This document discusses the history of discrimination faced by East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) within Pakistan from its inception. Some key points: 1) Bengalis faced political, economic, and linguistic discrimination as Urdu was imposed as the sole national language despite most Bengalis speaking Bengali. 2) East Pakistan's resources and foreign exchange earnings were siphoned off to develop industries in West Pakistan, depriving East Pakistan of economic opportunities. 3) During times of food shortage, arbitrary measures like the "Cordon System" prevented transport of food between districts, exacerbating suffering. Forced donations to the "Jinnah Fund" also oppressed people. 4) This discrimination and oppression sowed seeds of

1. Background of Bangladesh
Daffodil International University

2. 1. The Language Movement (1952)
The Language Movement is a unique event in the history of the political
Movement of Bangladesh. Bengali was the mother tongue of about 56
percent of the people of Pakistan. On the other hand, Urdu was the mother
tongue of only 6 percent people of the whole of Pakistan. Although 56
percent of the people of Pakistan were Bengalis, the West Pakistani didn’t
want Bengali to become the state language. On the other hand, Bengalis
wanted to make their language the state language along with Urdu and had
no objections against that language’ (Rahman 2012. P. 198).
The question of Bengali as a state language came up immediately after the
creation of Pakistan. On 6 and 7 September 1947 the youth workers of East
Pakistan held a Conference in Dhaka which was presided over by Tasadduk
Hossain. This Conference, for the first time took a resolution demanding
Bengali as the language of the offices and the courts and also as the
medium of instruction in East Pakistan.

3. Various Phases of Language Movement
On 15 September 1947 the Tamuddun Majlis published the first booklet on the
Language Movement entitled 'Pakistaner Rastrabhasha Bangla Na Urdu'.
Professor Abul Kashem, Dr. Qazi Motahar Hossain and Abul Mansur Ahmed were
the authors of this booklet.
• I. First Stage of the Language Movement:
In October 1947, Tamuddun Majlis formed a Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad to
give the Language Movement an organisational structure. Nurul Huq Bhuyan was
appointed convener of this Sangram Parishad. At this time several discussion
meetings were held on behalf of the Tamaddun Majlis to explain the rationale of
Bengali as a state language.
In December 1947 an Educational Conference was held in Karachi sponsored by
the Government of Pakistan. In this Conference the decision was taken to make
Urdu the state language of Pakistan. On 6 December, to protest against this
decision, the students held a meeting at the Dhaka University campus under the
president ship of Professor Abul Kashem.

4. In January 1948 the 'Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad' was reconstituted with
a view to making Bengali a state language. The Sangram Parishad raised the
following demands regarding the question of language:
1. Bengali shall be the medium of instruction and the language of the offices
and law Courts of East Bengal (East Pakistan);
2. There will be two state languages of Pakistan Bengali and Urdu.
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
In February 1948 when the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan started to
record its proceedings in Urdu side by side with English, Dhirendra Nath Dutta
of Comilla, a member of the Constituent Assembly from East Bengal, protested
against it and demanded that Bengali be accorded official recognition as one of
the languages of the Constituent Assembly. As a mark of protest, a strike was
observed on 26 February in Dhaka.

5. II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
On 2 March 1948 the various organizations of East Bengal held a meeting at the
Fazlul Huq Hall of Dhaka University to realize the demand for the state language.
The meeting chaired by Kamruddin Ahmad resolved to form an All-Party
Rashtrabhasha Sangram Parishad. The Samgram Parishad called a general strike
on 11 March 1948 to resist the conspiracy of the Government in the language
issue.
On that day, many students were injured and many leaders including Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, Shamsul Huq and Oli Ahad were arrested. It was decided that
11 March would be declared ‘Bengali Language Demand Day’. We also decided
to spring into action in all the districts on that day’ (Rahman 2012. P. 92).
In protest against this incident and to make Bengali a state language, another
strike was observed at Dhaka University and other educational institutions on 13
March. This strike was extended up to 15 March. A general strike was also
observed in all the districts of the province.

