ED30445_BEIRNE_ELLA

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DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION
What are the Socio-Cultural Factors Leading to Body Dissatisfaction for Males
aged 16-25?
BY
Ella Katharine Beirne
Supervised by
Dr Andrea Abbas
A research project submitted in partial fulfilment of a
BA Education with Psychology Degree
2016

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Acknowledgments
Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisor Andrea Abbas for her continued
support, guidance and encouragement from the initial planning stages to the
final write up of this dissertation. My gratitude also goes to our dissertation
coordinator Lizzi Okpevba-Milligan, for supporting us all and alleviating our
stresses throughout the entire dissertation process.
I would also like to thank my research participants who volunteered to take
part, for without you this research would not have been possible.
To my friends and family, I would like to thank you for all for your love,
understanding and patience and for reminding me how to have fun along the
way!
Particularly I would like to thank Amy Russett, Beth Cutteridge and Laura
Forrest for your constant support and your calming influence – I am unsure
what I would have done without you.

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Cheating and plagiarism statement
By submitting this assignment for marking I confirm that I have read and
understood the following sources that explain cheating and plagiarism:
(a) the University of Bath website at
http://www.bath.ac.uk/library/help/infoguides/plagiarism.html
(b) Childhood, Youth & Education Studies programme handbook
All material in this assignment is my own work and none of it has been
previously submitted for credit obtained on another unit towards this or any
other degree, except where I have indicated with appropriate references.
I understand that this copy will be automatically submitted to a Plagiarism
Detection Service for quality assurance purposes.
To the best of my knowledge, my work does not contain plagiarised material.
Name of Student: Ella Beirne
Signature of student:

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Contents Page
Abstract……………………………………………………………………………….6
1. Introduction………………………………………………………………………7
1.1 Background………………………………………………………..……………7
1.2. The Significance of studying Body Dissatisfaction………………………….7
1.3. The significance of studying Male Body Dissatisfaction…………………...8
1.4. The Current Study: Research Aims…………………………………………..9
1.5. Outline of the Study…………………………..………………………………10
2. Literature Review………………………………………………………………11
2.1. Why should we study the Male Body?.....................................................12
2.11. Sociology of the Body……………………………………………………12
2.2. Socio-Cultural Factors Influential to Body Dissatisfaction………………..13
2.22. Relationships………………………………………………………………...13
2.221. The Family………………………………………………………………..13
2.222. Peers……………………………………………………………………...14
2.23. Media…………………………………………………………………………15
2.231. Social Media……………………………………………………………...15
2.232. The Mass Media…………………………………………………………16
2.24. Body Mass Index (BMI)……………………………………………………..17
2.25. Age, Socio-Economic Status (SES) and Ethnic Contribution…………..18
2.251. Age………………………………………………………………………..18
2.252. Socio Economic Status.……………………………..………………….18
2.253. Ethnic Background………………………………………………………18
2.3. Conceptual Framework: Hegemonic Masculinity………………………….19
3. Research Design………………………………………………………………21
3.1. The Nature of Research……………………………………………………...21
3.2. Survey………………………………………………………………………….21
3.3. Research Setting and Sampling………………………………………….....22
3.31. Setting………………………………………………………………………22
3.32. Sampling…………………………………………………………………...23
3.4. Data Collection Method………………………………………………………25
3.5. Data Analysis………………………………………………………………….26
3.6. Ethical Considerations………………………………………………………..27
4. Results and Discussion……………………………………………………...28
4.1. Age, Ethnicity and Socio-Economic Status………………………………..28
4.2. Levels of Body Dissatisfaction………………………………………………29
4.21. Male Body Dissatisfaction: An Overlooked Problem?........................29
4.22. Muscles and Masculinity…………………………………………………30
4.23. Age and Body Dissatisfaction…………………………………………...31
4.24. Socio Economic Status and Body Dissatisfaction……………………..32
4.3. Influence of Relationships…………………………………………………...34
4.31. Peers……………………………………………………………………….34
4.32. Peers and Age…………………………………………………………….34
4.33. Peers and Hegemonic Masculinity……………………………………...38
4.34. Peers, Older Males and Hegemonic Business Masculinity…………..39
4.35. Family………………………………………………………………………40

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4.36. The Role of Parental Criticism…………………………………………...42
4.37. The Complexity of Human Relationships……………………………….43
4.38. The Importance of Male Relationships………………………………….43
4.4. Influence of Media…………………………………………………………….44
4.41. Media……………………………………………………………………….44
4.42. Media and Age…………………………………………………………….45
4.43. Media and Ethnicity……………………………………………………….46
4.44. Social Media……………………………………………………………….48
4.45. Social Media and Age…………………………………………………….49
4.46. Social Media: A Platform to Reinforce Hegemonic Masculinity?........50
4.47. Internalization of the Male Ideal and Social Comparisons……………51
4.48. The Media and Males…………………………………………………….52
4.5. Influence of BMI………………………………………………………………53
4.51. BMI: Weight and Masculinity…………………………………………….54
4.52. BMI & Age…………………………………………………………………55
4.53. BMI and Ethnicity………………………………………………………….56
4.54. BMI: A Quantifiable Measure for Social Comparison…………………58
4.55. BMI & Hegemonic Masculinity…………………………………………..58
5. Conclusion……………………………………………………………………...59
References………………………………………………………………………….63
Appendices…………………………………………………………………………80
Appendix A……………………………………………………………………….80
Appendix B……………………………………………………………………….84
Appendix C……………………………………………………………………….86

