenses, and ID cards, and validate employee and
visitor identification.
Consular notification: If foreign nationals in the United States
are arrested or detained,
officers must inform them that they can notify their country's
embassy or consulate, and
embassy or consulate officials must be allowed access upon
request. In some cases, officers
must notify the foreign embassy regardless of the individual's
wishes. Notification is also
required when a foreign national dies or is involved in an
airplane crash or shipwreck, or
a guardian is appointed for a foreign national who is a minor or
an incompetent adult.
Nonimmigrant visas: International visitors wishing to visit the
United States
temporarily for purposes of business, work, tourism, or study
have to obtain nonim-
migrant visas. These visas are effective for a limited time- from
six months to several
years- and can be extended. Most nonimmigrants can be
accompanied or joined by
spouses and unmarried minor (or dependent) children.
•

Differences between immigrant and nonimmigrant status. An
immigrant alien (also
known as a Lawful Permanent Resident [LPR]) is one who has
been granted the right
by the U.S. Customs and Immigration Service to reside
permanently in the United
States and to work without restrictions. Such immigrants are
issued a "green card"
(USCIS Form I-551), which is evidence of their LPR status. A
nonimmigrant is an
alien who has the right to reside temporarily in the United
States. Such persons (e.g.,
a foreign student) may enter the country on an F-1 visa.
Nonimmigrant aliens may
or may not be allowed to work in the United States, and some
may or may not have
rigid time limits for their stay. Specific rules apply to each
nonimmigrant alien and
if they violate even one of these rules for at least 180 days, they
can be deported and
cannot re-enter the United States for three years. One who
violates their conditions
for more than one year is deportable and unable to re-enter the
United States for ten
years.
Programs and Aerial Vehicles In addition to efforts of, and the
beefed-up enforce-
ment by agencies of the Department of Homeland Security
(discussed in Chapter 10 ), and
the aforementioned attempts to control illegal immigration, a
number of other measures
have been undertaken to secure U.S. borders.
In March 2013 the federal Office of Biometric Identity
Management (OBIM) was cre-

ated, to support the Department of Homeland Security by
providing biometric identifica-
tion for accurately identifying people and determining whether
they pose a risk. OBIM
supplies the technology for collecting and storing biometric
data, provides analysis, updates
its watchlist, and ensures the integrity of the data. 17•18
Regarding unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs, or drones), their
deployment has increased
tremendously since they were introduced by U.S. Customs and
Border Protection (CBP)
in 2004: As of mid-2012, CBP had purchased ten drones,
costing approximately $18 mil-
lion each, and had spent an additional $55.3 million for their
maintenance and operations.
A May 2012 report, however, outlined problems with this drone
program. According
to the Office of Inspector General, CBP "needs to improve
planning of its unmanned
A U.S. Customs and Border Protection's Air and Marine office
recently obtained several
Predator B drones, w hich can fly for over twenty-seven hours,
carry a payload of nearly two
tons, and have twice the speed and nine times the power of the
original Predator. (Courtesy U.S.
National Guard.)
T

'[
aircraft systems program to address its level of operation,
program funding, and resource
requirements, along with stakeholder needs:'19 Also, despite the
CBP's limited mission to
safeguard the borders, the report noted that CBP often flies
missions for many other federal
and local agencies.
There is no question that the technology exists to use UAV s to
patrol the borders
and perform many other key law enforcement functions . As is
often the case with
technologies, however, as their abilities increase, so do public
concerns about privacy
safeguards. There have already been a number of reports and
hearings held concerning
these issues. 20
Back to Basics: Horses Sometimes the simplest approaches
work the best when
guarding the nation's borders. As an example, the U.S. Border
Patrol's latest weapon is the
return of the use of horses in Texas. Horses have been used for
border protection since
1924-with agents being required to provide their own horses,
and being paid $1,680 per
year to look for bootleggers and illegal Chinese immigrants.
Today's equines are trained
differently, however: If there is an illegal immigrant squatting
in the bushes near the Rio
Grande, the border guard's horse will stop immediately, prick up
its ears, and give a snort.
If the illegal person attempts to run away, the horse will take