6. II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
In such a situation, the Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin met the Sangram
Parishad on 15 March and signed an agreement with them. By this agreement, he
agreed to release the arrested students, to investigate police excesses, to move
a Bill in the Assembly for making Bengali a state language and to lift section 144
and the restrictions imposed on the news papers.
In March 1948, Muhammad Ali Jinnah visited Dhaka and on 21 March,
addressed a public meeting at the then Race Course Maidan. In that meeting he
declared, "Urdu and only Urdu shall be the state language of Pakistan". When he
repeated these words at the Dhaka University Convocation Ceremony held on 24
March at the Curzon Hall, the students present protested vehemently by shouting
'No, No'. On that very day, Rastrabhasha Parishad submitted a memorandum to
Muhammad Ali Jinnah demanding for Bengali the status of a state language of
Pakistan. From this time (March’1948) on till he died Jinnah never again said that
he wanted Urdu as the only state language of Pakistan (Rahman 2012. P. 99).
Those who wanted Urdu as the only state language had just one argument to back
them: it was, they said, an ‘Islamic language’. But we could not figure out how
Urdu had ended up becoming as Islamic language’ (Rahman 2012. P. 98).

7. II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
In 1948, the All Pakistan Education Conference held in Karachi, proposed the
introduction of Arabic script, or in other words, Urdu letters for writing Bengali in
the name of honoring the Islamic ideal. Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah was proposed
to be appointed for the purpose of introducing Arabic script for writing Bengali. But
he rejected the proposal.
In April 1949 the students of the Bengali Department of the University of Dhaka
submitted a memorandum to the Pakistan Education Advisory Board and the
Alphabet Expert Committee strongly protesting against this objectionable move to
introduce Arabic script to write Bengali. In the memorandum the demand was also
made not to change the Bengali alphabets.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 9 March 1949 the Government of East Bengal formed the Purbo Bangla
Bhasha Committee for reforming Bengali language. Maulana Akram Khan was the
President of this Committee.

8. III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
The Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan visited Dhaka towards the end of
1949. In a memorandum submitted to him, the students of Dhaka University
reiterated the demand for Bengali language. But Liaquat Ali Khan did not make any
comment on this subject. In 1949, at the Purbo Pakistan Shahitya Sammelan, Dr.
Muhammad Shahidullah also raised the question of language
In September 1950 The Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan declared in the
Constituent Assembly that only Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. But
in the face of strong protest from the people of East Bengal, the Constituent
Assembly postponed the discussion on the question of the state language.
In 1951, Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated and Khwaja Nazimuddin' succeeded
him as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. When Jinnah was the Governor General he
made very good use of power vested in him. But Khawaja Saheb was too amiable
and weak to be effective. He didn’t have much of a personality (Rahman 2012. P.
119).

9. III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 26 January 1952 at a public meeting in Dhaka he declared that Urdu would
be the only state language of Pakistan. This declaration of Khwaja Nazimuddin
created a strong resentment among the people of East Bengal and as a mark of
protest a call for hartal throughout the province was given.
All Party Rashtrabhasha Sangram Committee decided to call a student's strike
on 4 February and observe 21 February as the State Language Day and to
observe hartal throughout the country. February 21 had already been chosen as
the State Language Day since the East Pakistan Provincial assembly was
scheduled to sit in session on that day’(Rahman 2012. P. 197).
On 16 February 1952 Sheikh Mujib and student leader Mohiuddin Ahmed,
while detained in the Dhaka Central Jail as political prisoners, started the fast up
to death Movement on the question of 'Bengali as a state language and the
release of the political prisoners'. On 20 February the Government of Nurul
Amin, being scared of the student Movement imposed section 144 at 3 p.m.,
and banned the processions and the meetings. On 21 February, the students of
Dhaka University in an organized way defied section 144 and leading a
procession from the Dhaka University campus proceeded towards the Provincial
Assembly which was in session, chanting the slogan "Rashtrabhasha Bangla
Chai".

