Al Saadi 2 Alazhar Al Saadi HIST 172 Jane E. Dabel June 4, 2020 Experience of Slavery in The Nineteenth Century Different Experiences Between Male and Female Slaves. Trying to influence people to abolish and heat the idea of slavery, Mokokoma Mokhonoana in his famous quote stated, “Some animals would be offended if they were treated like some people”. In the nineteenth century, however, the slave trade was booming with Africans being taken from their homes to provide cheap manual labor to tasks too "menial" for the whites. The labor to which the people were subjected to as well as the treatment they received and the response they had to slavery however was different depending on the gender of the slave with the treatment of male and female slaves differing. This paper explores the difference in the type of work, the form of rebellion, and for abuse during slavery in the 19th century. Male slaves were expected to do all kinds of works all year round with no breaks irrespective of health or hostility in weather conditions. At this time, the slave owners were farmers thus needed a lot of muscle to work in the farm growing crops such as rice, cotton, and wheat.[footnoteRef:1] Male slaves worked on farms with the reason of this focus being that they were muscular and farms were the main source of food as well as capital products as the product was later sold and thus to feed the nation, labor was required. Farming was in that era the main economic activity thus it was essential that farms maintain productivity as well as include diversity in their products to cater to an ever-growing market. Furthermore, male slaves also worked as craftsmen in blacksmith shops and stores as apprentice artisans[footnoteRef:2]. Besides working as private workers, male salves worked in the port as stevedores as they were muscular, and this is a basic requirement at the port to load and unload cargo.[footnoteRef:3] The type of work the male slaves experienced was mainly outdoor where female slaves were indoor. [1: Eric Foner,146] [2: Eric Foner,146] [3: Eric Foner,146] Women, on the other hand, drew a completely different end of the straw mostly working as family cooks[footnoteRef:4]. Moreover, female slaves were further laboring in the dairy to help their owners as permanent maids and do all the tasks as well as deal with the livestock, ensure productivity, and then give the products to their owners[footnoteRef:5]. Also, they worked as private workers for their master doing all the housework, errands, and organizing for the master and following them wherever they went to be called upon whenever necessary.[footnoteRef:6] They were cleaning and taking care of the whole house while the master resting and do nothing. This type of work made slaves feel angry and sad because of this unfair situation, and that motivated them to rebel. [4: Eric Foner,142] [5: Eric Foner,142] [6: Foner,142] Since the dawn of time, man as a free b.

1. Al Saadi 2
Alazhar Al Saadi
HIST 172
Jane E. Dabel
June 4, 2020
Experience of Slavery in The Nineteenth Century
Different Experiences Between Male and Female Slaves.
Trying to influence people to abolish and heat the idea of
slavery, Mokokoma Mokhonoana in his famous quote stated,
“Some animals would be offended if they were treated like some
people”. In the nineteenth century, however, the slave trade

2. was booming with Africans being taken from their homes to
provide cheap manual labor to tasks too "menial" for the whites.
The labor to which the people were subjected to as well as the
treatment they received and the response they had to slavery
however was different depending on the gender of the slave
with the treatment of male and female slaves differing. This
paper explores the difference in the type of work, the form of
rebellion, and for abuse during slavery in the 19th century.
Male slaves were expected to do all kinds of works all year
round with no breaks irrespective of health or hostility in
weather conditions. At this time, the slave owners were farmers
thus needed a lot of muscle to work in the farm growing crops
such as rice, cotton, and wheat.[footnoteRef:1] Male slaves
worked on farms with the reason of this focus being that they
were muscular and farms were the main source of food as well
as capital products as the product was later sold and thus to feed
the nation, labor was required. Farming was in that era the main
economic activity thus it was essential that farms maintain
productivity as well as include diversity in their products to
cater to an ever-growing market. Furthermore, male slaves also
worked as craftsmen in blacksmith shops and stores as
apprentice artisans[footnoteRef:2]. Besides working as private
workers, male salves worked in the port as stevedores as they
were muscular, and this is a basic requirement at the port to
load and unload cargo.[footnoteRef:3] The type of work the
male slaves experienced was mainly outdoor where female
slaves were indoor. [1: Eric Foner,146] [2: Eric Foner,146]
[3: Eric Foner,146]
Women, on the other hand, drew a completely different
end of the straw mostly working as family
cooks[footnoteRef:4]. Moreover, female slaves were further
laboring in the dairy to help their owners as permanent maids
and do all the tasks as well as deal with the livestock, ensure
productivity, and then give the products to their
owners[footnoteRef:5]. Also, they worked as private workers

3. for their master doing all the housework, errands, and
organizing for the master and following them wherever they
went to be called upon whenever necessary.[footnoteRef:6]
They were cleaning and taking care of the whole house while
the master resting and do nothing. This type of work made
slaves feel angry and sad because of this unfair situation, and
that motivated them to rebel. [4: Eric Foner,142] [5: Eric
Foner,142] [6: Foner,142]
Since the dawn of time, man as a free being will tend to
rebel whenever treated unfairly to try and find equality and
better treatment. Slaves also became fed up with the unfair
treatment they were subjected to and rebelled against their
oppressors, both the system and their owners. Male slaves
tended to physically fight their owners in a quest for freedom.
The men fought the unjust people and sought revenge against
the poor treatment even with a huge workload on
them[footnoteRef:7]. Moreover, male slaves integrated into the
white society and learned their language and culture thus
proving that they were not intellectually on a lower standing
and as such should be equally treated. There were smarter ways
of rebelling that male slaves employed such as assimilation of
white society culture by learning their dialect and
religion.[footnoteRef:8] Additionally, They created songs that
spoke about their suffering and could also be used to pass on
the message of rebellion as songs easily invoked emotions and
created awareness.[footnoteRef:9] Male slaves were like the
outsiders when it comes to rebel, however, female slaves were
the insider where their rebellion took place within the white
families. [7: Frederick Douglass, Narrative of the Life of
Frederick Douglass Mineola, NY:(Dov Publications, 1845), 62]
[8: Foner, 148] [9: Deborah Gray White, Aren't I a Woman?:
Female Slaves in the Plantation South, W. W. Norton &
Company; 1 edition (February 17, 1999), 167]
Female slaves on the other hand were like the insider

4. people in the rebellion. They started to form relationships with
white people and procreate with them. This effectively stopped
white people from mistreating them as they became instead
incorporated into their families.[footnoteRef:10] The effect of
this can be easily observed in the number of interracial couples
present today though their motivation is certainly far from the
reason went for it in the 19th century. Furthermore, women,
because they were working as a housemaid, they attempted
poisoning their owners using the food they prepared. It was a
difficult course of action as it involved killing their owners
covertly and if caught, they risked losing their lives too, so it
was not done unless as a final and very necessary
option[footnoteRef:11]. Moreover, women gave food to the
imprisoned Africans in their owners` absence to keep them
healthy and strong. The rebellion was a resort for the slaves
seeking revenge and justices against injustices piled upon them
by white people[footnoteRef:12]. Rebellion is an expected
action by whom they were abused and punished very badly. [10:
Foner, 148] [11: White, 79] [12: White, 155]
Whenever slaves were considered to have breached the
rules by their masters or had acted beneath the expected
standards, the punishment was meted out. For male slaves, they
would be ordered by the owners to work through the whole
seasons irrespective of the prevailing circumstances. Whether
the weather was friendly or hostile, irrespective of whatever
time they were called upon, they were expected to be ready to
work and some of the tasks were humiliating[footnoteRef:13].
The men tried to resort to escape which was risky as this was a
foreign land, limited places to run to and if they got caught,
they would be subject to savage treatment and humiliation to set
an example to fellow slaves[footnoteRef:14]. The other sort of
punishment was in the workplace where they were exposed to
the most hazardous work because the life of escapees was not
considered worthy. The slave owners considered the Africans as
just a source of cheap labor, availed to serve for them, and saw