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Abstract
The purpose of this research is to unveil the socio-cultural influences on the
body dissatisfaction of males between the ages of 16-25. The interpretation of
this research is grounded in notions of hegemonic masculinity, which
suggests that the ‘ideal’ male body maintains inequality between men and
women, and between different groups of men, by perpetuating a dominant
masculinity.
A quantitative survey distributed through Facebook, Twitter and Instagram
was used to examine the influence of various socio-cultural factors on male
body dissatisfaction. Quantitative analysis of the data indicated that there are
multiple platforms important in the development of body dissatisfaction that
communicate the ‘ideal’ male body to participants. Peer relationships and the
media were particularly influential to the 16-22 year old males in the study.
The media particularly influenced the small sample of Black African and Asian
respondents. Males of a lower socio-economic status had higher body
dissatisfaction, but did not report that media engagement, their relationships
with others or their BMI was more influential. It was concluded that there are
multiple contemporary socio-cultural platforms that play a role in the
development of body dissatisfaction by reproducing hegemonic masculinity in
modern Britain, but that this unequally influenced males dependant on their
age and ethnicity.
Recommendations for future qualitative study are made. Finally, the
importance of, and advice to, schools in alleviating the development of male
body dissatisfaction are discussed.
Keywords:
Body Dissatisfaction Media Relationships BMI Hegemonic
Masculinity
Word count: 10,991

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CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background
Body dissatisfaction refers to a discrepancy between an individual’s ideal
body shape and their actual body shape (Grieve 2007). Whilst it is an internal
process, research has indicated a trend that suggests several external factors
shape how individuals feel about their body (Vincent and McCabe 2000;
Knauss et al 2007; Rodgers and Chabrol 2009). These studies offer much to
our understanding of body dissatisfaction, and particularly the relationship
between femininity, socio-cultural factors and the ‘ideal’ body. However, less
well researched is the body dissatisfaction among young males and the
influence of socio-cultural factors that contribute to contemporary masculinity
(Pope et al 2001; Leit et al 2002; Furnham et al 2002; Primus 2014).
1.2. The Significance of studying Body Dissatisfaction
There is an alarming trend for increasing body dissatisfaction, with socio-
economic implications. For example, it is estimated by the Department of
Health that 1.6 million people in the United Kingdom are directly affected by
body dissatisfaction (Joint Commissioning Panel for Mental Health 2011), and
that disorders that stem from this dissatisfaction cost the NHS an estimated
£15 billion per year on its treatment (Owen and Pells 2015). This is important;
body dissatisfaction can develop into more serious body image problems
(Cash and Deagle 1997; Stice and Shaw 2002; Keery et al 2004). This shows
the significance of studying body dissatisfaction, as it may help to prevent
more serious body image problems developing.

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1.3. The Significance of studying Male Body Dissatisfaction
Complex debate surrounds the aetiology and development of male body
dissatisfaction (Pope et al 2001; Furnham et al 2002; Adams et al 2005; Blond
2008; Primus 2014). Considerable research has been devoted to
understanding the consequences of body dissatisfaction with weight or shape
(Thompson et al 1999a). However, historically much of this research has
focused on females (Rosenblum and Lewis 1999). There appears to be a
social taboo about men expressing body displeasure, and as such males may
be suffering in silence (Pope et al 2001; Hargreaves and Tiggemann 2006).
Certainly, whilst this social taboo is being revealed (Jones 2004; Presnell et al
2004), literature addressing male body dissatisfaction is still very much in its
infancy (Ricciardelli and McCabe 2004; Blond 2008) with the psychological
and physical consequences warranting further research (Olivardia 2001).
Indeed, body dissatisfaction is a precipitating factor in the development of
bulimia nervosa, of which males constitute 40% of those seeking treatment
(Womble et al 2001). Further, body dissatisfaction is predictive of muscle
dysmorphia, a body image disorder characterized by a radical desire to build
muscle mass in fear of becoming smaller that mostly affects men (Grieve
2007).
Research can challenge the stereotype that assumes body dissatisfaction to
be exclusive to females and highlight the way that men and women
experience similar pressures, whilst challenging false dichotomies of
experience. It is vital that we make males feel less isolated, and give male
body dissatisfaction the attention it requires. This way, problems associated
with body dissatisfaction can be prevented. A research report for the
Department for Education suggested that as children move through the school
system, emotional and behavioural wellbeing become more important than
demographic characteristics in explaining school engagement (Gutman and
Vorhaus 2012), it is vital that male body dissatisfaction is addressed to protect
males wellbeing and subsequent educational success. The concept
hegemonic masculinity is a particularly useful framework for this exploration,

