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Alan Freeman
Presented to the Amandla Colloquium on wage-led growth,
Johannesburg, 15-17 November 2012
With acknowledgements to
AIDC and Amandla
Radhika Desai
‘Key Trends in Globalisation’ website
Share of World GDP
60%
50%

40%
30%
20%
10%

1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010

0%

North America

Other Industrialised

Accession and Transition

Rest
1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010

12%

10%

8%

6%

4%

2%

0%

Western Hemisphere
Middle East
Asia
Africa
China
25

1970

20

1980

35%

1990

33%

2000
22%

20%

15

10

35%
5

0

81
%

83
%

84
%

84
%

86
%
A crisis of the industrialised world
15%
10%

Average
Growth
over cycle

5%
0%

Growth on
previous
year

-5%

2006

2002

1998

1994

1990

1986

1982

1978

1974

1970

1966

1962

1958

1954

1950

1946

1942

1938

1934

1930

-10%

Source: US Bureau of Economic Affairs NIPA table 1.1.6 (annual): US GDP in chained 2005 USD)
'growth' refers to the growth of annual GDP on the previous year)
1972
1973
1975
1976
1978
1979
1981
1982
1984
1985
1987
1988
1990
1991
1993
1994
1996
1997
1999
2000
2002
2003
2005
2006
2008
2009

US capacity utilisation in successive business
cycles

90

85

80

75

70

65

60
Length of time out of work, as proportion of
workforce
0.06
0.05
0.04
0.03
0.02

0.01
1948
1950
1953
1955
1958
1960
1963
1965
1968
1970
1973
1975
1978
1980
1983
1985
1988
1990
1993
1995
1998
2000
2003
2005
2008

0

Less than 5 weeks

5-14 weeks

15-26 weeks

Longer than 26 weeks
14%

30%

12%

25%

10%

20%

8%

15%

6%

10%

4%

5%

2%

0%

0%

1946
1949
1952
1955
1958
1961
1964
1967
1970
1973
1976
1979
1982
1985
1988
1991
1994
1997
2000
2003
2006

35%

(Unadjusted) Operating Surplus of Private Enterprises/Fixed Assets of Private Enterprises [left
scale]
(Corrected) Operating Surplus of Private Enterprises/(Fixed Assets of Private Enterprises plus
Marketable Financial Securities owned by US agencies and persons) [right scale]
 Symptom not cause
 Underlying cause is failure of investment
 Irrational expansion of credit-money-capital
 Resource-extractive, speculative modes of “growth”

 Drive to extract solution from other nations
 Under neoliberalism, centred on ‘global south’
 Rising poverty, productive paralysis, parasitic classes
 Extreme inequities

 Extreme problems of governance
 National responses fuelled by popular revolt

(Argentina, Venezuela, combined with ‘rational economic
nationalism’ (China, Russia)
 Focused in the first instance on control of resources
 To a greater or lesser degree addressing social problems
 Prolonged and intractable crisis of growth provoked by

long-term failure of investment
 Increasingly irrational responses domestically
(austerity, refusal to contemplate state-led investment)
 Increasingly predatory relations with global south
 Increasingly undemocratic governance
 Growth of militarism
BUT
ULTIMATELY UNDERMINING THE ECONOMIC
BASIS OF DOMINANCE
 Leads to unsustainable inequity
 Creates parasitic and predatory classes
 Incompatible with democratic institutions (because

great majority do not benefit)
 Extreme vulnerability to speculative shocks
 Politically and economically unsustainable
 Latin America clearest example
 Retake control of resources
 Kick out the IMF; development-oriented finance
 Economic regionalism
 South-South strategy