10. III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
In a very tense situation the students assembled in the campus of the present
day Dhaka Medical College. When the police used tear gas to disperse the
students and the people that had assembled there, clashes occurred between the
police and the students and the people. At one stage, the police opened fire. A
number of people and students including Jabbar, Rafiq, Barkat and Salam were
martyred and many students and people were injured by this police firing.
On 22 February, a big rally, came out on the streets as a mark of protest. Police
opened fire on this rally too. As a result, Safiur Rahman was killed. On the same
day, in a meeting of the students held at the Dhaka Medical College hostel, it was
decided to build a Shaheed Minar to preserve the memory of the martyrs.
Accordingly, the Students erected a 12-feet high Shaheed Minar in front of Dhaka
Medical College.

11. III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 23 February, the father of Shaheed Safiur Rahman formally inaugurated the
Shaheed Minar. But in the evening of 24 February, police demolished this Shaheed
Minar. In memory of that, another Shaheed Minar was built later on the same site
and that is the present Central Shaheed Minar.
Bangla as State Language:
At last, the Government of Nurul Amin adopted a resolution in the Provincial
Assembly to the effect that a proposal would be raised at the Constituent
Assembly containing the demand to accord Bengali the status of one of the state
language of Pakistan. In the face of continuous student's and people's Movements
the Pakistan Government was compelled to give Bengali the status of one of the
state languages. Finally, Bengali was given the status of one of the state languages
in the Constitution of Pakistan of 1956.

12. Achievements of Language Movement
The Language Movement of 1952 was the first organized expression of the
consciousness of the exploited and deprived masses of Bangladesh. This
consciousness born out of the Language Movement inspired all the subsequent
Movements and helped achieving the political, the cultural and the economic
freedom leading to independence.
• Landslide victory in the provincial election in 1954 (out of 309 seats of the East
Bengal Legislative Assembly the United Front got 236, the Muslim League 9)
• Reorganization of the Bangla Language (1956)
• Reflection in educational conference (1962)
• Six-points (1966)
• Mass-uprising (1969)
• Landslide victory in the general election (1970) and
• Great victory in 1971
• Observed 21st February as an International Mother Language day
• Observed 2008 as ‘Year of Language’ by UN
• International Status of Bangla Language (Sierra Leone)

13. 2. The Six-Point Movement (1966)
The Six Point Programme was a bold protest against the endless discrimination
in economic, political and military sectors pursued against the people of Bengal
by the Pakistani rulers. Under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the
Awami League played a historic role for redressing this discrimination and
establishing the rights of the people of East Pakistan. On 5 February 1966
opposition political parties met in a Conference in Lahore, in this Conference,
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman placed a Charter of Demands relating to political,
economic and military rights of East Pakistan. This is known in history as the
Six-Point Programme. These Six Points were formally presented by him at a
press conference in Lahore.

14. Six Points were-
1. A true federal type of constitution shall have to be framed for Pakistan on the
basis of the historic Lahore Resolution and the form of this Government will
be Parliamentary. All elections should be held on the basis of universal adult
franchise and direct voting and the sovereignty of the Legislatures shall be
recognized.
2. The Central Government shall have only two things, defense and foreign affairs;
all other residuary powers shall rest with the provinces.
3. There shall be two separate but freely convertible currencies in the two regions
of the country; or, one single currency for the whole country with the
provision of two reserve banks in two provinces under a federal reserve bank.

15. 4. The regional governments shall have the authority to levy all taxes and, to
collect them. There shall be a provision for paying the Central Government a
portion of the revenues collected.
5. There should be separate accounts for the foreign exchange of the two
regions. If necessary, the requirement of the Centre will be met by the two
regions on the basis of equal rate or a rate as specified in the Constitution.
6. The federal states should have the authority to form regional armed forces or
militia or Para-militia forces to protect the territories.