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since it indicates that there is a dominant masculinity and desirable male body
that is reproduced in multiple contemporary platforms such as the mass
media. If there exists similar desires among males regarding the body, this
reveals the existence of such dominant structural forms and forces.
1.4. The Current Study: Research Aims
This research and subsequent findings are based on the responses of 63
males aged between 16-25 to an online questionnaire. The focus of this
research is to elaborate understanding of the phenomenon of male body
dissatisfaction and, by adopting the concept of hegemonic masculinity, aid an
understanding of how socio-cultural factors play a role. These socio-cultural
factors, namely relationships, media engagement and Body Mass Index (BMI)
scales, provide a framework for this research. In doing this, the following
research questions are employed:
What are the socio-cultural factors leading to body dissatisfaction for males
aged sixteen to twenty-five?
Guided by:
- What socio-cultural factors have a larger influence in the development
of body dissatisfaction?
- What concept helps us explain these differences?
From personal experience and extensive research of the literature, male body
dissatisfaction seems to be underpinned by the communication of the
muscular ‘ideal’ male body, predominantly through the media. This research
examines whether there are other socio-cultural elements playing a
substantial, undermined, role in the instillation and development of male body
dissatisfaction.

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1.5. Outline of the Study
 In chapter two, I analyse existing literature concerning body
dissatisfaction and justify the theoretical framework chosen.
 Chapter three outlines the research design, whilst acknowledging
limitations of the choices made.
 Chapter four examines the views of respondents on their body
dissatisfaction, and the socio-cultural factors that influence them.
These results are interpreted and discussed in light of previous
literature, and draws upon notions of hegemonic masculinity.
 In chapter five, I conclude that male body dissatisfaction is much more
of a shared concern among genders than once thought, and is
implicated by multiple contemporary sites that embed notions of
embodied hegemonic masculinity. The limitations, and implications of
the study in regards to future research and educational institutions, are
discussed.

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CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
Five areas of literature have been pertinent to framing my understanding of
male body dissatisfaction and my approach to the research:
- Sociology of the Body (Simpson 1994; Wellard 2002; Cregan 2006)
- The Influence of Relationships on Body Dissatisfaction: Family and
Peers (Bearman et al 2006; Coomber and King 2008; Pringle and
Hickey 2010)
- The Influence of Media on Body Dissatisfaction: Social Media and TV,
Advertising and Film (Dittmar 2009; Welch 2014)
- The Influence of Body Mass Index (BMI) on Body Dissatisfaction
(Jones and Crawford 2005; Lawler and Nixon 2011)
- Conceptualizations of Masculinity (Connell 1995; Renold 2001)
This literature suggests that body dissatisfaction is intricately situated within
broader contexts and constructions of the body, such as through peer
criticism (Jones 2004). It also highlights a significant lacuna in relation to
males’ body dissatisfaction and the role of socio-cultural factors, indicating a
need for this research.

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2.1. Why should we study the Male Body?
2.11. Sociology of the Body
Theorists have critically considered the body and embodiment, because it is
constructed differently across time and space. Our bodies have become
victim to objectification, commodification and political-cultural management,
whereby dominant political attitudes and beliefs provide underlying
assumptions and rules that govern individual bodies (Cregan 2006). Our
bodies are objectified by ideologies, such as of muscularity, communicated by
institutions such as the mass media (Gill et al 2005), making them a site for
constant manipulation and improvement (Monaghan 2001). Our bodies are
commodified in that we are continuously encouraged to measure and control
them; representing and maintaining them through purchases, incorporating
advances in technology. The intensification of globalization infiltrates and
reshapes traditions of embodiment, portraying modern forms of embodiment
as superior. Indeed, cultural shifts in ideologies of the body increase the trend
for young people to suffer from body dissatisfaction (Moore 1988). Failure to
meet expectations set by contemporary culture may evoke the development
of body displeasure (Simpson 1994). Pressure to conform to external rules
associated with masculine bodies may be motivating decisions to engage in
bodybuilding, a seemingly modern state of embodiment (Henwood et al 1999;
Wellard 2002).

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2.2. Socio-Cultural Factors Influential to Body Dissatisfaction
2.22. Relationships
This section explores the primary socializing institutions involved in
communicating body ideologies. It became apparent that the majority of
research concerns females (Green and Pritchard 2003). Based on this
existing literature, the descriptions and the implications for what needs
researching in regard to males are identified.
2.221. The Family
The family translates cultural ideologies prior to external exposure and
significantly contributes to the prediction of body dissatisfaction (Paxton et al
1991). Emotional support from the family, particularly in the form of positive
feedback and encouragement, may help adolescents develop and maintain
positive body image over time, whilst protecting from the influence of other,
negative, socio-cultural factors (Bearman et al 2006). Indeed, supportive
parental relationships, open communication and low family stress have been
found to protect against adolescent body dissatisfaction (Barker and
Galambos 2003). The family can therefore play a beneficial role in reducing
psychological consequences of body displeasure (Le Grange et al 2009).
However, family relationships that are critical and less supportive are
predictive of increased dieting and lower body image (Pike and Rodin 1991;
Welch et al 1997; Archibald et al 1999). Coomber and King (2008) found that
mothers and sisters both acted as significant models to cue appropriate
behaviour regarding the body and dieting for girls. Although fathers influence
body dissatisfaction, mothers and sisters have the greatest influence on
female eating habits (Keel et al 1997). The family offers the initial platform for
social comparison, before children become more influenced by peers; the