 The problem of ‘reprimarisation’
 Constant threat of military intervention and external

destabilisation
 The most successful (Venezuela, Brazil) are those that
focus on raising living standards of the poor
 State-led
 Export of manufactures and services
 Leapfrog technology – climb up the value chain
 Domestic market substitution – insulate from falling

demand in export markets
 ‘South-South’ economic relations
 Many contradictions but primary outcome is human-

led economic development





Manufacturing industries made competitive
Service industries lead employment growth
High wage growth despite great inequities
Rapid educational development
 Use the state
 Treat labour as the primary asset of the economy
 Control your resources
 Control financial flows
 Create a capital goods industry
 Move into high-value service production
 Focus on building domestic and regional demand
 Sell off your resources
 ‘Liberalise’ your financial institutions
 Choke off domestic demand
 Expect capital to invest in your country without being

made to
 Follow a North-oriented economic strategy
 Let a parasitic class take over your government
 Listen to the IMF
 Various factors played a role in the IMF’s failure to

identify risks and give clear warnings. Many of these
factors represent long-standing problems that had
been highlighted for over a decade.
 These factors are grouped into the following broad
categories: analytical weaknesses, organizational
impediments, internal governance problems, and
political constraints.
 Analytical weaknesses were at the core of some of the

IMF’s most evident shortcomings in
surveillance, particularly for the largest advanced
economies. These weaknesses were of two broad types:
 groupthink and other cognitive biases,
 and analytical approaches/knowledge gaps
 The linking of macroeconomic and financial sector analysis

remained inadequate, even though a series of evaluations
since the Asian crisis had called for enhanced attention to
macro-financial linkages in the IMF’s surveillance
 This reflected the lack of a suitable conceptual framework
for analyzing such linkages within the economics
profession at large, as well as the view common among
IMF economists that financial issues were not central.
 IMF economists tended to hold in highest regard macro
models that proved inadequate for analyzing macrofinancial linkages.
 incentives were not well aligned to foster the candid exchange of

ideas that is needed for good surveillance—many staff reported
concerns about the consequences of expressing views contrary
to those of supervisors, Management, and country authorities.
 Staff reported that incentives were geared toward conforming
with prevailing IMF views. Several senior staff members felt
that expressing strong contrarian views could “ruin one’s career.”
Thus, views tended to “gravitate toward the middle” and “our
advice becomes procyclical.”
 Staff saw that conforming assessments were not penalized, even
if proven faulty. A lack of accountability was frequently
highlighted as a serious obstacle to getting the incentives right.
Many area department economists felt that there were strong
disincentives to “speak truth to power,
The world crisis and the global South
The world crisis and the global South

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The world crisis and the global South

