Historical Background of Bangladesh's Language Movement

Background of Bangladesh
Notre Dame University Bangladesh

Contents
• Historical background of Language Movement and Various Phases of
it
• The Six-Point Movement (1966) and its outcome
• Discrimination against East Pakistan
• Historical Background of Liberation War

1. The Language Movement (1952)
The Language Movement is a unique event in the history of the political Movement of
Bangladesh. Bengali was the mother tongue of about 56 percent of the people of Pakistan.
On the other hand, Urdu was the mother tongue of only 6 percent people of the whole of
Pakistan. Although 56 percent of the people of Pakistan were Bengalis, the West Pakistani
didn’t want Bengali to become the state language. On the other hand, Bengalis wanted to
make their language the state language along with Urdu and had no objections against that
language’ (Rahman 2012. P. 198).
The question of Bengali as a state language came up immediately after the creation of
Pakistan. On 6 and 7 September 1947 the youth workers of East Pakistan held a Conference
in Dhaka which was presided over by Tasadduk Hossain. This Conference, for the first time
took a resolution demanding Bengali as the language of the offices and the courts and also
as the medium of instruction in East Pakistan.

Various Phases of Language Movement
On 15 September 1947 the Tamuddun Majlis published the first booklet on the Language
Movement entitled 'Pakistaner Rastrabhasha Bangla Na Urdu'. Professor Abul Kashem, Dr.
Qazi Motahar Hossain and Abul Mansur Ahmed were the authors of this booklet.
• I. First Stage of the Language Movement:
In October 1947, Tamuddun Majlis formed a Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad to give the
Language Movement an organizational structure. Nurul Huq Bhuyan was appointed convener
of this Sangram Parishad. At this time several discussion meetings were held on behalf of the
Tamaddun Majlis to explain the rationale of Bengali as a state language.
In December 1947 an Educational Conference was held in Karachi sponsored by the
Government of Pakistan. In this Conference the decision was taken to make Urdu the state
language of Pakistan. On 6 December, to protest against this decision, the students held a
meeting at the Dhaka University campus under the president ship of Professor Abul Kashem.

In January 1948 the 'Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad' was reconstituted with a
view to making Bengali a state language. The Sangram Parishad raised the
following demands regarding the question of language:
1. Bengali shall be the medium of instruction and the language of the offices
and law Courts of East Bengal (East Pakistan);
2. There will be two state languages of Pakistan Bengali and Urdu.
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
In February 1948 when the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan started to
record its proceedings in Urdu side by side with English, Dhirendra Nath Dutta of
Comilla, a member of the Constituent Assembly from East Bengal, protested
against it and demanded that Bengali be accorded official recognition as one of
the languages of the Constituent Assembly. As a mark of protest, a strike was
observed on 26 February in Dhaka.

On 2 March 1948 the various organizations of East Bengal held a meeting at the Fazlul Huq Hall of
Dhaka University to realize the demand for the state language. The meeting chaired by Kamruddin
Ahmad resolved to form an All-Party Rashtrabhasha Sangram Parishad. The Samgram Parishad called a
general strike on 11 March 1948 to resist the conspiracy of the Government in the language issue.
On that day, many students were injured and many leaders including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Shamsul
Huq and Oli Ahad were arrested. It was decided that 11 March would be declared ‘Bengali Language
Demand Day’. We also decided to spring into action in all the districts on that day’ (Rahman 2012. P. 92).
In protest against this incident and to make Bengali a state language, another strike was observed at
Dhaka University and other educational institutions on 13 March. This strike was extended up to 15
March. A general strike was also observed in all the districts of the province.

In such a situation, the Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin met the Sangram Parishad on
15 March and signed an agreement with them. By this agreement, he agreed to release the
arrested students, to investigate police excesses, to move a Bill in the Assembly for
making Bengali a state language and to lift section 144 and the restrictions imposed on
the news papers.
In March 1948, Muhammad Ali Jinnah visited Dhaka and on 21 March, addressed a
public meeting at the then Race Course Maidan. In that meeting he declared, "Urdu and
only Urdu shall be the state language of Pakistan". When he repeated these words at the
Dhaka University Convocation Ceremony held on 24 March at the Curzon Hall, the students
present protested vehemently by shouting 'No, No'. On that very day, Rastrabhasha
Parishad submitted a memorandum to Muhammad Ali Jinnah demanding for Bengali the
status of a state language of Pakistan. From this time (March’1948) on till he died Jinnah
never again said that he wanted Urdu as the only state language of Pakistan (Rahman
2012. P. 99). Those who wanted Urdu as the only state language had just one argument to
back them: it was, they said, an ‘Islamic language’. But we could not figure out how Urdu
had ended up becoming as Islamic language’ (Rahman 2012. P. 98).