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ideals favoured within the family are internalized as the norm (Coomber and
King 2008).
Alternative literature suggests the family may contribute a general tendency
toward psychopathology associated with disordered eating or body
dissatisfaction (Leung et al 1996). While the family may provide a fertile
ground, the development of body dissatisfaction may require the interplay of
other factors.
2.222. Peers
Prior research may have overlooked males’ engagement in conversations
regarding appearance by focusing on discourses associated with females
(Olivardia et al 2004; Jones and Crawford 2005). Female peer groups who
report frequent conversations about appearance demonstrate greater
internalization of body ideals and body dissatisfaction (Clark and Tiggemann
2006). Indeed, adolescents tend to resemble peers on physical attributes
(Kandel 1978); females whose social group prioritized body discourse were
more likely to suffer from body anxiety (Schutz et al 2002).
Among males, peer teasing has been found to be the strongest direct
predictor of body dissatisfaction (Jones 2004), and may promote the
internalization of socio-cultural ideals by reinforcing the value of appearance
for males. Literature suggests the idealized male body is constructed against
those who fail to adhere to masculine ideologies (Jones 2004). Indeed, social
comparison theory suggests that individuals have a drive to evaluate
themselves and, where objective criteria is unavailable, individuals engage in
social comparisons with significant others (Corcoran et al 2011). The peer
group acts as a source of reference to establish where the body, thus
masculinity, ranks (Wellard 2002; Pringle & Hickey 2010).

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However, men attach significant authority to decisions, particularly regarding
the body, made independent of influence (Courtenay 2000; Gill et al 2005).
Thus the influence of male relationships may be undermined in research.
2.23. Media
The media holds a significant, and influential, position in the lives of young
people today (Roxby 2014). The power of media platforms is concerning, thus
they must be given attention when examining their role in young males’ body
image.
2.231. Social Media
Social media allows individuals to constantly analyse, critique and compare
their bodies (Klein 2013). Research suggests the more time a female spends
on Facebook, the more likely she is to develop physical dissatisfaction and an
increased inclination to diet since she internalizes and engages in social
comparisons (Klein 2013). This is concerning, since these images are wrongly
assumed to portray reality (Strano 2008). Further, many social networking
websites allow users to view information chronologically, providing tools to
compare and contrast their body, catalysing an obsession with body
development strategies.
Pro-anorexia forums support and advise individuals on unhealthy eating and
exercise habits, initiating or maintaining body dissatisfaction (Chesley et al
2003; Riley et al 2009). Whilst predominantly influencing females, the drive for
muscularity is a fairly recent trend with parallel symptoms to eating disorders,
with acute attention to diet and exercise (Welch 2014). Social media may
primarily influence adolescents due to their use of the Internet for
communication and identity construction (Gustavo 2010). Among males,

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those aged 18-34 are most active on social media (Smith 2014; Duggan et al
2014). Further, research is consistent in suggesting that the reasons for male
use of the Internet is more flexible than female (GVU 1999; Weiser 2000).
Given the impact of social media on female body image, the contribution of
social media in encouraging body dissatisfaction in males must be
acknowledged, particularly given the flexible nature of male Internet habits.
The absence of literature concerning the role of social media on young males
body dissatisfaction warrants this research.
2.232. The Mass Media
The media has been blamed as the most persuasive means by which body
ideals are formulated (Anderson and DiDomenico 1992; Levine et al 1999). In
advertising, the typical female model is 20% underweight, medically classified
as anorexic (Dittmar 2009). There has been widespread discrepancy found
between males current and ideal body shapes, with media ideals being
internalized and predicting unhealthy behaviour (Mishkind et al 1986; Leit et al
2001). Playgirl centrefolds have become increasingly muscular (Leit et al
2001), whilst the significant increase in muscularity in children’s action figures
demonstrates how the media communicates unrealistic male body goals to
children (Pope et al 1999). Television, advertising and film perpetuate images
that define beauty and masculinity by favouring certain body types, whilst
noticeably neglecting others (Becker 2004). Exposure to ideal images of
attractiveness has been associated with a considerable increase in
depression and body dissatisfaction in both genders as a result of social
comparisons (Angliata and Tantleff-Dunn 2004). The mass media tells
individuals who they are and who they want to be, constantly redefining the
body that has become increasingly idealistic (Klein 2013).
As the media continues to blur the lines between virtual and real bodies, the
question is whether media intensifies pre-existing pressure regarding the body