16. Outcomes of Six-Point
I. For the People of East Pakistan
The oppressed and exploited people of East Pakistan welcomed this Six-Point
Programme as their Magna Carta or the Charter of Freedom. As a result, the
popularity of the Six-Point Programme increased day by day. Because-
a) It ensured Political Development (point-1)
b) Administrative Development (point-2)
c) Financial Development (point-3,4, & 5)
d) Enlargement of Military Power (point-6)

17. II. For the Government of Pakistan
The government became frightened at the popularity of the Six-Point demand and
falsely termed the Six-Point demand as an anti-state Movement. After this, the
Government took recourse to repressive policy to check the Six-Point movement
and arrested Sheikh Mujib along with many other leaders and workers of the
Awami League on 8 May 1966. There was widespread resentment in Dhaka and
throughout the province against these arrests. The Awami League, at first observed
a day of protest. Thereafter, on 7 June 1966 a general hartal was called throughout
the province for the release of the political prisoners. The government imposed
section 144 to prevent this hartal. But the people observed the hartal
spontaneously, ignoring the government ban and brought out a procession. The
police fired upon the processionists. Eleven people including young Manu Miah
were killed and hundreds of people were injured as a result of this firing. This act of
atrocity was strongly condemned in the Provincial Assembly.

18. 3. Discrimination against East Pakistan
Introduction:
Form the very beginning, Pakistan had been following a policy of partition against
East Bengal. Political, military, administrative and economic discrimination had
been increasing gradually. Bengalis were beginning to perceive that they were
being discriminated against in business, government service and all spheres of
trade and commerce. Because Karachi was the capital of Pakistan, Bengalis were
being deprived of all sorts of advantages’ (Rahman 2012. P. 198). As a result, a
wide gap was in the relation between East and West Pakistan. Meanwhile, a
group of West Pakistani leaders who saw themselves as representing the country
at the center and some senior bureaucrats were conniving to snatch away the
resources of East Bengal and transfer them to other wing of the country. They
seemed to have convinced themselves that East Pakistan would not stay with
them for long. Therefore, they were trying to build up their part as fast as they
could! On the other hand, the foreign exchange earned from East Pakistan’s
economy was now being used to build factories and industries in West Pakistan
(Rahman 2012. P.240 & 241).

19. ‘…, food scarcity was recorded in many places. In particular, people of Faridpur,
Comilla and Dhaka districts were facing a calamity due to acute shortage of food
grain. On that time, government introduced the ‘Cordon System’. This meant that
there was to be no movement of food from one district to another’ (Rahman
2012. P. 103).
This time another arbitrary measure was imposed, making everyone suffer as in
a plague. The government opened what it called the Jinnah fund’. The
government let it be known that everyone should contribute to it according to his
or her capacity. In the name of Jinnah Fund, ‘some overzealous government
officials tried to forces others to donate money to make government happy. Those
who had guns would have to pay an additional amount. Businessmen of course
would have to pay much more. … those who failed to pay would be punished.
Everywhere people were coerced. Local watchmen were employed for this
purpose. They seized cows, cooking utensils, indeed anything of any value. It all
amounted to a reign of terror’ (Rahman 2012. P. 273).