In 1948, the All Pakistan Education Conference held in Karachi, proposed the introduction
of Arabic script, or in other words, Urdu letters for writing Bengali in the name of honoring
the Islamic ideal. Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah was proposed to be appointed for the
purpose of introducing Arabic script for writing Bengali. But he rejected the proposal.
In April 1949 the students of the Bengali Department of the University of Dhaka submitted
a memorandum to the Pakistan Education Advisory Board and the Alphabet Expert
Committee strongly protesting against this objectionable move to introduce Arabic script to
write Bengali. In the memorandum the demand was also made not to change the Bengali
alphabets.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 9 March 1949 the Government of East Bengal formed the Purbo Bangla Bhasha
Committee for reforming Bengali language. Maulana Akram Khan was the President of this
Committee.

The Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan visited Dhaka towards the end of 1949.
In a memorandum submitted to him, the students of Dhaka University reiterated the
demand for Bengali language. But Liaquat Ali Khan did not make any comment on this
subject. In 1949, at the Purbo Pakistan Shahitya Sammelan, Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah
also raised the question of language
In September 1950 The Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan declared in the Constituent
Assembly that only Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. But in the face of
strong protest from the people of East Bengal, the Constituent Assembly postponed the
discussion on the question of the state language.
In 1951, Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated and Khwaja Nazimuddin' succeeded him as
the Prime Minister of Pakistan. When Jinnah was the Governor General he made very
good use of power vested in him. But Khawaja Saheb was too amiable and weak to be
effective. He didn’t have much of a personality (Rahman 2012. P. 119).

On 26 January 1952 at a public meeting in Dhaka he declared that Urdu would be the only
state language of Pakistan. This declaration of Khwaja Nazimuddin created a strong
resentment among the people of East Bengal and as a mark of protest a call for hartal
throughout the province was given.
All Party Rashtrabhasha Sangram Committee decided to call a student's strike on 4
February and observe 21 February as the State Language Day and to observe hartal
throughout the country. February 21 had already been chosen as the State Language Day
since the East Pakistan Provincial assembly was scheduled to sit in session on that
day’(Rahman 2012. P. 197).
On 16 February 1952 Sheikh Mujib and student leader Mohiuddin Ahmed, while detained
in the Dhaka Central Jail as political prisoners, started the fast up to death Movement on
the question of 'Bengali as a state language and the release of the political prisoners'. On
20 February the Government of Nurul Amin, being scared of the student Movement
imposed section 144 at 3 p.m., and banned the processions and the meetings. On 21
February, the students of Dhaka University in an organized way defied section 144 and
leading a procession from the Dhaka University campus proceeded towards the Provincial
Assembly which was in session, chanting the slogan "Rashtrabhasha Bangla Chai".

In a very tense situation the students assembled in the campus of the present day
Dhaka Medical College. When the police used tear gas to disperse the students and
the people that had assembled there, clashes occurred between the police and the
students and the people. At one stage, the police opened fire. A number of people
and students including Jabbar, Rafiq, Barkat and Salam were martyred and many
students and people were injured by this police firing.
On 22 February, a big rally, came out on the streets as a mark of protest. Police
opened fire on this rally too. As a result, Safiur Rahman was killed. On the same day,
in a meeting of the students held at the Dhaka Medical College hostel, it was decided
to build a Shaheed Minar to preserve the memory of the martyrs. Accordingly, the
Students erected a 12-feet high Shaheed Minar in front of Dhaka Medical College.

On 23 February, the father of Shaheed Safiur Rahman formally inaugurated the Shaheed
Minar. But in the evening of 24 February, police demolished this Shaheed Minar. In memory
of that, another Shaheed Minar was built later on the same site and that is the present
Central Shaheed Minar.
Bangla as State Language:
At last, the Government of Nurul Amin adopted a resolution in the Provincial Assembly to
the effect that a proposal would be raised at the Constituent Assembly containing the
demand to accord Bengali the status of one of the state language of Pakistan. In the face of
continuous student's and people's Movements the Pakistan Government was compelled to
give Bengali the status of one of the state languages. Finally, Bengali was given the status of
one of the state languages in the Constitution of Pakistan of 1956.