5. themselves as their superiors.[footnoteRef:15] Not only the
male slaves were abused and punished during the 19th century,
but female slaves also got enormous abusees and punishments.
[13: Douglass, 55] [14: Douglass, 92] [15: Douglass, 65]
Females were also brutally punished whenever they performed
below the expected standards. They were treated inhumanely
and sometimes beaten to death with or without a reason by their
owners[footnoteRef:16]. If they died, their bodies were also
disrespected as they were not buried but rather thrown to the
wild. In addition, female slaves were inhumanely treated and
separated from other family members, whether their children,
parents, or siblings[footnoteRef:17]. Generally, all people get
sick at times due to varied reasons, and slaves were more
exposed to this due to the vast array of risks they were exposed
to as a result of poor living and dieting conditions. The masters
however were so inconsiderate to the extent that they did not
provide any kind of medicine or a cure for them when they get
hurt or sick. Whenever female slaves got pregnant, the master
did not provide the care that they need as the master saw it as
an unnecessary waste of funds, and it was by far cheaper to buy
a slave than taking care of the ones they have; fewer expenses
incurred that way.[footnoteRef:18] [16: Douglass, 21] [17:
Douglass, 43] [18: White, 166]
In conclusion, though we acknowledge that slaves were
bought with the purpose of providing labor to the white
supremacists, their gender affected how they were treated it
divided them into different types of labors and exposed them to
different methods of punishment thus resulting to different
paths preferred when it came to rebel. Male labor was mostly
outdoor while women were mostly required indoors. Male
slaves tried fighting physically against their oppressors, singing
to create awareness and get recruits among slaves, and blending
with the society to prove they were equal to their white
counterparts. Women, alternatively, tried to poison their

6. masters, get white spouses, and further helped their Africans by
feeding them while their masters were not around. Male and
female slaves were punished by their masters for any apparent
breach of laws. Male slaves were punished by orders to work
irrespective of circumstances while females were detached from
their families. Globally, people should learn to accept that they
are not made superior by the color of their skin. All are born
equal and this is the reason for the current violence across
America. All lives matter and everyone should be dignified
enough to accept that.
Bibliography
Foner, Eric. Give Me Liberty!: An American History. 1st ed.
Vol. 1. W. W. Norton & Company, 2004.
West, T. M., & Douglass, F. Narrative of the Life of Frederick
Douglass: a graphic classic; based on the autobiography of
Frederick Douglass. New York: Scholastic Inc, 1845.
White, D. G. Aren't I a Woman?:female slaves in the plantation
South. New York: W.W. Norton, 1999.
Received: 19 September 2018
Accepted: 13 October 2018
DOI: 10.1002/pa.1886
ACADEMIC PAPER
Reforming policy roles in the Jordanian policy‐making process

7. Rami Tbaishat1 | Ali Rawabdeh1 | Khaled Qassem Hailat2 |
Shaker A Aladwan1 | Samir Al Balas1 | Mohammed Iqbal Al
Ajlouny3
1 Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Economics
and Administrative Sciences, Yarmouk University, Irbid, Jordan
2 Department of Marketing, Faculty of Economics and
Administrative Sciences, Yarmouk University, Irbid, Jordan
3 Department of Business Administration, Faculty of Business,
Al‐zaytoonah University of Jordan, Irbid, Jordan
Correspondence
Rami Tbaishat, Department of Public Administration, Faculty of
Economics and Administrative Sciences, Yarmouk University,
Irbid 21163, Jordan.
Email: [email protected]
The aim of this diagnostic analysis is to identify the weaknesses
in the process of reforming policy in Jordan. This study will
first present a diagnostic analysis of the characteristics of
administrative reform in Jordan. Following this, weaknesses
will be identified with a focus on policy roles in the
policy‐making process. Administrative reform has long been an
area of interest and development in Jordan since the early
1980s. Conferences were held, political and technical
committees formed, and exper-tise and resources invested. The
outcomes of these programs have been below expectations, with
inadequate impact. This investigation paid attention on how
Jordan can best invest its resources to maximize efficiency in
the public sector, spe-cifically the process of reforming policy.
This study concludes that the primary factor impacting
efficiency, accountability, and responsiveness is the degree of
authority at both national and organizational level. Recent

8. efforts in Jordan to tackle these issues could create more
conflicts that threaten the Jordanian government's stability.
Other resources have been dedicated to reviewing the rules and
values that govern the rela-tionship between state and society.
1
|
INTRODUCTION
The bureaucratic ethos that emphasizes the importance of
centrally controlled rationality considers one of the most
important characteristics of the political regime which Jordan
has experienced during the last decades (UNDP Report, 2015).
In this context, economic performance in most cases proved to
be less than adequate for either ensuring self‐sustained
development or, at a minimum, being able to meet the basic
requirements of the populace. In Jordan, the movement away
from the authoritarian past is characterized by the efforts to
maintain or improve the neoliberal foundations of the economy
while opening the political arena to ensure the participation of a
traditionally marginalized citizenry that demands an equitable
and prompt share of the benefits of economic growth.
Despite the official political structure, it is so clear that the
domination of the executive branch over the judicial and
legislative branch of government is eminent. The extreme
centralization of managerial decision‐making surrounded by the
executive branch challenges the
power of attempts at change and, more notably, to retard efforts
to tackle the problems of the government bureaucracy, like that
of inef-ficiency and corruption. Consequently, ministers and
Prime ministers continue their involvement in routine matters at
the expense of stra-tegic issues and are reluctant to send

9. meaningful powers downward. Researchers noticed that a
significant number of senior administrators have received their
jobs through patronage rather than on merit. Their longevity has
conferred on them too much discretionary power and rendered
them ill prepared to handle the responsibilities associated with
decentralization (Amster, 2012).
The shift from government to governance, which involves the
focus of administrative practice, is moving from the
bureaucratic direct governmental form of services to third‐party
government as it has been called lately (Duflo, 2012).
Explicitly, the way we govern is shifting outside governmental
boundaries—the long‐established procedures and institutions of
gov-ernment are developing into less concerned with less
centralized to, which we administrate ourselves (Jacobsen,
2006).
The irresistible challenges in political environment recently,
yet, have created new passageway to self‐searching among
practitioners and thinkers in this field. This rethinking went
alongside the subse-quent lines: Can the old official procedure
of government cope with
J Public Affairs. 2019;19:e1886.
wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/pa
© 2018 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
1 of 10
https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.1886

10. 2 of 10
TBAISHAT ET AL.
economic, political, and social transform? Is it pressed to
nationwide improvement, which is basically the loud spoken
objective of all former and current governments? Should not the
focal point be turned from mere repair maintenance system to
active and dynamic improvement? Should not more
concentration be given to the dynamic development and
innovative portion of governmental deci-sion
making‐administrations?
2
|
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
This study focused on a diagnosis of reforming the Jordanian
policy‐ making process to recognize the difficulties and
weaknesses that accompanied it. In this comparative procedure,
the study scrutinize the individuality of rival's explanation
reform of policy‐making. Pattern‐matching is a famous method
that goes with this kind of stud-ies, where quite a lot of
situations are well known in having confident results, and the
analysis concentrated on answering the investigated issues of
how and why, which leads to this conclusion turn out in every
situation. A regular problem in policy‐making is to be aware of