20. I. Socio-Cultural Disparity
Bengali was the mother tongue of about 54 percent of the people of Pakistan.
On the other hand, Urdu was the mother tongue of only 6 percent people of the
whole of Pakistan (Census-1951). Thus Bengali, in spite of being the language of
the majority of the people of Pakistan, was ignored by the Pakistani ruling clique
as a state language which was a substantial discrimination against the people of
East Pakistan. On the other hand, East Pakistan also deprived from getting
reasonable facilities in various social sectors.
[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Total Population 5.50 Crore 7.50 Crore
2 Number of Doctor 12,400 7,600
3 Rural Health Complex 325 88
4 Urban Social Development Centre 81 52

21. II. Political Disparity
East Bengal became subjected to political discrimination immediately after the birth of
the state of Pakistan. Both of the two important posts of Pakistan were occupied by
West Pakistan. From 1947 to 1958, among all the presidents of Pakistan, one was from
East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu and among four Governors within 1955; one was from
East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu. Moreover, attempts were made to keep politically
inactive all the popular leaders of this region including East Bengal's popular leader
Abul Kashem Fazlul Huq. In reality, East Pakistan was politically neglected by Pakistan
from the very beginning. For example, United Front got 236 seats out of 309 in the
provincial election in 1954 but this government could not continue more then two
years.
SL. No Head of the State Regime
1 M.A. Jinnah 1947-48
2 K. Nazimuddin 1948-51
3 M.G. Muhammad 1951-55
4 Iskander Mirza 1955-56

22. II. Political Disparity
During the regime of Mr. Liaquat Ali & Mr. Nurul Amin, ‘the kind of torture and
harassment of political prisoners that was going on had no precedence in any
civilized country at any stage of history. Political prisoners appealed time and
again for their rights and privileges people in their position enjoyed in British
period. Unfortunately, their petitions were ignored’ (Rahman 2012. P. 172).
In the general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League acquired
an absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National
Assembly seats in East Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial
Assembly. But Awami League did not form the government. In protest against
these discriminatory policies of West Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan raised
the demands for their rights of self-determination and autonomy. At this, the
West Pakistani ruling clique forgot the principles of democracy and perused a
policy of suppressing the just demands of the people of East Pakistan. They did
not even hesitate to term Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other patriotic leaders of
this region as traitors.

23. III. Employment/Military Disparity
While the security of East Pakistan was uncertain, the province was also subjected
to serious discrimination in military matters. The headquarters of the three Defense
Services were established in West Pakistan. Ordinance Factories were also
established in West Pakistan. No Bengali could be found in the high posts in the
Defense Services as those posts were monopolized by the West Pakistanis.
[Source:
M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 479]
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Central Civil Jobs 84% 16%
2 Foreign Jobs 85% 15%
3 Army 95% 5%
4 Navy (Technical) 81% 19%
5 Navy (Non-Technical) 91% 9%
6 Air Force (Pilot) 91% 9%

24. III. Employment/Military Disparity
In the army, 95 percent posts were held by the West Pakistanis and East
Pakistan had a share of only 5 percent. There was discrimination in other
branches as well. Highest expenditure in Pakistan was in the Defense
Sector. Initially, the allocation in this sector was 25 percent; subsequently it
was raised to 60 percent. East Pakistan never enjoyed any such benefit
from it. Militarily, East Pakistan was much neglected and remained
unprotected. During the Indo-Pak War of 1965 everyone clearly realized
this truth.
In administrative arena, within 1966, 77% 1st class jobs belonged to the
west Pakistani whereas only 23% filled up by the East Pakistani, On the
other hand, 74% for 2nd Class, 73% for 3rd Class and 70% for 4th Class jobs
went to west Pakistan while remaining were for East Pakistan.

25. IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity
During the Pakistani rule, East Pakistan was subjected to severe economic
disparity. As a result, East Pakistan could never be self- sufficient economically. The
provincial government did not have any control over its currency and economy. As
everything was controlled by the Centre, all the income of East Pakistan flew away
to West Pakistan. Head offices of the State Bank and other banks, insurance
companies, trading concerns and foreign missions were established in West
Pakistan. This facilitated the unabated transfer of money to West Pakistan.
Resource allocation necessary for this region was at the mercy of West Pakistan.
On the other hand, there could not be any capital formation in East Pakistan as
surplus earnings were kept in West Pakistan.
[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Foreign Currency for Development 80% 20%
2 Foreign Aid without USA 96% 04%
3 USA Aid 56% 34%
4 Pakistan Industrial Corporation 53% 42%
5 House Building 88% 12%
6 Industrial Bank 76% 24%

26. IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity
About two thirds of the foreign exchange of Pakistan was earned by
selling the jute of East Pakistan. But the jute farmers could never get the
fair price for their products. On various pretexts the foreign exchange
was also spent in West Pakistan. Most of the foreign loans and
economic assistance were spent for the Development of West Pakistan,
Even in industry, East Pakistan was backward. The small number of
industrial units, including the jute mills located in East Pakistan, was
mostly owned by the West Pakistani capitalists. In the field of textile
industry also, East Pakistan was dependent on West Pakistan.
26

27. 4. Liberation War of Bangladesh (1971)
The Liberation war began on 26 March 1971 and ended with the liberation of
Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The armed struggle was the culmination of a
series of events, situations and issues contributing to the progressively
deteriorating relations between East and West Pakistan. The questions of land
reforms, state language, inter-wing economic and administrative disparities,
provincial autonomy, the defense of East Pakistan and many other
consequential questions had been straining the relations between the two
wings of Pakistan ever since independence of the country from Britain in 1947.
[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]

28. Historical Background of Liberation War
• In the general elections held on 7 December, the Awami League acquired an
absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National
Assembly seats in East Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial
Assembly.
• On 3rd January, Mujib conducted the oath of the peoples’ representatives’ at a
meeting at the race Course ground. Awami League members took an oath to
frame a constitution on the basis of the six-point demand and pledged to remain
loyal to the people who had elected them.
• On 5th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto, the leader of the People’s Party, the majority
party in West Pakistan, announced his readiness to form a coalition government
at the centre with Awami League’s Parliamentary Party at a meeting of the
members of the National Assembly of his party.

29. • On 27th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto arrived in Dhaka for talks with Mujib. The
talks failed after three days of deliberations. In an announcement on 13
February, President Yahya Khan summoned the National Assembly to sit in
Dhaka on 3rd March.
• On 15 February, Bhutto announced that he would boycott the session and
demanded that power be handed over to the majority parties in East Pakistan
and West Pakistan. In 16 February, Mujib was critical of Bhutto for putting
forward such a demand and declared, “The demand of Bhutto sahib is totally
illogical. Power is to be handed over to the majority party, the Awami League.
The power now lies with the People of East Bengal.”
• On 1st March, Yahya Khan abruptly postphoned the National assembly session
which prompted a storm of protest throughout Bangladesh. Mujib presided over
a meeting of the Awami League working committee and called a countrywide
general strike on 3rd March. After the success of the general Strike, Mujib
demanded that the President immediately transfer power to his party.

30. • During this time, on 7 March Mujib made a historic address at a mammoth
gathering at the Race Course which marked a turning point in the history of the
Bengali nation. In his address Mujib made specific charges against the Martial Law
authorities which failed to transfer power to the elected representatives. At the
end of his speech, he made a clarion call, saying: "Build forts in each homestead.
You must resist the Pakistani enemy with whatever you have in
hand…Remember, we have given a lot of blood, a lot more blood we shall give if
need be, but we shall liberate the people of this country, Insha Allah [i.e., if Allah
blessed]..The struggle this time is the struggle for our emancipation; the struggle
this time is the struggle for independence."

31. • Mujib advised the people to prepare themselves for resistance movement
against the enemy. He asked the people to start a non-cooperation
movement against the government of Yahya Khan. The entire nation
carried out his instructions. Every organization including government
offices, courts, banks, insurance companies, mills and factories obeyed his
order. In reality, he ruled an independent Bangladesh from 7 March to 25
March.
• Meanwhile, President Yahya Khan and other leaders from West Pakistan
came to Dhaka on 15 March to start a dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and his
party. The dialogue began on the following day and continued
intermittently down to 25 March morning. During the period, non-
cooperation and hartals continued relentlessly. Students and leaders of
various political parties had been declaring independence from March 2
and the spree continued down to 25 March.