Achievements of Language Movement
The Language Movement of 1952 was the first organized expression of the consciousness
of the exploited and deprived masses of Bangladesh. This consciousness born out of the
Language Movement inspired all the subsequent Movements and helped achieving the
political, the cultural and the economic freedom leading to independence.
• Landslide victory in the provincial election in 1954 (out of 309 seats of the East Bengal
Legislative Assembly the United Front got 236, the Muslim League 9)
• Reorganization of the Bangla Language (1956)
• Reflection in educational conference (1962)
• Six-points (1966)
• Mass-uprising (1969)
• Landslide victory in the general election (1970) and
• Great victory in 1971
• Observed 21st February as an International Mother Language day
• Observed 2008 as ‘Year of Language’ by UN
• International Status of Bangla Language (Sierra Leone)

2. The Six-Point Movement (1966)
The Six Point Programme was a bold protest against the endless
discrimination in economic, political and military sectors pursued against the
people of Bengal by the Pakistani rulers. Under the leadership of Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, the Awami League played a historic role for redressing this
discrimination and establishing the rights of the people of East Pakistan. On 5
February 1966 opposition political parties met in a Conference in Lahore, in
this Conference, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman placed a Charter of Demands
relating to political, economic and military rights of East Pakistan. This is
known in history as the Six-Point Programme. These Six Points were formally
presented by him at a press conference in Lahore.

Six Points were-
1. A true federal type of constitution shall have to be framed for Pakistan on
the basis of the historic Lahore Resolution and the form of this Government
will be Parliamentary. All elections should be held on the basis of universal
adult franchise and direct voting and the sovereignty of the Legislatures shall
be recognized.
2. The Central Government shall have only two things, defense and foreign
affairs; all other residuary powers shall rest with the provinces.
3. There shall be two separate but freely convertible currencies in the two
regions of the country; or, one single currency for the whole country with the
provision of two reserve banks in two provinces under a federal reserve bank.

4. The regional governments shall have the authority to levy all taxes and, to
collect them. There shall be a provision for paying the Central Government a
portion of the revenues collected.
5. There should be separate accounts for the foreign exchange of the two
regions. If necessary, the requirement of the Centre will be met by the two
regions on the basis of equal rate or a rate as specified in the Constitution.
6. The federal states should have the authority to form regional armed forces or
militia or Para-militia forces to protect the territories.

Outcomes of Six-Point
I. For the People of East Pakistan
The oppressed and exploited people of East Pakistan welcomed this Six-Point Programme as their Magna
Carta or the Charter of Freedom. As a result, the popularity of the Six-Point Programme increased day by day.
Because-
a) It ensured Political Development (point-1)
b) Administrative Development (point-2)
c) Financial Development (point-3,4, & 5)
d) Enlargement of Military Power (point-6)

II. For the Government of Pakistan
The government became frightened at the popularity of the Six-Point demand and falsely
termed the Six-Point demand as an anti-state Movement. After this, the Government took
recourse to repressive policy to check the Six-Point movement and arrested Sheikh Mujib
along with many other leaders and workers of the Awami League on 8 May 1966. There was
widespread resentment in Dhaka and throughout the province against these arrests. The
Awami League, at first observed a day of protest. Thereafter, on 7 June 1966 a general hartal
was called throughout the province for the release of the political prisoners. The
government imposed section 144 to prevent this hartal. But the people observed the hartal
spontaneously, ignoring the government ban and brought out a procession. The police fired
upon the processionists. Eleven people including young Manu Miah were killed and hun-
dreds of people were injured as a result of this firing. This act of atrocity was strongly
condemned in the Provincial Assembly.

3. Discrimination against East Pakistan
Introduction:
Form the very beginning, Pakistan had been following a policy of partition against East
Bengal. Political, military, administrative and economic discrimination had been increasing
gradually. Bengalis were beginning to perceive that they were being discriminated against in
business, government service and all spheres of trade and commerce. Because Karachi was
the capital of Pakistan, Bengalis were being deprived of all sorts of advantages’ (Rahman
2012. P. 198). As a result, a wide gap was in the relation between East and West Pakistan.
Meanwhile, a group of West Pakistani leaders who saw themselves as representing the
country at the center and some senior bureaucrats were conniving to snatch away the
resources of East Bengal and transfer them to other wing of the country. They seemed to
have convinced themselves that East Pakistan would not stay with them for long. Therefore,
they were trying to build up their part as fast as they could! On the other hand, the foreign
exchange earned from East Pakistan’s economy was now being used to build factories and
industries in West Pakistan (Rahman 2012. P.240 & 241).