  • 1. Alan Freeman Presented to the Amandla Colloquium on wage-led growth, Johannesburg, 15-17 November 2012 With acknowledgements to AIDC and Amandla Radhika Desai ‘Key Trends in Globalisation’ website
  • 2.
  • 3. Share of World GDP 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 10% 1970 1972 1974 1976 1978 1980 1982 1984 1986 1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 0% North America Other Industrialised Accession and Transition Rest
  • 6. A crisis of the industrialised world
  • 7.
  • 8. 15% 10% Average Growth over cycle 5% 0% Growth on previous year -5% 2006 2002 1998 1994 1990 1986 1982 1978 1974 1970 1966 1962 1958 1954 1950 1946 1942 1938 1934 1930 -10% Source: US Bureau of Economic Affairs NIPA table 1.1.6 (annual): US GDP in chained 2005 USD) 'growth' refers to the growth of annual GDP on the previous year)
  • 10. Length of time out of work, as proportion of workforce 0.06 0.05 0.04 0.03 0.02 0.01 1948 1950 1953 1955 1958 1960 1963 1965 1968 1970 1973 1975 1978 1980 1983 1985 1988 1990 1993 1995 1998 2000 2003 2005 2008 0 Less than 5 weeks 5-14 weeks 15-26 weeks Longer than 26 weeks
  • 11.
  • 12. 14% 30% 12% 25% 10% 20% 8% 15% 6% 10% 4% 5% 2% 0% 0% 1946 1949 1952 1955 1958 1961 1964 1967 1970 1973 1976 1979 1982 1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 35% (Unadjusted) Operating Surplus of Private Enterprises/Fixed Assets of Private Enterprises [left scale] (Corrected) Operating Surplus of Private Enterprises/(Fixed Assets of Private Enterprises plus Marketable Financial Securities owned by US agencies and persons) [right scale]
  • 13.  Symptom not cause  Underlying cause is failure of investment  Irrational expansion of credit-money-capital  Resource-extractive, speculative modes of “growth”  Drive to extract solution from other nations  Under neoliberalism, centred on ‘global south’  Rising poverty, productive paralysis, parasitic classes  Extreme inequities  Extreme problems of governance  National responses fuelled by popular revolt (Argentina, Venezuela, combined with ‘rational economic nationalism’ (China, Russia)  Focused in the first instance on control of resources  To a greater or lesser degree addressing social problems
  • 14.
  • 15.  Prolonged and intractable crisis of growth provoked by long-term failure of investment  Increasingly irrational responses domestically (austerity, refusal to contemplate state-led investment)  Increasingly predatory relations with global south  Increasingly undemocratic governance  Growth of militarism BUT ULTIMATELY UNDERMINING THE ECONOMIC BASIS OF DOMINANCE
  • 16.  Leads to unsustainable inequity  Creates parasitic and predatory classes  Incompatible with democratic institutions (because great majority do not benefit)  Extreme vulnerability to speculative shocks  Politically and economically unsustainable
  • 17.  Latin America clearest example  Retake control of resources  Kick out the IMF; development-oriented finance  Economic regionalism  South-South strategy  The problem of ‘reprimarisation’  Constant threat of military intervention and external destabilisation  The most successful (Venezuela, Brazil) are those that focus on raising living standards of the poor
  • 18.  State-led  Export of manufactures and services  Leapfrog technology – climb up the value chain  Domestic market substitution – insulate from falling demand in export markets  ‘South-South’ economic relations  Many contradictions but primary outcome is human- led economic development     Manufacturing industries made competitive Service industries lead employment growth High wage growth despite great inequities Rapid educational development
  • 19.  Use the state  Treat labour as the primary asset of the economy  Control your resources  Control financial flows  Create a capital goods industry  Move into high-value service production  Focus on building domestic and regional demand
  • 20.  Sell off your resources  ‘Liberalise’ your financial institutions  Choke off domestic demand  Expect capital to invest in your country without being made to  Follow a North-oriented economic strategy  Let a parasitic class take over your government  Listen to the IMF
  • 21.  Various factors played a role in the IMF’s failure to identify risks and give clear warnings. Many of these factors represent long-standing problems that had been highlighted for over a decade.  These factors are grouped into the following broad categories: analytical weaknesses, organizational impediments, internal governance problems, and political constraints.
  • 22.  Analytical weaknesses were at the core of some of the IMF’s most evident shortcomings in surveillance, particularly for the largest advanced economies. These weaknesses were of two broad types:  groupthink and other cognitive biases,  and analytical approaches/knowledge gaps
  • 23.  The linking of macroeconomic and financial sector analysis remained inadequate, even though a series of evaluations since the Asian crisis had called for enhanced attention to macro-financial linkages in the IMF’s surveillance  This reflected the lack of a suitable conceptual framework for analyzing such linkages within the economics profession at large, as well as the view common among IMF economists that financial issues were not central.  IMF economists tended to hold in highest regard macro models that proved inadequate for analyzing macrofinancial linkages.
  • 24.  incentives were not well aligned to foster the candid exchange of ideas that is needed for good surveillance—many staff reported concerns about the consequences of expressing views contrary to those of supervisors, Management, and country authorities.  Staff reported that incentives were geared toward conforming with prevailing IMF views. Several senior staff members felt that expressing strong contrarian views could “ruin one’s career.” Thus, views tended to “gravitate toward the middle” and “our advice becomes procyclical.”  Staff saw that conforming assessments were not penalized, even if proven faulty. A lack of accountability was frequently highlighted as a serious obstacle to getting the incentives right. Many area department economists felt that there were strong disincentives to “speak truth to power,

Editor's Notes

  1. End of the ‘hydraulic effect’ and a combined crisis of the whole industrialised worldThe ‘lost and found’ decadesThe return of ‘the rest’Reversed relation of Third and Second World