11. the surroundings under which research and development can be
formalized in a constructive way to the community.
Hence, this analysis is valuable in elucidation and
understanding the methods and drivers of modern governmental
reforms, which has been carried out and modernized. Also, this
form presents theoret-ical frameworks for investigation of
organizational of and public administration and modernized
governance.
To solve the previous matter, this study focused on the situation
under which structural government works efficiently, and how
Jordan can manage material capital and human in the direction
of efficient and effective governmental services.
3
|
PURPOSE OF THE STUDY
The aim of this study is to analyze the career public servant
roles in the policy process and, more generally, how should
government seek to influence the policy‐making process. These
questions involve a vari-ety of difficult issues about the
procedures through which government should make its decisions
as well as the content of those decisions (Kugler & Kugler,
2009). Too often, those two issues are conflated, with the
assumption that certain actors (civil servants) will produce
certain types of policies (interventionist). Therefore, more
market‐ based instruments (e.g., vouchers) that keep the
bureaucrats out are preferable.
In some ways, the questions about the public sector problems
are basically a reformation of the old questions regarding
“governance.” How should government administrations
function? How should we decide what government
administrations will and can do? How should tasks be divided

12. among career civil servants and political executive's
administrators? To what degree should one branch is to have the
power to check the other?
However, the economic and financial difficulties forced the
gov-ernment to initiate a reform process. This reform was more
urgent due to the financial crises in 2008 and globalization.
This study's main purpose is to scientifically analyze policy
roles to recognize its and
effectiveness and pitfalls. The expectation of this research study
also is to present to government administrators with the chance
to identify any variation that could be adjusted within an
appropriate method.
4
|
STUDY SIGNIFICANCE
The significance of this study depends on both hypothetical and
prac-tical forms. On the hypothetical side, investigating the
policy making process development in Jordan and identifies its
consequences and pitfalls. It is the first study of its kind based
on the knowledge of the researchers. Hence, this study was
projected to develop and study prior literatures in the
policy‐making field in particular and public administration in
general.
Alternatively, this study has practical importance and its
outcome will offer to the policy and decision makers to
recognize some of the outcomes of the managerial
transformation in Jordan and be attentive of some of the pitfalls
of the transformation process. Moreover, the significance of this
kind of study is to attain the anticipated purpose of the
transformation plan.

13. Understanding policy‐making in Jordan requires an
understanding of policy roles and the nature of its institutional
arrangements. There-fore, the importance of this study stems
from its analytical framework to review and assess the
policy‐making process in the Jordanian bureaucracy with
special emphasis on policy roles played by different participants
and command and control mechanisms as evaluation criteria.
5
|
RESEARCH PROBLEM
Transform programs that have come about at the political and
socio‐eco-nomical levels in Jordan for the last decade, have
focused on the question of the legitimacy of traditionally
detained visions. It concerns the role and function of mutually
the state, and those with most important roles in the
policy‐making processes (Blackden & Hallward‐ Driemeier,
2013).
Efforts to transition toward democracy have focused on either
reform of the constitution at a systematic level or roles played
by or assigned by conventional institutions with influential
power such as legislatures, executives, political parties, or
external influencers.
Less consideration is given to the potential positive influencers
in the development of changes processes and improvement in
the pro-cess of policy making by the public sector.
Good governance should be able to control the incompatible
goals of economic efficiency in a rational manner. Along this,
there ought to be a force toward legality based on extensive
involvement in the pro-cess of public policy‐making and
fairness in the sharing of services offered by the government to

14. the public (Adrian, 1994).
The difficulty here is in achieving an equilibrium between the
demands for enhancement in the operations of a neoliberal,
capitalist, free market, and the call to restore and develop
conventional govern-ment and formulate a process forms that
connected with a free bene-fit state (World Bank Ministerial
Seminar, 2001).
The state has been instrumental in addressing a variety of
challenges ranging from regulations and promotion of
economical
TBAISHAT ET AL.
3 of 10
and social activities to ensure equality and integrations among
the public. These have all been addressed through changes to
economic policies on a national level, in response to
urbanization.
Characteristically, the state develops on an institutional level
with long‐enduring outcomes for public administration services.
First, on an organizational level, the state expands its functional
scope to include commercial, industrial, financial, economic,
social security, public health, education, and welfare activities.

15. Second, the disorderly development of the governmental public
sectors turns out to be an obstacle in attempting at answering
the question of how to develop from a practical viewpoint.
Governmental procedures and programs are built to respond to
hesitant legality, and considerable differentiation in capital
accessibility was established without congruence. There was
minimal preparation, synchronization, and controlling power by
policy administrators.
The growth outline in the governmental public sectors is a
cumu-lative based on a combination of an incremental
aggregation. No incorporated well‐studied master plan was
created before the initiat-ing of determined improvement of
public strategy and agendas. Neither was expansion in the
compass of the government function, cost, size, nor relative
influences and authorities which is based on intellectuality
planning.
In response to these issues, this analysis focuses on how the
reform model can clarify how legislators, political executives,
and career civil servants can share responsibility for
policy‐making and implementation.
6
|
LITERATURE REVIEW
Within an article entitled “Globalization and public
administration” by Karamack (Kamaraack, 2001), it was noted
that there are four key driving forces behind the waves of
reform to public administration across the world, that is,
democratization, the deficit in performance, the revolution in
information technology and global economic compe-tition. The
modern type of administrative state can shape society and guide
it, through regulations and control of social and economic

16. devel-opment. Doubts with regard to the capacity of the state to
govern do not just have a basis in concern over limited capacity
in financial terms; there are also deep‐rooted disputes over
ideology and percep-tions of what the nature of a state ought to
be and what its purposes are, and balances of opinion shift with
regard to what people feel a state ought and ought not to do.
Within his argument related to strat-egies for reform, Cheng
(2005) explained that many factors in combi-nation influence
the reform of public administration such as traditions of
national administrations, political evolution as a result of
decoloni-zation, nation‐building and democratization and global
trends with regard to the reinvention of government and
administrative reform.
Angranof and Yildis (2006) articulated a dichotomy between
administration and politics; they sought answers to issues
stemming from politics being related to policies and expressions
of the will of the state, whereas administration is concerned
with how such policies are to be executed. Political decisions
over public policy are made by political leaders, and then it is
simply a case of career officials figuring out what is the most
effective and efficient manner in which those
policies are to be implemented. It is conceptually appealing to
cleanly split between labor for administration and labor for
politics; however, in realty, there is a complete disconnect. The
perspective of gover-nance offers another kind of solution to the
issue. As Wachhaus (2012) noted, governing structure patterns
are experiencing change in what is considered a shift from
government to forms of governance. Such a shift involves the
movement of managerial practices focus beyond government
boundaries of bureaucratic states and the provi-sion of services
directly from government to what is called “third party” kinds
of government. Expressed another way, the manner in which
people govern is going beyond the boundaries of government

17. and is less involved with traditional institutions and
mechanisms.
The reforms that have been disseminated and inspired by the
‘new public management’ new reforms have been implemented
within many countries and, as Schick (2002) argued, there has
been an increase in the horizontal specialization witnessed in
the function-ing of administrations, which has often been
coupled with more clear separation between administrative and
political function. The aim has been to have sharper structural
task separation in relation to policy advice, control, and
regulation. Another way of looking at the shift is to consider
that reform rhetoric and theories in relation to normative
practice thus give the suggestion that actors in administration,
such as agencies operating at arm's length, ought to focus upon
the implementation of policy instead of being involved with
processes of decision‐making around policy.
Talbot (2004), meanwhile, pointed out that “Next Steps” has the
aim of a more precise description of the respective roles of civil
servants and ministers, with the former being responsible for
making policy intentions happen with the autonomy to do so,
and the latter being responsible for the setting of policy in the
first instance. Reformers within the Netherlands and the United
Kingdom have frequently argued that specialization of functions
of public services into agencies would lead to better forms of
management and better delivery of services. Also, the
distancing of public services into agen-cies was thought likely
to lead to more professional forms of manage-ment with greater
levels of transparency through the bringing of services closer to
citizens and through making, and allowing, managers to manage
(Kettl, 1996). It was emphasized within an appraisal of gov-
ernment reform (“Inside the Reinvention Machine”) that a need
still exists for centralized coordination and control; although
policy may lead to devolved activity, as long as there is an
involvement of public funds, government still remains