pursuit through brush and
branches. They are accustomed to loud noises (such as
gunshots) and people, patrol in
pairs, and are able to go into areas where all-terrain vehicles
and other vehicles cannot
penetrate. Inmates at the Hutchinson Correctional Facility in
Kansas trained eleven horses
for such use along the southwestern borderY
.,... Policing Youth Crimes
Extent of the Problem
In Chapter 12 we discussed gangs and what the police are doing
to try to suppress them.
Of course, youth crimes are certainly a core feature or outcome
of gang activity. But here
we take a more expansive view of crimes that are committed by
and against youth. Such
crimes are as old as crime itself.
"Crime is a young person's enterprise;' as any police officer,
criminologist, or anyone
else employed in the criminal justice system can attest. Arrest
data bear that out about one
in ten persons arrested for committing a violent crime are under
age eighteen, while 40
percent are committed by persons under age twenty-five.22 In
fact, a recent study projects
that nearly one in three people will be arrested by the age of
twenty-three (excluding minor
traffic offenses)-a sharp increase from a previous study that
stunned the nation when it
was published in 1967, finding that 22 percent of youth would
be arrested by age twenty-
three. This increase is due to tougher crime policies of today,
when youth may be arrested

for drugs and domestic violence, which were unlikely offenses
in 1967; the high rate of
arrest rate of youth is particularly troubling today because it can
hinder or prevent their
obtaining student loans, jobs, and housing.23
News accounts of serious crimes committed by children and
adolescents have encour-
aged a general belief that young people are increasingly violent
and uncontrollable and that
the response of the juvenile justice system has been inadequate.
Most states have enacted
laws that make the juvenile system more punitive and that allow
younger children and
adolescents to be transferred to the adult system for a greater
variety of offenses and in a
greater variety of ways. Indeed, at 645 per 100,000, the U.S.
incarceration rate of juveniles
is second only to that of Russia, at 685 per 100,000
population.24
Next we briefly consider several significant problems involving
young offenders:
school violence and bullying, gun violence, disorderly youth in
public places, and under-
age drinking.
Gun Violence
Although overall U.S. homicide rates declined in the 1980s and
1990s, youth violence,
particularly gun homicide, began increasing dramatically. In
urban areas, gun violence

takes a particularly heavy toll, as large numbers of young
minority males are injured and
killed. Research has also linked urban youth gun violence to the
gang conflicts over drug
markets as well as gun availability.25
The numbers speak loudly about the violent nature of American
youth, with persons
ages eighteen to twenty-four historically having the highest
homicide offending rates,
and their rates nearly doubling from 1985 to 1993. After
increasing dramatically in the
late 1980s-while rates for older age groups declined-offending
rates of fourteen- to
seventeen-year-olds and young adults (eighteen to twenty-four
years old) have now
stabilized. Homicide offending rates for twenty-five- to thirty-
four-year-olds, however,
declining from 1980 through 1999, have been increasing since
then.26 Youth gun violence is
related to several other problems, including those of disorderly
conduct of youth in public
and underage alcohol use (both of which will be discussed in
the pages that follow).
A very promising approach to addressing the problem of guns
and youth is the use of
focused deterrence, discussed in Chapter 12, modeled Boston's
Operation Ceasefire and
entailing a problem-oriented approach that focuses crime hot
spots.
Disorderly Conduct in Public Places
The disorderly conduct of youth in public places constitutes one
of the most common
problems many police agencies must handle, particularly in

suburban and rural communi-
ties. Disorderly youth are a common source of complaints from
urban residents, merchants,
and shoppers. Among the kinds of behaviors (some legal and
some not) associated with
youth disorderly conduct are playing loud music; cursing;
blocking pedestrians and traffic;
using alcohol, tobacco, and drugs; fighting; littering;
vandalizing; and spreading graffitiY
Police responses to this problem might include the following:
28
Creating alternative legitimate places and activities for youth
(such as youth clubs,
drop-in centers, and recreation centers) and employing youth at
businesses negatively
affected by disorderly behavior.
Encouraging youth to gather where they will not disturb others.
Reducing the comfort level, convenience, or attraction of
popular gathering places
(such as eliminating places to sit or lean, changing the
background music).
Installing and monitoring dosed-circuit television cameras.
Establishing and enforcing rules of conduct.
Denying youth anonymity by getting to know the names and
faces of young people
(without being antagonistic or accusatory).
Underage Drinking
As with the statistics provided for other problems discussed in