‘…, food scarcity was recorded in many places. In particular, people of Faridpur, Comilla
and Dhaka districts were facing a calamity due to acute shortage of food grain. On that
time, government introduced the ‘Cordon System’. This meant that there was to be no
movement of food from one district to another’ (Rahman 2012. P. 103).
This time another arbitrary measure was imposed, making everyone suffer as in a plague.
The government opened what it called the Jinnah fund’. The government let it be known
that everyone should contribute to it according to his or her capacity. In the name of
Jinnah Fund, ‘some overzealous government officials tried to forces others to donate
money to make government happy. Those who had guns would have to pay an additional
amount. Businessmen of course would have to pay much more. … those who failed to pay
would be punished. Everywhere people were coerced. Local watchmen were employed for
this purpose. They seized cows, cooking utensils, indeed anything of any value. It all
amounted to a reign of terror’ (Rahman 2012. P. 273).

I. Socio-Cultural Disparity
Bengali was the mother tongue of about 54 percent of the people of Pakistan. On the
other hand, Urdu was the mother tongue of only 6 percent people of the whole of
Pakistan (Census-1951). Thus Bengali, in spite of being the language of the majority of
the people of Pakistan, was ignored by the Pakistani ruling clique as a state language
which was a substantial discrimination against the people of East Pakistan. On the other
hand, East Pakistan also deprived from getting reasonable facilities in various social
sectors.
[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Total Population 5.50 Crore 7.50 Crore
2 Number of Doctor 12,400 7,600
3 Rural Health Complex 325 88
4 Urban Social
Development Centre
81 52

II. Political Disparity
East Bengal became subjected to political discrimination immediately after the birth of the state of
Pakistan. Both of the two important posts of Pakistan were occupied by West Pakistan. From 1947
to 1958, among all the presidents of Pakistan, one was from East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu and
among four Governors within 1955; one was from East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu. Moreover,
attempts were made to keep politically inactive all the popular leaders of this region including East
Bengal's popular leader Abul Kashem Fazlul Huq. In reality, East Pakistan was politically neglected
by Pakistan from the very beginning. For example, United Front got 236 seats out of 309 in the
provincial election in 1954 but this government could not continue more then two years.
SL. No Head of the State Regime
1 M.A. Jinnah 1947-48
2 K. Nazimuddin 1948-51
3 M.G. Muhammad 1951-55
4 Iskander Mirza 1955-56

II. Political Disparity
During the regime of Mr. Liaquat Ali & Mr. Nurul Amin, ‘the kind of torture and
harassment of political prisoners that was going on had no precedence in any civilized
country at any stage of history. Political prisoners appealed time and again for their rights
and privileges people in their position enjoyed in British period. Unfortunately, their
petitions were ignored’ (Rahman 2012. P. 172).
In the general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League acquired an
absolute majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National Assembly
seats in East Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial Assembly. But Awami
League did not form the government. In protest against these discriminatory policies of
West Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan raised the demands for their rights of self-
determination and autonomy. At this, the West Pakistani ruling clique forgot the principles
of democracy and perused a policy of suppressing the just demands of the people of East
Pakistan. They did not even hesitate to term Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other patriotic
leaders of this region as traitors.

III. Employment/Military Disparity
While the security of East Pakistan was uncertain, the province was also subjected to serious
discrimination in military matters. The headquarters of the three Defense Services were established
in West Pakistan. Ordinance Factories were also established in West Pakistan. No Bengali could be
found in the high posts in the Defense Services as those posts were monopolized by the West
Pakistanis.
SL.
No
Areas West
Pakistan
East Pakistan
1 Central Civil Jobs 84% 16%
2 Foreign Jobs 85% 15%
3 Army 95% 5%
4 Navy (Technical) 81% 19%
5 Navy (Non-Technical) 91% 9%
6 Air Force (Pilot) 91% 9%

III. Employment/Military Disparity
In the army, 95 percent posts were held by the West Pakistanis and East
Pakistan had a share of only 5 percent. There was discrimination in other
branches as well. Highest expenditure in Pakistan was in the Defense Sector.
Initially, the allocation in this sector was 25 percent; subsequently it was
raised to 60 percent. East Pakistan never enjoyed any such benefit from it.
Militarily, East Pakistan was much neglected and remained unprotected.
During the Indo-Pak War of 1965 everyone clearly realized this truth.
In administrative arena, within 1966, 77% 1st class jobs belonged to the
west Pakistani whereas only 23% filled up by the East Pakistani, On the other
hand, 74% for 2nd Class, 73% for 3rd Class and 70% for 4th Class jobs went to
west Pakistan while remaining were for East Pakistan.

IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity
During the Pakistani rule, East Pakistan was subjected to severe economic disparity. As a result,
East Pakistan could never be self- sufficient economically. The provincial government did not have
any control over its currency and economy. As everything was controlled by the Centre, all the
income of East Pakistan flew away to West Pakistan. Head offices of the State Bank and other
banks, insurance companies, trading concerns and foreign missions were established in West
Pakistan. This facilitated the unabated transfer of money to West Pakistan. Resource allocation
necessary for this region was at the mercy of West Pakistan. On the other hand, there could not be
any capital formation in East Pakistan as surplus earnings were kept in West Pakistan.
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Foreign Currency for Development 80% 20%
2 Foreign Aid without USA 96% 04%
3 USA Aid 56% 34%
4 Pakistan Industrial Corporation 53% 42%
5 House Building 88% 12%
6 Industrial Bank 76% 24%

IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity
About two thirds of the foreign exchange of Pakistan was earned by selling
the jute of East Pakistan. But the jute farmers could never get the fair price for
their products. On various pretexts the foreign exchange was also spent in
West Pakistan. Most of the foreign loans and economic assistance were spent
for the Development of West Pakistan, Even in industry, East Pakistan was
backward. The small number of industrial units, including the jute mills located
in East Pakistan, was mostly owned by the West Pakistani capitalists. In the
field of textile industry also, East Pakistan was dependent on West Pakistan.
28

4. Liberation War of Bangladesh (1971)
The Liberation war began on 26 March 1971 and ended with the
liberation of Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The armed struggle
was the culmination of a series of events, situations and issues
contributing to the progressively deteriorating relations between East
and West Pakistan. The questions of land reforms, state language,
inter-wing economic and administrative disparities, provincial
autonomy, the defense of East Pakistan and many other consequential
questions had been straining the relations between the two wings of
Pakistan ever since independence of the country from Britain in 1947.

Historical Background of Liberation War
• In the general elections held on 7 December, the Awami League acquired an absolute
majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National Assembly seats in East
Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial Assembly.
• On 3rd January, Mujib conducted the oath of the peoples’ representatives’ at a meeting
at the race Course ground. Awami League members took an oath to frame a constitution
on the basis of the six-point demand and pledged to remain loyal to the people who had
elected them.
• On 5th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto, the leader of the People’s Party, the majority party in
West Pakistan, announced his readiness to form a coalition government at the centre
with Awami League’s Parliamentary Party at a meeting of the members of the National
Assembly of his party.

• On 27th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto arrived in Dhaka for talks with Mujib. The talks
failed after three days of deliberations. In an announcement on 13 February, President
Yahya Khan summoned the National Assembly to sit in Dhaka on 3rd March.
• On 15 February, Bhutto announced that he would boycott the session and demanded
that power be handed over to the majority parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan. In
16 February, Mujib was critical of Bhutto for putting forward such a demand and
declared, “The demand of Bhutto sahib is totally illogical. Power is to be handed over
to the majority party, the Awami League. The power now lies with the People of East
Bengal.”
• On 1st March, Yahya Khan abruptly postponed the National assembly session which
prompted a storm of protest throughout Bangladesh. Mujib presided over a meeting of
the Awami League working committee and called a countrywide general strike on 3rd
March. After the success of the general Strike, Mujib demanded that the President
immediately transfer power to his party.

• During this time, on 7 March Mujib made a historic address at a mammoth
gathering at the Race Course which marked a turning point in the history of
the Bengali nation. In his address Mujib made specific charges against the
Martial Law authorities which failed to transfer power to the elected
representatives. At the end of his speech, he made a clarion call, saying:
"Build forts in each homestead. You must resist the Pakistani enemy with
whatever you have in hand…Remember, we have given a lot of blood, a lot
more blood we shall give if need be, but we shall liberate the people of this
country, Insha Allah [i.e., if Allah blessed]..The struggle this time is the
struggle for our emancipation; the struggle this time is the struggle for
independence."