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from the family, peers and the health sciences, or if it introduces an entirely
new problem.
2.24. Body Mass Index (BMI)
BMI is the mathematical representation of weight, measured through the
formula of dividing a persons weight by height (Wright and Harwood 2012).
BMI is the favoured measure to determine health within the medical field, and
is utilized in schools (Ikeda et al 2006; Stephenson 2013).
This biomedical scale of health and the body utilizes scientific language to
induce an aura of ‘truth’ and transparency (Wright and Harwood 2012),
exemplifying those as overweight as lazy and greedy, and those as
underweight as fragile and in need of treatment (Gard and Wright 2005). The
societal bias attached to being overweight or considerably underweight is
undeniable (Lemer and Jovanovic 1990; Grogan 2006), which may lead to
psychological and social insecurities in those labelled by BMI (Thompson and
Smolak 2001).
Indeed, the impact of BMI on individuals has been documented, with research
establishing a positive correlation between increased body mass and body
dissatisfaction for both genders (Lawler & Nixon 2011). However, whilst
females experience body dissatisfaction as a desire to lose weight, research
suggests that males tend to experience dissatisfaction as a desire to gain
muscle (Ricciardelli and McCabe 2004; Jones and Crawford 2005). Rolland et
al (1997) found that 100% of underweight boys wanted to be larger, but less
than half of the girls did. The psychological and social influence of BMI labels
appears to differ between genders, likely to be due to the greater sociocultural
emphasis on thinness for females and muscularity for males (Rosenblum and
Lewis 1999).

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2.25. Age, Socio-Economic Status (SES) and Ethnic Contribution
2.251. Age
The majority of age-related research on body image indicates that body
dissatisfaction increases steadily during adolescence and stabilizes in
adulthood (Bun et al 2012; Holsen et al 2012). For boys, faster physical
development in adolescence is associated with feeling overweight, lower body
satisfaction and an increase in teasing (Nishina et al 2006; Barlett et al 2008).
Across all ages, negative body image and low self-esteem are related
(McCabe et al 2001; Sujoldzic and De Lucia 2007). Interestingly, the nature of
body satisfaction among adolescents is undergoing a period of change. In a
ten-year study, Storvoll et al (2005) found a gradual polarization of adolescent
body satisfaction scores, with more adolescents having either very low or very
high scores.
2.252. Socio-Economic Status (SES)
Whilst traditionally, the body was the primary economic asset of working-class
males, the decline in manual labour has changed the socio-economic
relations between the body and SES. Literature on the body in contemporary
sociology suggests that hard bodies are now symbolically linked to the middle
classes (Bauman 1998 cited in Abbas 2004). Interestingly, literature indicates
that those of a lower socio-economic status are more likely to be overweight,
but are also more likely to perceive themselves as weighing less than they
actually do (O’Dea and Caputi 2001).
2.253. Ethnic Background
Research indicates that differences in body dissatisfaction across different
ethnic groups tend to be small (Thatcher and Rhea 2003; Holmqvist et al

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2007). Where differences exist, however, they generally suggest that White or
Asian people are the least satisfied with their bodies (Nishina et al 2006;
Wardle et al 2006; Van den Berg et al 2010). Those from a Black African
background have been found to be the most satisfied with their bodies
(Brietkopf et al 2007), and are particularly likely to disregard BMI (Russell
2002). Further, different ethnic groups aspire to different body shapes
(Roberts et al 2006; Swami et al 2010). In particular, Black Africans have
been found to prefer heavier bodies, whilst Asians tend to prefer slimmer
bodies (Grabe and Hyde 2006; Cinelli and O’Dea 2009). Differences in
weight-satisfaction between ethnicities appear to have diminished while
differences on body shape have increased over time.
2.3. Conceptual Framework: Hegemonic Masculinity
The term hegemonic masculinity provides a useful conceptual framework for
this exploration, which focuses on whether males have a common
understanding of an ‘ideal’ male body.
Hegemonic masculinity contends that there is a dominant masculinity that
reflects the most honoured way of being a man and, whilst other masculinities
co-exist, they rarely succeed in challenging the hegemonic form (Connell
1995). Indeed, hegemonic masculinity is perpetuated through patterns of
practices that organize men hierarchically, often excluding working-class and
Black men (Renold 2001). These practices are not just overtly reproduced
within influential sites such as the media, but are also embedded in social
structures that socialize boys to be masculine, such as education and the
family (Donaldson 1993). However, what becomes accepted as hegemonic
masculinity shifts over time as males can challenge such notions. The loss of
national service and decline in physical work for men, for example, has
required men to turn to leisure activities to develop their masculinity (Murray
et al 2013). Shifts towards a middle-class, exercise culture, means the body
has gained increased importance (McKay et al 2000), as it declares