32. While holding talks, the Pakistani military junta was bringing more troops to
Bangladesh and at the same time killing innocent civilians all over the country. This
clearly showed that they were totally insincere about handing over power to the
elected representatives of Bangladesh. No sooner the talks failed, the genocide
began at mid-night of 25 March 1971, and the Pakistan army launched its brutal
crackdown in Dhaka with operation Search Light.
Moments after the crackdown began, Mujib declared independence at 12:30 a.m.,
26 March. His declaration was transmitted through wireless to every place in the
country. He said, ‘This may be my last message; from this day onward Bangladesh
is independent. I call upon the people of Bangladesh wherever you might be and
with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation to the last. Your struggle
must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from
the soil of Bangladesh. Final victory is ours.’

33. On 26 March, M.A. Hannan, an Awami League leader in Chittagong, read out
Mujib’s declaration of independence over Chittagong radio and General Yehya
Khan, in his speech, banned the Awami League and declared Mujib a traitor.
Sheikh Mujib was arrested from his Dhanmondi residence at 1:30 a.m., and kept
confined at Dhaka Cantonment until he was lifted to West Pakistan for facing trial
for sedition (between August and September of 1971 inside Faisalabad jail in
Pakistan) and inciting insurrection and before that time. He was sentenced to
death.
At about the same time, Major Ziaur Rahman announced Bangladesh's
independence on behalf of Sheikh Mujib from Kalurghat radio station at
Chittagong on 27th March’1971. That was the historical background of the
liberation war of Bangladesh.
33

34. According to the plan for operation Search Light two headquarters were
established. Major General Rao Farman Ali with 57 Brigade under Brigedier Arbab
was responsible for operation in Dhaka city and its suburbs while Major General
Khadim Raja was given the responsibility of the rest of the province. Lieutenant
General Tikka Khan assumed the overall charge of the operation. The students and
the nationalist political activists put up resistance outside the cantonment. Road
blocks were raised to obstruct the march of the Pakistani column to the city areas.
The wireless set fitted jeeps and trucks loaded with troops groaned on the streets
of Dhaka City at midnight of 25 March. Several hundred people chanted the slogan
Joi Bangla which lasted for about 15 minutes. But soon guns silenced them. The
army moved into the city before scheduled time and started the genocide.
34

35. The military forces killed everybody in sight on the footpath and destroyed
everything on their way. The tanks roared through the streets of Dhaka blasting
indiscriminately at the people and official and residential buildings. They gunned
down clusters of settlements and set fire on them. Scores of artillery bursts were
pounded, while the tanks rumbled into the city roaring the main streets. The
student halls of residence at Dhaka University were raided and numerous students
residing there were brutally killed and maimed. They also killed many teachers of
Dhaka University. The Hindu concentrated areas of old Dhaka were particularly
targeted. They started killing the people, burnt their houses, looted their valuables
and raped their women. The genocide that was perpetrated on the unarmed
people was flashed in the world press.
35

36. Chapter Related Questions
• What was the background of Language Movement?
• Discuss the various phases of Language Movement.
• What was the first/second/last phase of Language Movement?
• What were outcomes or achievements of Language Movement?
• Discuss the core achievements of Language Movement.
• Discuss various discriminations against East Pakistan.
• What was the historical background of Six Point Movement?
• What was Six Point Programme and what were they?
• Explain the outcomes/significance of Six Point Programme.
• ‘Six point Programme was a Charter of Freedom’-explain this statement.
• What was the historical background of the liberation war of Bangladesh?
• Discuss the various phases of liberation war of Bangladesh.
• Discuss the role of various forces during the liberation war of Bangladesh.
• Write short note on followings: a) Operation Search Light
b)
Mujibnagar Government
c) Victory
Day.