• Mujib advised the people to prepare themselves for resistance movement against the
enemy. He asked the people to start a non-cooperation movement against the
government of Yahya Khan. The entire nation carried out his instructions. Every
organization including government offices, courts, banks, insurance companies, mills and
factories obeyed his order. In reality, he ruled an independent Bangladesh from 7 March
to 25 March.
• Meanwhile, President Yahya Khan and other leaders from West Pakistan came to Dhaka
on 15 March to start a dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and his party. The dialogue began on
the following day and continued intermittently down to 25 March morning. During the
period, non-cooperation and hartals continued relentlessly. Students and leaders of
various political parties had been declaring independence from March 2 and the spree
continued down to 25 March.

While holding talks, the Pakistani military junta was bringing more troops to
Bangladesh and at the same time killing innocent civilians all over the country.
This clearly showed that they were totally insincere about handing over power
to the elected representatives of Bangladesh. No sooner the talks failed, the
genocide began at mid-night of 25 March 1971, and the Pakistan army
launched its brutal crackdown in Dhaka with operation Search Light.
Moments after the crackdown began, Mujib declared independence at
12:30 a.m., 26 March. His declaration was transmitted through wireless to
every place in the country. He said, ‘This may be my last message; from this
day onward Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of
Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist
the army of occupation to the last. Your struggle must go on until the last
soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is expelled from the soil of
Bangladesh. Final victory is ours.’

On 26 March, M.A. Hannan, an Awami League leader in Chittagong, read out Mujib’s
declaration of independence over Chittagong radio and General Yehya Khan, in his speech,
banned the Awami League and declared Mujib a traitor.
Sheikh Mujib was arrested from his Dhanmondi residence at 1:30 a.m., and kept confined
at Dhaka Cantonment until he was lifted to West Pakistan for facing trial for sedition
(between August and September of 1971 inside Faisalabad jail in Pakistan) and inciting
insurrection and before that time. He was sentenced to death.
At about the same time, Major Ziaur Rahman announced Bangladesh's independence on
behalf of Sheikh Mujib from Kalurghat radio station at Chittagong on 27th March’1971. That
was the historical background of the liberation war of Bangladesh.
35

According to the plan for operation Search Light two headquarters were
established. Major General Rao Farman Ali with 57 Brigade under Brigedier
Arbab was responsible for operation in Dhaka city and its suburbs while Major
General Khadim Raja was given the responsibility of the rest of the province.
Lieutenant General Tikka Khan assumed the overall charge of the operation.
The students and the nationalist political activists put up resistance outside the
cantonment. Road blocks were raised to obstruct the march of the Pakistani
column to the city areas. The wireless set fitted jeeps and trucks loaded with
troops groaned on the streets of Dhaka City at midnight of 25 March. Several
hundred people chanted the slogan Joi Bangla which lasted for about 15
minutes. But soon guns silenced them. The army moved into the city before
scheduled time and started the genocide.
36

The military forces killed everybody in sight on the footpath and destroyed
everything on their way. The tanks roared through the streets of Dhaka
blasting indiscriminately at the people and official and residential buildings.
They gunned down clusters of settlements and set fire on them. Scores of
artillery bursts were pounded, while the tanks rumbled into the city roaring
the main streets. The student halls of residence at Dhaka University were
raided and numerous students residing there were brutally killed and
maimed. They also killed many teachers of Dhaka University. The Hindu
concentrated areas of old Dhaka were particularly targeted. They started
killing the people, burnt their houses, looted their valuables and raped their
women. The genocide that was perpetrated on the unarmed people was
flashed in the world press.
37

Chapter Related Questions
• What was the background of Language Movement?
• Discuss the various phases of Language Movement.
• What was the first/second/last phase of Language Movement?
• What were outcomes or achievements of Language Movement?
• Discuss the core achievements of Language Movement.
• Discuss various discriminations against East Pakistan.
• What was the historical background of Six Point Movement?
• What was Six Point Programme and what were they?
• Explain the outcomes/significance of Six Point Programme.
• ‘Six point Programme was a Charter of Freedom’-explain this statement.
• What was the historical background of the liberation war of Bangladesh?
• Discuss the various phases of liberation war of Bangladesh.
• Discuss the role of various forces during the liberation war of Bangladesh.
• Write short note on followings: a) Operation Search Light
b) Mujibnagar Government
c) Victory Day.

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