18. responsible for how such funding is used. A need to ensure that
there is value for money leads to encour-agement for early
detection and policy conflict resolution and the elimination of
duplication. There is, therefore, a call for further informal
procedures and suitable communication between them, in
addition to change in behavior and attitudes on both parts. It
was claimed by Lawson (2006) that there is a need for good
governance to rest upon the ability of a system to manage
conflicting goals related to rationality and efficiency in
economic terms along with goals for legitimacy based upon
wide participation in the processes of public policy‐making
along with equity in access to, and distribution of, public
services. Stolk and Wergrich (2008) have indicated that reforms
search continuously for improved linkages that can reconcile
the goals of budget and policy and serve to ensure that they
have a mutually
4 of 10
TBAISHAT ET AL.
reinforcing nature. One development with promise is that with
regard to evolving roles within budget ministries. There is a
move away from traditional roles with budget ministers being
perceived as “naysayers” to a culture wherein expertise is
developed for identification of efficiency and cost‐cutting
measures; as such, they are better placed to offer ministries

19. advice in relation to how administrative costs can be cut
without there being a need to reduce programs.
by officials or by nonofficial confidants, he will likely come to
view it as a general problem. He may then draw the cabinet's
attention to it and, if it is not solved, may replace the relevant
minister. However, for domestic economic matters to have an
influence on upper level decision‐making, they must be of real
consequence—large loans, the devaluation of the dinar, and the
like (Kernaghan, 2010).
7
|
FINDINGS OF THE STUDY
Politically, Jordan is a constitutional system that differentiates
the powers of each of the three branches of government. The
Jordanian governmental system is parliamentary with an
inherited monarchy. The Mulgi government is the 84th since the
founding of the Jordanian State some 95 years ago, giving the
government an average life span of 11 months
(www.gov.jo/byFormationdate).
Over the years, the centralization aspect has reinforced and per-
petuated a status quo judged as inappropriate by researchers and
practitioners. The king appoints the Council of Ministers, which
is responsible for the daily operations of the domestic
government, the president, and the members of the Senate. He
approves and promul-gates laws. The king has the power to
declare war and sign peace treaties, although treaties must be
signed by the National Assembly (Jordan Constitution, article
35).
Policy‐making cannot adequately be studied apart from the
environment or context in which it operates. Therefore, it is

20. necessary to review and focus on the important actors in the
policy‐making process.
7.1 | The Palace and the Cabinet
In the absence of democracy, decisions have been those of the
king, often in conjunction with several key advisers. On issues
of foreign policy and military, the king, the Prime Minister, and
the Chief of the Royal Court are the decisions‐making circle.
The cabinet, as a body, is not involved, although its members
may be consulted for their reac-tions or comments.
Brand also argued that in foreign policy, the major goal was to
secure aid for the budget and to finance the military. In the case
of the budget, the king's highest concern has been paying the
salaries of the army and the security apparatus, whose members
have tradi-tionally been largely recruited from the kingdom's
tribes and who have long been regarded as the bedrock of
support for the monarchy.
The Prime Minister has generally handled the “how” questions
related to the economy and bureaucracy. The role of the Prime
Minis-ter was also described as key, but his input varies
depending upon the political or economic conditions at any
given time (Brand, 1994).
Beyond these two figures—the king and the Prime Minister—
the economic decision‐making group differs from the foreign
policy group. The king has certain advisers and confidants both
within and outside government whose friendship and proximity
give them access and, hence, the opportunity to lobby for
certain policies. The king is described as an arbiter by nature,
preferring not to interfere in policy details. However, if a
complaint is voiced frequently enough either

21. 7.2 | The Economic Security Committee
One key factor that affected the development of the economy
and the process of economic decision‐making in the kingdom
was the pres-ence of a martial law regime during most of the
1957–1990 periods. Symptomatic of the conditions that existed
under martial law were the establishment, development, and
activities of what was called the Economic Security Committee
(ESC; Alfanik, 2016). This body was originally founded in 1967
to address the economic problems cre-ated by the occupation of
the West Bank in 1967. With martial law already in place giving
the state sweeping powers, adding such a com-mittee seemed
like a natural step. Composed of the Minister of Finance, the
Minister of Trade and Industry, the Minister of Transport, and
the Governor of the Central Bank, and standing in effect above
or outside the law, the committee initially served to help solve
problems faced especially by the government and some of the
public companies and institutions (UNDP, 2015).
Gradually, however, the committee's “mandate” broadened. It
began to act as a kind of extraordinary legislative council. The
commit-tee was permitted to make decisions that overturned
existing laws; even those that had been passed after the
occupation and that had taken the post‐June 1967 reality into
account. In this way, the com-mittee came to be used to bypass
existing laws when it was problem-atic or inconvenient from the
point of view of the decision‐makers or their confidants (Brand,
1994). For example, if the Prime Minister requested something
to be done quickly or something done that was officially against
the law, he could refer it to the committee. The committee also
made decisions about liquidating companies, borrow-ing to the
ceiling of the Central Bank, and then legalizing more
borrowing, allowing the Central Bank to deposit with other
banks to support the currency, issuing more currency than had
been allowed, expelling people from commercial organization,
and consenting to someone who would or else have been

22. banned, to be part of the board of directors of a corporation. In
the days of escalating political repression in 1988, its decisions
also dissolved the boards of a number of public shareholding
companies including those of the major daily newspapers.
Many of the rulings the committee made are open to criticism,
not only on legal grounds but also on economic and financial
ones. Some of its decisions were intended to benefit a particular
person, company, or bank, to enable them to undertake an
activity that was against the law or to avoid procedures dictated
by the law (Alfanik, 2016). More-over, only a few of the ESC's
decisions were ever published in the Official Gazette, the
newspaper in which all legislation is supposed to appear. Most
were confidential, and for specific purposes, they were usually
not general edicts.
TBAISHAT ET AL.
5 of 10
Comprising only a handful of cabinet members who were chosen
by the Prime Minister in consultation with the king, the ESC
appears to have been the institutionalized form of an inner
circle for economic policy. Their power derived from both the
cabinet positions they held and their closeness to the king and
the Prime Minister at the time, to which they owed their
appointment.

23. 7.3 | The role of the ministers
The type of regime that produces and perpetuates an institution
such as the ESC is clearly one that is uninterested in or
incapable of decentralizing decision‐making. And, indeed, even
for what would appear to be relatively minor matters, economic
decision‐making is highly centralized in the kingdom. Most
decisions—whether important or relatively minor—are made at
the cabinet level or even above, not even at the level of
individual ministers.
Part of the reason for the lack of ministerial involvement is that
ministerial appointments in Jordan generally owe to
considerations of domestic political balancing along ethnic and
regional lines. All cab-inet members must meet certain
unofficial but well‐known formulae. As a result, most ministers
are appointed because of ethnicity, tribal/ family background, or
regional considerations, not because of exper-tise in the field of
their appointment, although there are certainly numerous
notable exceptions. In such a system, where a minister's
background in his or her field has generally been only a
secondary consideration, a minister's power derives from a
number of sources. The first is the degree of support he or she
enjoys from the Prime Minister. They therefore have no
automatic political base in the Parliament or outside, as would
be the case in a normal parliamentary system. Beyond his or her
ties with the decision‐making group, a min-ister's power is often
determined by such factors as the degree to which he or she has
developed ties in the bureaucracy (both within his or her own
ministry and elsewhere) and his or her own energy and
involvement. Another source of power lies in the ministry itself.
For example, the Ministry of Finance is potentially very
powerful, because it includes the customs bureau, the income
and sales tax department, the budget, and the land and surveys
bureau—all the departments responsible for domestic revenue.