this chapter, unfortunately the
numbers concerning underage drinking are not any better: The
average age when youth first try
alcohol is eleven years for boys and thirteen years for girls. The
average age at which Americans
begin drinking regularly is 15.9 years old, and adolescents who
begin drinking before age fifteen
are four times more likely to develop alcohol dependence than
those who begin drinking at
age twenty-one. It has been estimated that over 3 million
teenagers are out-and-out alcoholics;
several million more have a serious drinking problem that they
cannot manage on their own.
Finally, of the three leading causes of death for fifteen- to
twenty-four-year-olds-automobile
crashes, homicides, and suicides-alcohol is a leading factor in
all three.Z9
T
A Youths who are involved with alcohol, drugs, and gangs will
soon be involved with the police
as well. (Courtesy Monkey Business Images!Shutterstock.)
Although underage drinking (alcohol consumption while under
the age of twenty-one)
is prohibited throughout the nation, young people use alcohol
more than any other drug,
including tobacco. Many of the harms associated with underage
drinking, such as traffic
fatalities, driving under the influence, assaults, cruising, street
racing, raves, disorderly

conduct, acquaintance rape, vandalism, and noise complaints,
arise from the overconfi-
dence, recklessness, lack of awareness, aggression, and loss of
control that often accompany
alcohol abuse.30 The pressure to drink- whether to experience a
rite of passage, to become
part of a group, to reduce tension, or to forget worries-also
contributes heavily to this
problem.31
Police have responded in various ways to the problem of
underage drinking:32
Target reduction of the community's overall alcohol
consumption. This may sound impos-
sible to do, but some available means for doing so are
discouraging price discounts on
alcohol, restricting the hours or days when retailers can sell
alcohol, and limiting the
number of alcohol outlets.
Use of a comprehensive approach. The police can use a
combination of examining
motivations for drinking, addressing drunk driving, targeting
fake IDs, providing
counseling or treatment about drinking patterns, enforcing
minimum-age purchase
laws, conducting undercover "shoulder tap" operations (police
have an underage
undercover operative ask adult strangers outside a store to
purchase alcohol), checking
IDs at bars and nightclubs, applying graduated sanctions to
retailers who break the law,
requiring keg registration (primarily to identify adults who
provide alcohol to minors
at large house parties or keg parties on college campuses;

several states use keg registra-
tion to link information about those who purchase a keg to the
keg itself), developing
house party guidelines and walk-through procedures, and
imposing fines for each
underage person drinking at a party.
.._ Policing Hate Crimes
Types of Hate Crimes and Hate Groups
Hate crimes are major issues for the police because of their
unique impact on victims and
the community. Federal and state laws have given the police
considerable ammunition,
however, for attempting to suppress hate crimes and prosecute
those who commit such
crimes. In 1990, Congress passed the Hate Crimes Statistics
Act, which forced the police
to collect statistics on hate crimes, and several states have since
enacted statutes that
place higher penalties on crimes that have a hate motive. Then,
nearly two decades later,
Congress enacted the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr.,
Hate Crimes Prevention Act
of 2009,33 to help investigate and prosecute hate crimes. The
Act makes it a federal crime
to willfully cause bodily injury (or attempting to do so) with
fire, firearm, or other danger-
ous weapon when: the crime was committed because of the
actual or perceived race, color,
religion, national origin of gender, sexual orientation, gender
identity, or disability of any

person. Such laws have not completely eliminated such crimes.
Exhibit 13-1 • describes
the recent resurgence of hate crime groups in the United States.
A Conundrum: Determining the Number of
Hate Crimes Committed
Certainly preventing and responding to hate crimes can be a
daunting task. However, this
problem is exacerbated by the fact that it is nearly impossible to
determine the statistical extent
of the problem because the two different data sets reporting hate
crimes provide two very dif-
ferent pictures. Specifically, the Federal Bureau of
Investigation's Hate Crimes Statistics 2011
reported a total of 6,222 hate crimes (with 7,713 victims)-46.9
percent of which were racially
motivated, 20.8 percent involved sexual orientation bias, 19.8
percent motivated by religious
EXHIBIT 13·1
SURGE IN EXTREMIST GROUPS LINKED TO
DEMOGRAPHIC SHIFT
A rise in the number of right-wing extremist groups
since 2000 has been linked to alarm over the nation's
weak economy and the growth of non-whites, symbol-
ized by the 2008 election of Barack Obama, the nation's
first African-American president.
The Southern Poverty Law Center reported that
the number of right-wing hate groups-including neo-
Nazis, Klansmen, white nationalists, neo-Confederates
and racist skinheads-rose from 602 in 2000 to more
than 1,000 in 2010, and then leveled off. Also, each
group is smaller than before, making it more diffic~lt