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masculine dominance through exaggeration of the male physique (Connell
1990; Wiegers 1998; Ricciardelli et al 2010; Blashill 2011). Sport is
particularly important in reproducing the significance of the male body, by
providing unequal opportunities for males and females, with considerable
emphasis on marginalizing women as spectators whilst males develop their
masculinity (Trujillo 1991).
The role socio-cultural factors play in the development of body dissatisfaction
has been explored from a myriad of theoretical perspectives (Forbes et al
2001; Wood 2004). There remains, however, a significant lacuna in relation to
males’ body dissatisfaction and the role of socio-cultural factors in
reproducing hegemonic masculinity. Much of what has been fabricated as
reality for males and their body image assumes that power emerges from
everywhere, and that ethnicity, socio-economic background and leisure
culture are central to masculinity, which overlooks the notion of a hegemonic
masculinity (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005). If similar desires are found
among respondents, it provides evidence for the existence of dominant
structural forces and forms.
However, we can never fully understand how socio-cultural factors interrelate
and influence male body image. Equally, hegemonic masculinity offers just
one of many ways to understand male body dissatisfaction and the role of
contemporary socio-cultural factors. Nonetheless, as a concept it has driven
compelling analytical insights into the lives of contemporary men (Light and
Kirk 2000; Spector-Mersel 2006; Beasley 2008). This paper considers some
possibilities provided through this nexus, generating thought-provoking
insights when examining the role of socio-cultural factors on young males
body dissatisfaction. In an attempt to understand the complexities of the
aetiology of male body dissatisfaction, hegemonic masculinity will shape and
underpin the research question: ‘What are the socio-cultural factors that lead
to body dissatisfaction for males aged 16-25?’.

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CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH DESIGN
3.1. The Nature of Research
Positivist and interpretivist research philosophies contend that the methods
employed by the researcher must correspond with their epistemological and
ontological standpoint, that is, their understanding of what constitutes
acceptable knowledge and nature of reality (Cohen et al 2013). Pragmatists,
alternatively argue that the most important determinant of the research
philosophy adopted is the research question. Pragmatism is a distinctive
epistemological outlook on the norms that govern enquiry, which firstly
identifies what remains unknown and then selects the most appropriate
methods to address this (Goldkuhl 2012). A review of the existing literature
suggests that the study of the socio-cultural factors that influence the
development of young males body dissatisfaction is rather under-researched.
In corresponding with the pragmatist standpoint, whilst quantitative
methodology have been chosen for this research, analysis is approached
from both quantitative and interpretivist perspectives. Though results are
presented statistically, inferences that can be drawn about the lived
experiences and beliefs of respondents, and the way in which their age, SES
and ethnicity interact, are discussed.
3.2. Survey
Whilst there exists literature on body dissatisfaction among males, such
literature has failed to account for how socio-cultural elements interact with
one another, as well as with the age, ethnic background and SES of the
individual. Due to this, this research has focused on a quantitative survey to
investigate young males views of the influence of relationships, the media and
BMI in contributing to body dissatisfaction, and to explore the possible role of
age, ethnicity and SES. Social surveys are often used to “collect data to

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describe some feature of the social situation in which they exist” (Thomas
2013: 176); in this instance the data collected are used to explain the role
media, relationships and BMI play in the development of body dissatisfaction
in young males.
Surveys are particularly useful to produce a wide and inclusive coverage of
participants; increasing result validity by ensuring that the data needed to
address the research questions is acquired (Denscombe 2003). Moreover,
surveys are an extremely effective tool to relay present state of affairs (Cohen
et al 2013). As research on the influence of, and relationship between, socio-
cultural factors on the development of body dissatisfaction in young males in
2016 is lacking, it was felt the use of surveys was appropriately suited.
3.3. Research Setting and Sampling
3.31. Setting
The research was undertaken online on three social media platforms, namely
Facebook, Twitter and Instagram. The reasoning for this choice was due to
the desire to gain a sample that engaged with social media, as this research
addresses the role social media plays on males’ body image. Further, an
online survey is cost effective, as there are no costs involved in producing or
distributing the survey, and is quick and convenient for respondents,
increasing the likelihood of participation (Bell 2010). Social media provides an
extremely effective site for research, offering new ways for researchers to
undertake surveys cheaply, quickly and single-handled (Brickman-Bhutta
2009). However, the sample produced may not be representative, since the
majority of my ‘friends’ on social media are White British, middle class. The
steps taken to reduce the likelihood of this occurring are outlined below.

23
3.32. Sampling
It was important to include respondents from a range of ages, SES and ethnic
backgrounds in order to address whether these factors alter the influence of
relationships, media or BMI. For this reason, convenience sampling was used,
namely snowball sampling, in the selection of research participants. As
Benfield and Szlemko (2006) suggest, this sampling method is more effective
than email web-links and leaflets in providing a broad sample with high
response rates online. The initial questionnaire was posted on my own social
media sites, which Baltar and Brunet (2012) suggest increases response
rates since participants are familiar with the researcher. Through the use of
‘share’ buttons online, participants helped to recruit others (Sadler 2010),
which enabled a sample consisting of males of different ages, ethnicities and
SES. Participants were required to identify their gender and age; those who
did not meet the criteria were discarded.
However, previous research has highlighted the possibility that the
questionnaire may be ignored, and has evidenced a low response rate of
online surveys (Fricker and Schonlau 2002). If the questionnaire had failed to
gain a sample above fifty, the same questionnaire would have been
distributed through a local secondary school and university.
The final sample consisted of 63 males aged between sixteen and twenty-five,
all recruited as volunteers through social media. The distribution of ages,
ethnicity and SES in the final sample is shown below (fig 1, 2 & 3).