24. At least part of the problem with ensuring implementation
below the cabinet level is that many individual ministers prefer
not to take responsibility, opting to leave certain issues to the
cabinet. If that is the case at the level of minister, one can
imagine what happens (or does not happen) at lower levels. As
is the case for bureaucrats everywhere, there is no incentive
(and in this case, also no authority) to make decisions without
prior approval from above, even on very minor matters. If the
relevant minister does not take an interest in solving a problem,
no action will be taken. In general, then, because of the lack of
authority to make decisions, there is little or no follow‐up.
In addition to the issue of authority and responsibility is the
problem of the lack of a guiding program or policy. In more
general terms, however, one reason for the lack of a coherent
policy is that there have not been political parties steering the
government. The appointment of the Prime Minister has always
been the king's
prerogative, not a response to election results, even since the
political liberalization of 1989.
Although some studies agreed that ministerial changes are
disrup-tive, given the lack of a program, it is not necessarily the
case that a change in minister will mean a complete change in
the ministry (Kernaghan, 2010). After all, the other mid‐level
and lower level bureaucrats remain in place. Instead, the change
of ministers will often mean that projects in which the former
minister was involved may simply be set aside as the new
minister begins to establish his own pri-orities (Brand, 1994).
7.4 | The Parliament
Legislative authority resides with the King and Parliament that

25. is a bicameral national assembly consisting of the upper house
(the Sen-ate) and the lower house (the Chamber of Deputies).
The constitution provides that the Senate, indulging the
Speaker, shall consist of not more than one‐half of the number
of members of the Chamber of Deputies (Senate 65 members,
Chamber of Deputies 130 members). The King chooses all
senators that meet the requirements approved in the
constitution. A senator must be 40 years old and belong to one
of the following classes: present or former prime ministers, per-
sons who have previously held the office of Ambassador,
Speaker of Chamber of Deputies, retired military officers of the
rank of Lt. General and above, president and judges of the Court
of Causation and of the Civil and Sharia Courts of Appeal,
former deputies who were elected at least twice as deputies, and
other similar personalities who enjoy the confidence of the king
in view of the services rendered by them to the nation and
country. Senators serve 4‐year terms, renewable every 4 years
(AL Taamneh, 2016).
The Chamber of Deputies consists of 130 members elected by
secret ballot in a general and direct election. The term of office
is 4 years. A deputy must be 30 years old. Unlike senators, who
must meet specific qualifications, the Chamber of Deputies does
not have specific requirements except potential deputies must
have Jordanian citizenship, no current declaration of legal
bankruptcy, and not subject to any indictable charge.
The public perception is that the Parliament, especially the
Cham-ber of Deputies, is very weak and a rubberstamp for the
executive branch (AL Taamneh, 2016). The majority of its
members must rely on the executive branch to keep their
constituencies happy, which is accomplished primarily through
nepotism and political patronage. There are no restrictions on
political campaign financing, and conse-quently, getting elected
to Parliament depends in part on tribal affilia-tions and wealth.
The members of both houses have immunity from prosecution,

26. which can only be lifted by a majority of votes in Parlia-ment.
The Prime Minister and his ministers are jointly accountable to
Parliament regarding public policy, and each minister is
accountable to Parliament regarding the work of his ministry.
Another structural weakness is Parliament; in practice, it does
not initiate legislation. Although Article 95 of the Constitution
states that any 10 Deputies (MP's) may propose any law, in
reality, the Prime Minister submits proposals for laws, which
Parliament can accept, amend, or reject. In all cases, the
proposed laws have to be submitted
6 of 10
TBAISHAT ET AL.
to the Senate, and they do not become laws unless approved by
both houses and signed by the King.
7.5 | The judiciary
Judges are independent, and in the exercise of their judicial
functions, they are subject to no authority other than that of the
law. The judicial system is divided into two categories: civil
and religious courts. According to the constitution, the civil
court has jurisdiction over all personnel in all affairs, criminal
and civil, including cases brought by or against the government.

27. Religious courts are divided into (a) the Sharia court,
jurisdiction in issues of personal status of Muslims, cases
concerning blood money where the two parties are Muslims; and
(b) the Tribunals of Religious Communities are those for the
non‐Muslims communities that are recognized by the
government.
The courts have a very limited role to play in policy‐making to
affect the nature and content of public policy through exercise
of the powers of judicial review and statutory interpretation in
cases brought before them.
In practice, the courts do not play an active role in deciding
issues of administrative accountability or responsiveness. The
exercise of this limited power, however, is further constrained
by practical consider-ations. To avoid being either politicized or
caught in the middle of a fight between branches of government,
courts tend to define prob-lems as political in nature and hence
beyond their jurisdiction—the basic rationale used for not
questioning decisions made by the government.
7.6 | The bureaucracy
The domination of the executive branch over legislative and
judicial branches of government is evident. The extreme
centralism of deci-sion‐making inside the executive branch
resists endeavors at change and, more considerably, hinders
attempts to tackle problems of the government bureaucracy like
inefficiency and corruption (Pearce, 2011).
The executive branch is vested with an impressive array of
formal powers that places the Prime Minister at the center of the
political arena. He is called upon to carry out a number of roles
that give him the opportunity to expand his ability to persuade
and influence other significant actors in the political process.

28. The cabinet and its bureaucracy are the most important actors in
the policy‐making process in spite of the fact that the legislative
authority resides with the king and the Parliament (Kpundeh,
1999). The cabinet and its authority to exercise legislative
leadership is clearly established by both the constitution and
legislation and accepted as a practical and political necessity
(AL Taamneh, 2016). As a result, Par-liament expects the Prime
Minister to present proposed legislation program. In practice,
Parliament does not initiate legislation's. Although Article 95 of
the constitution states that any 10 Deputies (PM's) may propose
any law, in reality, the Prime Minister submits pro-posals for
laws, which Parliament can accept, amend, or reject.
7.7 | The private sector
Two institutions with potential clout and interest in the
economic policy arena, the Chamber of Commerce and Industry,
have been in existence throughout much of the kingdom's
history. The Chamber of Commerce is in fact a federation of
local chambers of commerce. The federation was founded in
December 1955, as the representative of the private sector in all
economic, commercial, and service fields (Amman Chamber of
Commerce, 2015). The Amman Chamber of Industry established
itself as a separate entity in 1962 (Amman Cham-ber of
Commerce, 2015). Its members are public, private, and mixed
sector companies. The chamber serves as a forum for
formulating and expressing the views of the industrial sector in
the kingdom.
The annual report of the chamber of commerce provides some
insights into the influence that the institutionalized private
sector has had on policy‐making. The summaries of meetings
held with the ministers to discuss issues related to the role of
the private sector, and development seems to be the best
indicator for formal access by the chambers to the government.

29. Rather than simply waiting to read the text of new law in the
official gazette, industrialists began to initiate projects and
make suggestions regarding tariff, interest rate, and rate of
taxes to the government (Amman Chamber of Commerce, 2015).
In general, however, it seems clear that formal meetings were
few and effective input is quite limited. In short, it would be
inaccurate to conclude that, in practice, the private sector plays
an important role in the policy‐making process in Jordan.
8
|
ASSESSMENT OF FINDINGS
The Jordanian policy‐making process and the roles played by
the dif-ferent parties explain the Jordanian political culture,
characterized by bureaucratic elitism and political–
administrative centralism that tend to legitimize the moral
authority of the ruling elites.
The finding reveals that the cabinet and its bureaucracy are the
most important actors in the policy‐making process in spite of
the fact that the legislative authority resides with the king and
the parliament.
The political alliances between elected representative and
bureau-cracy can be seen as a way in which the bureaucracy can
generate power necessary for successful action. An exchange of
bureaucratic services for political support is the norm of
cooperation between legislators and bureaucracy in Jordan.
Parliamentarians, who seek reelection every 4 years, certainly
need the support of the bureau-cracy. Political representative
who oppose the government legislations in a given policy feel
that his own objection will be meaningless because of the size
of the group of which he is a member. These alliances play an
essential role in the success or failure of a given legislation.