for FBI informants to penetrate it.
Meanwhile, the Associated Press reported that
explicit prejudice against blacks and Hispanics con tin-
ued to rise by several percentage points during Obama's
first term. And "Patriot" groups-those responsible for
domestic terrorist plots in the 1990s like the Oklahoma
City bombing-enjoyed a comeback, reaching an
all-time high of 1,360 in 2012, the center said.
Right-wing extremists experienced major setbacks
in 2012, including Obama's re-election and a report
by the Census Department that non-Hispanic whites
would become a minority by 2050. But the news only
strengthened membership. White News Now, a web-
site run by white supremacist Jamie Kelso, reported
"an incredible year;' reaching more people than ever
before, and the secessionist Texas National Movement
said membership rose four-fold after Obama was
re-elected.
Sources: Hate Groups Grow as Racial Tipping Point Changes
Demographics Colleen Curry, ABC News, May 18, 2012 http://
abcnews.go.com/US/militias-hate-groups-grow-response-
minority-
population-boom/story?id=16370136; The Year in Hate and
Extremism SPLC Intelligence Report, Spring 2013 http://www.
splcenter.org/home/2013/spring/the-year-in-hate-and-
extremism;
'Swimming upstream: white supremacist groups still strong
CNN, Aug. 7, 2012 http://www.cnn.com/2012/08/07/us/white-
supremacist-groups/

bias, and 12 percent stemming from ethnicity/national origin
bias.34 However, the National
Crime Victim Survey (NCVS) reports an annual average of
169,000 violent hate crime victim-
izations. This large discrepancy is largely due to the fact that
about 54 percent of victims in
the NCVS did not report their crimes to the police. Furthermore,
in the NCVS, hate-related
victimizations are based on victims' suspicion of the offenders'
motivation, rather than that of
the police.35 The UCR statistics, as noted in Chapter 10, are
based on crimes reported to, and
by, the police, while the NCVS reports on what is reported by
people surveyed through its
survey and includes crimes that are not reported to the police.
The limitations and advantages
of both data sets are well known, for example, the UCR cannot
report unreported crimes, uses
a "hierarchy rule" (reporting only the most serious crime
committed in a single incident),
and are subject to police reporting error, while the NCVS is
more prone to error as a result
of respondent mistakes or falsifications, since no one
investigates the respondents' claims.
Furthermore, for an act to be classified as a hate crime by the
NCVS, respondents need report
only one of three types of activity: "the offender used hate
language, left behind hate symbols,
or the police investigators confirmed that the incident was a
hate crime:'36
Initiatives for Enforcement and Prevention
According to the Congressional Research Service, at least forty-
five states and the District of
Columbia have hate-crime statutes that cover bias-motivated

crimes and provide specific pen-
alty enhancements to deter such crimes. 37 At the federal level,
investigating hate crime is a high
priority of the Civil Rights Program of the FBI.38 Furthermore,
the federal Bureau of Justice
Assistance (BJA) has provided funding for the Center for the
Prevention of Hate Violence
at the University of Southern Maine to produce a series of
reports on successful projects. As
a result of such funding, many recommendations and "best
practices" have emerged over
the past decade.39 At the local level, responses to hate crime
include: changes in legislation;
enhancing law enforcement training for responding to such
crimes; investigation, prosecution,
FOR
.A. Purveyors of hate and discrimination may, at some point,
require action by the police. (Courtesy
Timothy R. Nichols!Shutterstock.)
T
and prevention of hate crimes; and diversity and tolerance
education programs. Most states
and larger cities also have some form of government -sponsored
hate-crime initiative involving
criminal justice agencies, while municipal police departments in
many large urban areas also
have dedicated hate-crime units within their organizations.
Furthermore, police departments

are often involved as members of state or regional hate-crime
task forces.40
A final note: One unique problem that exists with hate crimes is
that they can be dif-
ficult to prosecute. Hate-crime charges are the only type where
proving motive becomes as
important as proving method. Juries often find it too difficult to
conclude with any certainty
what was going on in a suspect's mind during the crime.
Defending a hate crime can also
be a daunting task. Defense attorneys argue that a defendant
may, for example, dress and
talk like a skinhead but not identify with being one, while juries
can be prejudiced toward
guilt by the mere allegation of affiliation with such a cruel
group. Furthermore, attorneys
maintain that defending against such allegations can take on the
appearance of defending
a hate group and that jurors may force a defendant to pay for the
sins of a group.4 1
..,.. Coping with Mental Illness a nd
Homelessness: Crucially Needed Programs
A National Model: Memphis's CIT Program
In 1988, police in Memphis, Tennessee, shot and killed a
twenty-seven-year-old emotionally
disturbed man who was wielding a knife. To its credit, the
police department then set about
partnering with a local mental illness alliance toward creating a
program specifically
designed to develop a more intelligent and safe approach to
handling mental crisis events.42
The result was the Crisis Intervention Team, or CIT, which