24
Age
The ages have been grouped into three categories. The reason for this was
because it was felt it would allow for a clearer presentation of the age
distribution of the sample, whilst easing analysis.
Fig.(1). Age Distribution of the Sample
Ethnicity
Fig.(2). Ethnic Make-Up of the Sample
16-19 16%
(10)
20-22 62%
(39)
23-25 22%
(14)
White 89%
(56)
Asian 8% (5)
Black African
3% (2)

25
Socio-Economic Status (SES)
Fig.(3). SES of the Sample
The sample is not an accurate reflection of the population from which it is
drawn, and thus is not representative. Indeed, the transferability of the
research is limited, as the results obtained from this small sample cannot
accurately transfer beyond the bounds of this paper. Ideally the questionnaire
would have been online for a longer period of time, allowing a larger and more
representative sample, but this was not possible due to time constraints.
Moreover, since participants were recruited on a voluntary basis, the sample
may comprise of males who were particularly concerned or interested in their
body, thus limiting result validity as the sample is not representative. These
limitations are considered when discussing the results, since the research
findings are not generalizable.
3.4. Data Collection Method
The online survey comprised of 22 multiple-choice questions that displayed a
five-point likert scale. These scales call for a graded response to a series of
statements and are useful to assess people’s attitudes, judgments and
internal states about their own or others behaviour through research (Mellor
and Moore 2013). It was felt that this approach was most suitable, since the
research is concerned with understanding young males judgments and
Higher SES
81% (51)
Lower SES
19% (12)

26
attitudes about their body and the influence of relationships, media and BMI.
Particularly important given the personal nature of the research topic, is the
ability of likert scales to allow for a range of responses whilst remaining
sensitive (Cohen et al 2013).
Further, as the questionnaire is constructed solely on opinions, greater
subtlety through the use of likert scales increases the reliability of the results
since all respondents had the identical five options for answers (Cohen et al
2013). This eases statistical analysis as all respondents can be classified into
one of five groups. The data produced from the likert scales creates an
objective, quantifiable understanding of how different socio-cultural elements
of contemporary western life independently mediate, or inter-relate, to fuel the
development of body dissatisfaction. All questions were based on topics
discussed and issues raised in the literature review such as the family, for
example ‘My family makes negative comments about my body’. (The full
survey can be found in Appendix A).
Whilst likert scales have been criticised for limiting the amount and depth of
information participants can reveal (Jamieson 2004), they were felt to be the
most appropriate for the aim of the research. The research sought to identify
the role and interplay between age, ethnicity and SES with socio-cultural
factors present in the lives of young males today on body dissatisfaction.
Although this research fails to do this in total certainty since the sample is not
reflective of the population as a whole, the research results are still important
as they indicate avenues worthy of future research, and produce reasonable
homogeneity.
3.5. Data Analysis
This research sought to identify the socio-cultural factors that can influence
the development of body dissatisfaction and if such factors change with age,
ethnicity or SES. For this reason the questionnaire was analysed
quantitatively through descriptive statistics, describing the data concerning the

27
influence of the various socio-cultural variables and comparing responses
between those of different ages, ethnicities and SES.
One of the first steps in analysing the data was to construct a frequency
distribution, listing the frequency of scores attributed to each socio-cultural
factor. A frequency distribution was then constructed concerning the
characteristics of respondents, in order to identify any relationships between
these factors and the influence of socio-cultural factors on body image. All
response data was imported into SPSS software, and was summarized into
visual reports, making the data more accessible to analyse (Thomas 2013).
Whilst there are shortcomings of not analysing the data through inferential
statistics, the small-scale nature of the study and the potential bias of the
online survey underpinned the decision of analysis solely through descriptive
statistics. At this stage, the research is about raising questions for statistically
rigorous or exploratory further study and thus it was felt that the use of
correlational or exploratory statistics was unnecessary.
3.6. Ethical Considerations
As the data collected cannot be considered in the public domain, valid
consent was sought from all participants. Data was anonymous, but all data
used within this research, as well as that collected but not used, will be kept
confidential and will conform to legal requirements of the Data Protection Act
(Denscombe 2003; GOV.UK 2014). (See appendix B & C for a detailed
description of all ethical procedures).

28
CHAPTER FOUR: RESULTS & DISCUSSION
In order to understand whether males have positive body image and what
schools and educational establishments might do to support the development
of them, we need to understand what influences them.
The results comprise of four key discussion titles:
- The Levels of Body Dissatisfaction
- The Role of Relationships
- The Role of the Media
- The Role of BMI
As the sample is not representative, all interpretations are made with caution.
4.1. Age, Ethnicity and Socio-Economic Status (SES)
The role of these characteristics will only be discussed when the results
indicate a potential relationship.