30. On the other hand, the effectiveness of government substantially
depends upon executive leadership and action in both formation
and execution of policy. The authority of the Prime Minister to
exercise legislative leadership is clearly recognized by both
legislation and the constitution and acknowledged as a practical
and political necessity. The crumbling of power in parliament
stems from lack of strong party leadership, renders and
committee system, which
TBAISHAT ET AL.
7 of 10
incompetent of building a inclusive legislative program. As a
result, parliament has come to expect the Prime Minister to
present to it a program of proposed legislation. The parliament
does not, however, do whatever the Prime Minister
recommends. More than 90% of the Prime Minister Policy
proposals were adopted by the parliament dur-ing the period
2010–2015 (World Bank Report, 2015). Although the Prime
Minister is the head of the executive branch, he does not act
alone on policy matters. The bureaucracy compromises several
staff agencies' advice and assists the Prime Minister in handling
his respon-sibilities, including development and implementation
of policy. For example, the Budget Department assists the Prime
Minister in prepar-ing the annual budget, supervising
expenditures, and managing the executive branch (Jreisat,

31. 1998). On the other hand, in foreign and military policies, the
palace has the authority to decide and almost operate in
freedom. Foreign and military policies in Jordan are largely the
product of the King's leadership and action.
The most important institution in this respect is the palace. The
King is the only figure in the kingdom that represents a national
constituency.
In Jordan, the capacity of legislatures to engage effectively in
policy‐making has been very limited because they lack the
required professional personnel to serve the individual members
of the Parlia-ment. The absence of the professional staff helps
to make parliament members more dependent on others—the
executive, administrative agencies, and interest groups—for
information.
Because there are few policy issues, a larger proportion of them
can reach the cabinet level, and the executive plays a larger role
in forming public policies about most issues; because power is
more highly concentrated, the political executive is free to
establish policies on many more issues without worrying as
much about having to build coalitions.
The courts have a very limited role to play in policy‐making to
affect the nature and content of public policy through the
exercise of powers of judicial review and statutory
interpretation in cases brought before them. The exercise of this
very limited power, how-ever, is further constrained by
practical considerations. To avoid being either politicized or
caught in the middle of a fight between branches of government,
courts tend to define problems as political in nature and hence
beyond their jurisdiction.
In short, as in many developing countries, the policy‐making
struc-ture is rather simple and executive policy‐making

32. prevails. In such countries, too, interest groups have little
influence on policy‐making because of their limited
independence from political institutions.
A number of reasons lie behind the apparent lack of influence
by the private sector (World Bank Report, 2016). First of all is
the state perception of the private sector. Public sector
employees tend to view private businessmen as selfish and
unconcerned with the national interest. Second and not
surprisingly, the private sector, although small, is not unified in
its interests. Another more general problem is that the
government has in effect over the years trained Jordanians not
to challenge it, but to depend on it for a whole range of
services. However, part of the explanation for private sector
inactivity must be attributed to the years of martial law (1957–
1990) and political repression. In a situation in which
complaints were often (mis)read, whether deliberately or not, as
potential assault upon the security of
the state, few people had the courage or the power to speak out.
Such an atmosphere is hardly conducive to open an effective
expression of discontent, preferences, or challenging initiatives.
Finally, this problem is perhaps most significant for the
argument of this study; the size of the private sector's
contribution to the economy, as well as its dependence upon the
state for a good deal of its activity, has not given it much
bargaining power vis‐a‐vis the state (World Bank Report, 2017).
If one looks at the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) fig-ures, one
finds that the real productive sectors of the economy‐phos-
phate, potash, fertilizers, and so on are public sector companies.
The bureaucracy contributes another major chunk of GDP.
The media and its role in policy‐making are very limited also
due to the following reasons. Sixty percent of the newspapers
are govern-ment owned. Most of the broadcasts media–radio and

33. television are owned by the government and controlled by the
Information Ministry. Radio and television documentaries are
pro‐government, highlighting its achievements. Although some
address issues such as poverty, unemployment, education, and
health, none have focused on corrup-tion and mismanagement.
The government‐owned newspapers are managed as public
share‐holding companies. Major stockholders are current or
former government officials. This arrangement has politi-cized
the press. Dominant stockholders oftentimes use the media to
promote their interests and criticize their rivals. Private
newspapers that have published stories about governmental
abuses and misman-agement have become targets of arrest and
prosecution. Government papers glamorize high‐level
government officials, especially those in the cabinet and
criticize their detractors. In general, the media's role in raising
public awareness has been minimal in this society.
9
|
EXPLANATION
Jordan politics and administration manifest the historical stamp
of Jordanian political culture, characterized by bureaucratic
elitism and political–administrative centralism to a substantive
authoritarian political psychology that tends to legitimize the
moral authority of the upper strata.
Traditionally, public policy in Jordan is totally viewed as the
favor-ites and values of the governing personnel elite (Allam,
2017). The nonparticipatory Jordanian masses have long been
psychologically oriented toward powerful leadership by the elite
and a centralized hierarchical bureaucracy. Thus, a highly
centralized administration typifies the recurrent institutional
essence of Jordanian political tradi-tions. Despite the trauma of
Westernization in recent centuries, the core values of Jordanian
political culture have not been substantially altered by the

34. cross‐cultural fertilization. Western patterns of liberal
pluralistic ideals have had some cultural impact upon the
Jordanian elite. However, as yet, the elite political culture
remains highly authoritarian and still oriented toward exclusive
decision‐making by a centralized government.
Since the independence of Jordan in 1946, the Western pluralist
form has had a comprehensive impact on the organization of the
offi-cial institutional structure of the government of Jordan (Al
sabaileh, 2018). Further than the official structures of Jordanian
government, however, the impact has been at a minimum, and
centralization of
8 of 10
TBAISHAT ET AL.
bureaucratic rather than democratic pluralism persists in the
public policy‐making. We may ascribe this to the lack of
sociocultural precon-ditions of pluralism.
The strict political tradition of Jordanian government does not
cultivate such pluralistic prerequisite as follows:
1. Viable groups and/or individuals competition,
2. Opportunity creation for individuals and organizations to

35. achieve contribution in the process of decision‐making,
3. Using organized mediation between public and government,
4. Using practical approaches of masses in participating in
political decisions‐making such as elections and other media of
effect and access, and
5. Democratic harmony based on the free system.
Drifting to strict government in Jordan therefore should be
viewed partially as historical–cultural determinism and in part
as the absence of the pluralistic prerequisites.
The elite‐mass class division of Jordanian public lean to stand
with a political system that maintained by domination and
regulation and not by pluralist interest group balancing. The
high level of political centralism or authority enforces elitist
policy upon the different strata of the masses. Some other
determined ideological limitations as a result of the Arab‐Israel
conflict besides inhibit pluralistic prospects for political and
socioeconomic development:
1. Less political freedom for individuals,
2. Less power of the judiciary and legislature over executive
bureaucracy,
3. More restrictions of political parties' role and function, and
4. Military expansion role in politics.
The governing elite based upon the political passivity of the
Jordanian masses may facilitate effective bureaucratic
intervention in the economic and social areas but impedes the
creation of autonomous centers of decision‐making authority in