offers specialized training for
officers in dealing with the emotionally disturbed and linking
police with mental health
professionals. Today more than 2,700 police agencies have
adopted the programY
The program could not be more needed and timely than it is
today, when it is estimated
that up to 20 percent of police calls for service involve people
whose behavior ranges
from dysfunctional to serious mental illness.44 Indeed, the
National Alliance on Mental
Illness (NAMI) estimates that there now one in four adults-
approximately 61.5 million
Americans-experience mental illness in a given year;
furthermore, one in seventeen,
about 13.6 million, live with a serious mental illness such as
schizophrenia, major depres-
sion, or bipolar disorder.45
Mental illness is defined as "a medical condition that disrupts a
person's thinking, feel-
ing, mood, ability to relate to others, and daily functioning:'46
Mental illnesses are medical
conditions that often result in reducing one's ability to cope
with the ordinary demands of
life. CIT uses volunteer officers from each patrol district who,
although performing regular
patrol functions, are trained to respond to crisis calls that
present officers face-to-face with
people suffering from these effectsY
Memphis has approximately 225 such officers-about 8 percent
of the total force- who
work with mental health providers, family advocates, and
mental health consumer groups.

CIT training consists of a four-stage, forty-hour comprehensive
program that includes the
following and emphasizes mental health-related topics, crisis
resolution skills, de-escalation
training, and access to community-based services:
First is a lecture program in which participants learn about such
related issues as
medications and side effects, alcohol and drug assessment,
developmental disabilities,
suicide prevention, commitment, post-traumatic stress disorders
(PTSD), legal aspects
and officer liability, and community resources.
Second, officers visit mental health centers and participate in
discussions with mental
health providers.
T
Next, officers participate in realistic practical scenarios that
emphasize crisis de-escalation,
basic verbal skills.
Finally, there is a broad discussion of the appropriate handling
of various situations
involving the mentally ill.48
After twenty-five years of existence, the results of CIT have
been impressive. National
advocates for the mentally ill, such as the NAMI and the
American Association of
Suicidology have recognized the CIT program for distinguished

service to the mentally
ill. CIT is also credited with saving lives and preventing
injuries, both for consumers and
officers. Officer injury data have decreased substantially since
the program began, and
studies have shown that the CIT program has resulted in a
decrease in arrests rates for the
mentally ill, greatly increased diversion into the health care
system, and a resulting low rate
of mental illness in our jails. Perhaps most important is that CIT
officers give those persons
suffering from mental illness a sense of dignity.49
Addressing Homelessness
Homelessness is a condition of people who lack regular legal
access to adequate housing.
Specific reasons for homelessness vary, but research indicates
that most people are homeless
because they cannot find affordable housing-a situation that has
been exacerbated by the
recession of the mid- and late-2000s. Families or individuals
who pay more than 30 percent
of their income for housing are considered "cost-burdened" and
can have difficulty affording
necessities such as food, clothing, transportation, and medical
care. The lack of affordable
housing is a significant hardship for low-income households and
can prevent them from
meeting their other basic needs, such as nutrition and health
care, or saving for their future. 5°
According to the National Alliance to End Homelessness,
approximately 643,000
people experiencing homelessness on any given night in the
United States; of that number,
238,110 are people in families, and 404,957 are individuals.

There are also about 26,500
homeless military veterans of the Iraq and Afghanistan wars,
due largely to the economic
crisis and post-traumatic stress disorder. 51 The new or
temporarily homeless-people still
hanging on to the remnants of their housed life, within the first
six months of homeless-
ness-often end up living in their vehicles.52 In addition, at any
given time 45 percent
of homeless people have indicators of mental health problems-
25 percent of whom
have some form of serious mental illness (e.g., chronic
depression, bipolar disorder, and
schizophrenia). People experiencing homelessness also have a
high rate of substance use:
46 percent of homeless respondents reported having an alcohol
use problem, and 38 percent
reported a problem with drug use in the past year. 53
Certainly the police-from both humanitarian as well as financial
perspectives-have an
interest in working to resolve or at least minimize the extent of,
and problems involving their
homeless populations. First, assume, conservatively, costs of
$80 to $175 for one to spend a
night in jail, $300 per day for substance abuse detoxification,
$3,700 per night in an emergency
room, $4,500 for a typical three-day hospital stay, and $215 per
ambulance ride, and the costs
become staggering.54 Homeless individuals, particularly the
chronically homeless, are gener-
ally heavy users of municipal services such as police, fire,
emergency response, and health
care. Therefore, as with the mentally ill, discussed above, the
solutions to homelessness involve
police working with service providers and mental health experts