36. the develop-mental process—the democratic/political area.
Recent Jordanian politics and administration manifest
bureaucratic centralism, which give little encouragement to the
positive projection of democratic development.
Jordan's recent move toward political democratization is
expected to mature with its emphasis on socioeconomic
development, a new popular consciousness, greater national
self‐confidence, and a new generation of democratic leadership,
if it is subjected to the precondi-tions of pluralism.
Jordanians also face the challenge of “civilizing” their politics
and government, calling upon their talent to lead an
increasingly complex economy and society. Jordan has already
made a historic commitment to greater democratization.
Consequently, there appears to be a gen-eral consensus along
with Jordanians of diverse political persuasions that government
institution and administrative practices up to now have been
inadequate to convene Jordan's complicated current and
potential demands. A drastic administrative reform will be a
vital part
of democratization of politics. Jordan now has the opportunity
to match its socioeconomic progress with much better
administrative apparatus, and by doing so, it will have laid the
groundwork not only for enduring democratic progress but also
for enduring economic prosperity.
10
|
RECOMMENDATIONS
It is clear that the bureaucracy does have significant, if not
necessarily dominant, policy roles in the Jordanian government.
The problem then is how to structure government in ways that

37. recognize the reality, and even the desirability, of the enhanced
policy roles for civil servants while at the same time preserving
the requirements of democratic accountability.
This is a difficult balance for the designers of government
institu-tions to achieve, especially given the historical legacy of
thinking about Jordan politics and administration characterized
by political– administrative centralism and public demands for
enhanced account-ability. The politicization role of the
bureaucracy, if not the members of the civil service themselves,
may make the delicate balance of policy competencies
mentioned above all more difficult to achieve. However, in a
national context like Jordan, the following are recom-mended to
enhance the policy‐making process in an attempt to create
balance between the bureaucracy and some important
participants like legislatures, interest groups, and the media in
policy roles and initiation.
First, the civil service should be acquiescent and respond almost
entirely to the policy directives given to them by their nominal
political masters. This can be achieved by enhancing the
legislature's role in policy‐making by engaging them directly in
the central political tasks of law making and policy formation in
the political system.
In the era of democracy and free‐market policies, Jordanians are
expecting from their legislatures to do more than accept, amend,
or reject the proposed legislation. They are expecting them to
initiate legislation's especially on matters that affect directly
the life of the people such as taxation, civil right, social
welfare, and economic regu-lation. The capacity of the
legislatures to engage effectively in policy‐ making can be
enhanced by the following:
1. Personal staff: These people serve individual members of the
parliament; some of them professionals to handle policy

38. responsi-bilities; and others to handle routine office duties.
2. Committee and subcommittee staff: The professional
members of committee staffs enhance the legislature capacity to
have consid-erable influence on legislation, drafting bills, and
developing polit-ical support.
3. Institutional staff: Agencies that can serve the Parliament
with research studies, policy evaluations, and budgetary data. In
addi-tion to the Audit Bureau, we can add Parliament Research
Service and Parliament Budget Office.
All of this staff assistance helps to make parliament less
dependent upon others—the executive, administrative agencies,
and interest groups—for information.
TBAISHAT ET AL.
9 of 10
Second is enhancing the role of the private sector in
policy‐making. Well‐organized groups have an important impact
on public policy‐ making. Interest groups may perform an
interest‐articulation function; that is, they express demands and
present alternatives for policy action. They may also supply
legislatures with much information, often techni-cal, about the
nature and possible consequences of policy proposals. In doing

39. so, they contribute to the rationality of policy‐making. Interest
groups, such as those representing organized labor, business,
and agriculture, are a major source of demands for public policy
action in Jordan. Civil society organization is another example,
if it is free to orga-nize and act, and is an essential partner in
developing and strengthening policy proposals.
Last is strengthening the role of media and publicity. Jordan has
no tradition of using publicity as a mechanism for keeping
bureau-cracy under control. On the contrary, secrecy has been a
distinctive characteristic of the way government operates on a
daily basis. The communication media—newspapers,
newsmagazines, radio, and televi-sion—can participate in
policy‐making as suppliers and transmitters of information and,
whether deliberately or otherwise, shapers of atti-tudes. For
many Jordanian people, the late afternoon news on the
television is the main information source of on public affairs.
Compli-ance about bias in reporting of public affairs and media
coverage are familiar for Jordanian people, as are accusations
that governmental officials are controlling or manipulating the
news. Attempts must be made to introduce reforms aimed at
expanding the scope of civilian control over bureaucracy. In
general, the democratic ideal of ensuring an informed citizenry
would require changes in this area of concern.
ORCID
Rami Tbaishat http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3164-1727
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World Bank Report. (2017). World Bank approach to
sustainable development. P52–60

43. AUTHOR BIOGRAPHIES
Dr. Rami Tbaishat is an experienced assistant professor of
Public Administration with a demonstrated history of working
in government reform.
Dr. Ali Rawabdeh is an experienced associate professor of
Public Health Administration with a demonstrated history of
working in public health services.
Dr. Khaled Qassem Hailat is an experienced Assistant Professor
of Marketing with a demonstrated history of working in the
education management industry.
Dr. Shaker A Aladwan is an experienced Assistant Professor of
Public Administration with a demonstrated history of working
in the excellence Models.
10 of 10
TBAISHAT ET AL.
Dr. Samir Al Balas is an experienced Assistant Professor of
Public Health Administration with a demonstrated history of
working in public health services.

44. Dr. Mohammed Iqbal Al Ajlouny is an experienced Associate
Professor of business administration demonstrated history of
working in human resources management and development.
How to cite this article: Tbaishat R, Rawabdeh A, Hailat KQ, A
Aladwan S, Al Balas S, Al Ajlouny MI. Reforming policy roles
in the Jordanian policy‐making process. J Public Affairs.
2019;19:e1886. https://doi.org/10.1002/pa.1886
Copyright of Journal of Public Affairs (14723891) is the
property of John Wiley & Sons, Inc. and its content may not be
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without the copyright holder's express written permission.
However, users may print, download, or email articles for
individual use.
DIFFERENCES IN EXPERIENCES OF MALE AND FEMALE
SLAVES
(USE TEXTBOOK, LECTURE NOTES, ARN’T I A WOMAN,
NARRATIVE OF FREDERICK
DOUGLASS AND LIST PAGE NUMBER NEXT TO
EVIDENCE)
Male Slaves Female Slaves

45. Types of Work
1.
2.
3.
1.
2.
3.
Forms of Rebellion

46. 1.
2.
3.
1.
2.
3.
Forms of Abuse or
Punishment that
Masters Gave

47. 1.
2.
3.
1.
2.
3.
Text1: 0: 0: 0: They were farmers and worked in the farm for a
long time to plant many corps such as rice . (Eric Foner,146)1:
male salves used their strength to form any kind of rebellion .
(62 , Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass)2: male slaves
were order by their master to work all season and under all the
circumstances especially the harsh one seeking for profit and
not caring about the slave. (55,Narrative of the Life of
Frederick Douglass)1: 0: They were working as a cooker for
their master. (Eric Foner,142)1: Women slaves started to engage
with white people and form a family with them. (148, Eric
Foner) 2: Female salves were treated in a very bad way and
they get beating a lot and sometime they get beating to
death.(21,Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass) 1: 0: 0:

48. Male salves worked as craftsman in shops or stores during the
19th century .(Eric Foner,146)1: They merged with the white
society and learned their language and religion. (148, Eric
Foner ) 2: Every time male slaves try to escape they get
punished with all kind of punishments such as imprison and
stop feeding them. (92, Narrative of the Life of Frederick
Douglass)1: 0: Female salves worked in a dairy to help their
master. (Eric Foner,142)1: At the slave master's houses, female
slaves tried to poison them because they were working as maid
.(79, Deborah Gray White)2: They had been separated from
their families such as their son, brother, a husband, or father.
(43,Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass) 2: 0: 0: Male
salves worked as private salves to people as well as working in
the port to lead and unload products form the ship. (Eric
Foner,146)1: They used songs to motivate people to rebel
against the unfair. (167, Deborah Gray White) 2: Slave masters
forced them do all risky work because they thought that their
life is worthless. (65, Narrative of the Life of Frederick
Douglass) 1: 0: They worked as personal servant for their owner
(Eric Foner,142)1: Some male slaves were in prison and female
salves helped them out with food when their master were not
around. (155, Deborah Gray White) 2: They did not get the
proper healthcare from their master. (166, Deborah Gray White)
Jassim Alajmi
HIST 172
Jane Dabel
January 16, 2018