in order to break the cycle of
homelessness. Some communities have also implemented the
following innovative approaches:
Trained clinicians accompany police on calls involving
chronically homeless individu-
als who are involved in "public nuisance" or other inappropriate
behavior; the police
and the trained mental health workers then determine the
optimal strategy to address
the particular situation.
A chronic substance abuser program that uses the same basic
principles as a drug court.
A collaborative team consisting of law enforcement, court
officials, prosecutors, and
T
.A. Homelessness can contribute to crime, fear, and
neighborhood disorder. (Courtesy Pojoslaw!Shutterstock.)
substance abuse treatment agencies follows up on arrests for
public drunkenness or
nuisance. The offenders are offered the option of treatment in
lieu of custody, followed
by ongoing continuum of care and wrap around services.
Increased use of civil commitments for chronic substance
abusers: some jurisdictions
allow their district courts to involuntarily commit an alcoholic
or substance abuser for
up to thirty days to an inpatient facility. 55

In sum, as with any other problems involving crime and
disorder, a well-planned analy-
sis and response to homeless populations, following the
standard community-policing and
problem-solving approach can allow police departments to
implement long-term solutions.
Summary
As noted in the introduction, this chapter has continued the
"extraordinary problems"
theme established in Chapter 12, focusing more on certain types
of individuals in the
United States-immigrants, youth crimes, crimes committed by
people where the motive
is hate, and persons who are homeless-than on criminogenic
groups or syndicates. These
individuals pose unique challenges for the police through their
actions or status. A number
of strategies being employed by the police to address these
problems were presented as well.
A common theme running through the types of offenders who
are discussed in this
chapter is that the police are often compelled to engage in
clandestine operations in order
to arrest or deal with them. Another connecting link for all
these problems is that the police
must constantly develop new methods, technologies, and
practices for dealing with these
individuals as well as understand and apply the specific laws
that are involved. As different
crimes and situational problems have arisen, police have also
been compelled to adapt their
training and operations in order to cope. Still, the unusual
policing problems and circum-

stances discussed in this chapter are not exhaustive. Certainly
other circumstances require
even further adaptation as the police attempt to guard U.S.
borders, keep youthful offenders
at bay, address hate groups, and deal with problems involving
the homeless.
T
Key Terms
homelessness underage drinking disorderly conduct
drones
hate crimes
Office of Biometric Identity
Management
unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs)
youth crimes
Hate Crimes Statistics Act Secure Fence Act of 2006
Review Questions
1. How would you explain the several issues-including
the political, economic, and social-that revolve around
the subject of immigration and border security?
2. What are some of the reasons why illegal immigration
is currently declining in the United States? What ap-
proaches are some state and local units of government
taking to attempt to further reduce the number of un-

documented immigrants who are living and working
in their jurisdictions?
3. What methods have some federal and local law en-
forcement agencies adopted for controlling illegal
border crossings?
Learn by Doing
1. You are temporarily assigned to your regional fusion cen-
ter to collect border information. Assuming that funding
and technology acquisition is not restricted, determine
what you would do with the following, real-life situation:
The border with Canada to the north has quietly devel-
oped into a source of concern. If, for example, someone
headed north on the gravel road into Noyan, Quebec,
to a point just a few miles from Alburgh, Vermont,
they would find there is nothing to mark the interna-
tional divide. There are cameras and sensors to alert the
Border Patrol when southbound people enter the United
States-but nothing to stop them physically from mak-
ing the two- or three-mile dash onto Route 2 and disap-
pearing. Smugglers know the road is unguarded. Even
more astonishingly, a dozen similarly unmarked back
roads are found between Vermont and Quebec, consti-
tuting a major, direct threat to national security.
Source: Adapted from Wilson Ring, "Unguarded
Paths Challenge Border Patrol;' Associated Press,
October 28, 2007, www. usatoday.com/ news/ nation/2007-
10-04-border_N.htm (accessed November 5, 2013).
2. Recently a number oflocal businesses along a city river
have been suffering from a rash of problems involving
4. What is OBIM, and how does it function to help

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