49. Slavery in The Nineteenth Century
Different Experience Between Male and Female Slave
“There shall be no slave in your home, male or female:
least of all mother of your son.” Is very well-known quote by
Franz Grillparzer which trying to influence to not owen or have
people as slave and not to treat them like that. In the nineteenth
century, people were importing African people from their home
and use them as slave and to do works that white people think
that they shall not be doing. Furthermore, they were importing
women slave as well and they have been using them in many
ways differ than the male slave. Slaves have been treated in
different ways, working in diverse workplaces, and protested in
different way all depending on their sexes. Even though both
men and women sometime endured slavery in similar way, yet
there are inherent differences in how the sexes experienced
slavery, for the reason that women and men frequently did
different kind of labor, rebelled with different methods, and
faced different forms of abuse or punishment.
Once slaves arrive to white people territory, they should
expect that they are going to work in all possible workplaces
and all type of weathers; the hard one or the easy one. For male
slaves in the nineteenth century they were working in farms.
People in the past were very focusing in their farms because

50. they were their main source of food; therefor, they needed
hands to work on it. This is where the male salves played the
main roll in. Farms were the people main economic in that time,
so they were very important for them to work on them and make
them bigger with diverse products. In addition, male slaves
were working as craftsman in shops or stores. People needed
hands to work in their shops while they do other things or rest
at home, so the Africans were used to work in the artisan shops.
Beside working as privet workers to some people, male salves
worked in the port to load and unload goods form ships. They
had been in jobs where they required muscles because loading
and unloading ships required a lot of effort.[footnoteRef:1] [1:
Eric Foner, Give me Liberty! An American History, vol. 2,
(New York: W.W.Norton &Company, 1999) ,146]
On the other hand, women slaves were working in jobs that
differ from male. They were working as a cooker whether for
the family that owns them or for the privet owner. Additionally,
women slaves were employed in a dairy to help their master in
many ways. They were as permanent maid for the owner and do
all works instead of them and deal with the animals and then
give the products to the owner. Also, they worked as personal
worker for their master. For instance, they were doing all the
cleaning, shopping, and organizing for the master and following
them wherever they go and help them whenever they
want.[footnoteRef:2] [2: Foner,142]
When it comes to treat people unfairly and use them as
slave just because of their appearance, people will try to rebel
against the unjust people. Male salve had many ways to rebel,
such as tending to use their muscles and involve in a fight
seeking for a rebellion. Men in general will try something that
involve being tough and using their muscles to fight the unjust
people and seek for revenge[footnoteRef:3]. Moreover, there
were a smarter way for rebellion that men slaves used which is
merging with the white society and learn their language and

51. religion. This tactic was very good where the white people
understood that they are all the same and they should be treated
equally because African will spoke the same language and
practiced the same religion and that will make them close to
each other and make them feel like one big
family.[footnoteRef:4] Nevertheless, they used a way that might
affected people soul and make them think seriously about
rebellion which is singing. Singing is a very good way to
encourage people to do some sort of action like rebel against the
unfair people. Songs could engage people brain and deep
emotions, and people usually translate that emotion into
action.[footnoteRef:5] [3: Frederick Douglass, Narrative of
the Life of Frederick Douglass Mineola, NY:(Dov Publications,
1845), 62] [4: Foner, 148] [5: Deborah Gray White, Ar'n't I a
Woman?: Female Slaves in the Plantation South, W. W. Norton
& Company; 1 edition (February 17, 1999), 167]
Alternatively, female slaves were more like the inside
people to form a rebellion. Women started to engage with white
people. Women started to engage with white people and created
a family with them. This way was to stop white people from
treating them like slave and instead starting to treat them like a
family[footnoteRef:6]. It was very effective because nowadays
there is a lot of white and black couples. Furthermore, Slaves
were seeking for their rights and liberty. therefore, women;
since they were working as maid; they tried to poison their
owner. This is more like a tough way to rebel because it involve
killing people, and being carful because if they got caught they
will be in a big trouble, so people won’t do it unless it is very
necessary[footnoteRef:7]. Moreover, women slaves were trying
to help their race and support them in their rebellion. Women
were trying to give food to slaves while their owner not around
in order to keep them healthy and strong. Rebellion was only
because salves were seeking for some revenge and justices
because white people were treating them very badly and
punching and abusing them. [footnoteRef:8] [6: Foner, 148]

52. [7: White, 79] [8: White, 155]
People in the nineteenth century were treating their slaves
very bad especially if they did some thing wrong. For male
slaves, they had been ordered by the owner to work all seasons
and under all the circumstances. Whether it was hot or cold,
windy or humid, and in the morning or in the evening. They had
been humiliated by the master and their orders[footnoteRef:9].
Also, when the male salves get tired of their master, they tried
to think of a solution and the only solution was escaping.
However, it wasn’t good idea because if they got busted they
will face some savage penalties and
humiliation[footnoteRef:10]. The other kind of punishment was
in their workplace. They had them do the riskiest works because
they thought that their life was not worthy. The white people
were thinking that the African people were created just to work
for them and their lives weren’t worthy for anything else not
even living like a normal human being.[footnoteRef:11] [9:
Douglass, 55] [10: Douglass, 92] [11: Douglass, 65]
On the contrary, female slaves were as much abuse and punish
as the male slaves in the nineteenth century. They were treated
in very bad manners and sometime got beaten to death.
Sometime for a reason and sometime without[footnoteRef:12].
Once female slaves died, white people did not respect their
bodies and neither bury it nor grave it. In addition, female
slaves were treated like animals where they were separated from
their family, whether a son, father, or a brother. They were
really getting a savage treating[footnoteRef:13]. Additionally,
as normal human being, people get sick sometime because of
many reasons whether not eating well, food poisons, and
weather changes. The master did not provide any kind of
medicine or a cure for them when they get hurt or sick. When
female salves get pregnant, they did not get the care that they
needed, and the master did not take care of them and did not
waste any money on them just because they thought they are not

53. worthy.[footnoteRef:14] [12: Douglass, 21] [13: Douglass,
43] [14: White, 166]
In conclusion, even though men and women slaves were
brought for one main reason which is to serve people, there
sexes affect their lifestyle, because women and men were force
to different type of labor, and faced different forms of abuse or
punishment that lead to rebelled in different ways. Men slaves
labor was most likely outdoor where women slaves was indoor.
They were treated differently based on their sexes and force to
do different type of works. Also, they rebelled by different
methods, where male slave tried using their muscles, singing
and blending with the society. On the other hand, women tried
to poison their master, getting married, and helping African
people by feeding them while their master not around. Male and
female slaves were punished by their masters. Male slaves have
been ordered to work under all the circumstances and female
slaves were separated from their family. People around the
world should think very deeply about the idea of the slavery so
they can understand how bad it is to make a human being as
slave. People should have educated themselves and be more
civilized and avoid action like have a slave and torturing them
like they Owen them. People do not get to Owen other people
because they were born with different shapes and color, but they
are all equal and should be treated equally.

54. Bibliography
Foner, Eric. Give Me Liberty!: An American History. 1st ed.
Vol. 1. W. W. Norton & Company, 2004.
West, T. M., & Douglass, F. Narrative of the life of Frederick
Douglass: a graphic classic; based on the autobiography of
Frederick Douglass. New York: Scholastic Inc, 1845.
White, D. G. Ar'n't I a Woman?:female slaves in the plantation
South. New York: W.W. Norton, 1999.