29
4.2. Levels of Body Dissatisfaction
Fig.4.
4.21. Male Body Dissatisfaction: An Overlooked Problem?
Almost half of the sample had medium or high levels of body dissatisfaction.
This is important since body image is thought to be a feminine problem
(Hargreaves and Tiggemann 2006), assumed as low among males (Paxton et
al 1991; Bearman et al 2006). These results highlight that young men can feel
dissatisfied and the number of males affected may be underestimated.
Indeed, Olivardia et al (2004) showed that American men exhibited
substantial levels of body dissatisfaction, which translated to a desire to gain
muscle. Prior research has failed to consider males in their own terms by
measuring symptoms of female body dissatisfaction, which reflect a false
result that females have higher body dissatisfaction (McCabe and Ricciardelli
2004). Indeed, if research appreciated the unique construct of, and
differences between, male and female body dissatisfaction, the known levels
of men dissatisfied with their body would elevate (Carlson-Jones 2004).
High Levels
28% (17)
Medium Levels
16% (10)
Low Levels
53% (36)
Levels of Body Dissatisfaction

30
4.22. Muscles & Masculinity
Over 80% of the sample wished they were more muscular (fig.5) and 77%
said having a muscular body would make them feel more masculine (fig.6).
Body dissatisfaction in females with anorexia has found to decrease as weight
decreases, since these individuals wish to be slimmer (Brockmeyer et al
2013). It is possible, then, that the development of a muscular physique may
reduce the development of dissatisfaction among males, who wished to be
more muscular.
Fig.(5).
Fig.(6).
Agree 84%
(53)
Disagree 16%
(10)
'I Wish I Were More Muscular'
Agree
77% (48)
Disagree
15% (10)
I Don't Know
8% (5)
'Having a Muscular Body Makes
Me/Would Make Me Feel More
Masculine'

31
4.23. Age and Body Dissatisfaction
Fig.(7). Fig.(8).
Fig.(9).
The levels of body dissatisfaction slowly decreased the older the males got.
These results are important as they indicate that preventative strategies may
be required in schools to target younger males with higher body
dissatisfaction.
However, as males mature they are less likely to express body dissatisfaction.
Indeed, literature suggests that males tend to portray that their attitudes are
High Body
Dissatisfac
tion 60%
(6)
Low Body
Dissatisfac
tion 40%
(4)
Body Dissatisfaction
Among 16-19 Year Olds
High Body
Dissatisfac
tion 46%
(18)
Low Body
Dissatisfac
tion 54%
(21)
Among 20-22 Year Olds
High Body
Dissatisfacti
on 21% (3)
Low Body
Dissatisfacti
on 79%
(11)
Body DissatisfactionAmong
23-25 Year Olds

32
made independent to influence (Gill et al 2005), reflecting characteristics of
hegemonic masculinity (Smith et al 2007). Thus it is possible that the older
males had higher levels of body dissatisfaction than shown, but were
compelled to mask this as a result of culturally induced hegemonic tendencies
that encourage independence.
4.24. Socio Economic Status and Body Dissatisfaction
Fig.(10).
50% of males from lower SES had high body dissatisfaction, compared to
37% of males from higher SES (Figure 10).
The figures suggest that low SES may be positively related to higher body
dissatisfaction.
Hegemonic masculinity highlights the heterogeneous nature of masculinity,
referring to the dominance of white, middle-class men (Wiegers 1998).
Working-class men, who experience much less access to higher education,
are unable to adhere to the local standards of hegemonic masculinity
(Wiegers 1998; Messerschmidt 2015). As Groes-Green (2009) suggest, these
men develop ‘a masculinity that takes the body and its physical powers as its
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
Lower SES Higher SES
Socio-Economic Status (SES) and
High Body Dissatisfaction
Low Body Dissatisfaction

33
sources’ (p.299). However, the decline in manual labour has led the sporting
body to become dominant (Wienke 1998). Indeed, sport is an important site
for males to gain access to, and legitimately display, core aspects of
masculinity, as men can channel their ‘natural’ aggressive instincts in a
‘controlled’ environment (Connell and Misserschmidt 2005; Adams et al
2010). However, like academia, sport is governed by external factors such as
class (Wellard 2002). The corporeal and discursive practices that constitute
rugby training, a predominantly middle-class sport, reproduce the embodiment
of a ‘traditional’ hegemonic masculinity (Light and Kirk 2000), that is
increasingly under threat in rapidly changing social conditions (Anderson and
McGuire 2010). The higher body dissatisfaction among young males of lower
SES may indicate a struggle to adopt hegemonic masculinity in modern
Britain, which is subtly embedded in their leisure and sporting practices.
The relationship between SES and leisure has long been a concern of
theorists (Brohm 1978; Theberge 1987; Bordieu 1988). Cultural differences in
standards (Ball and Kenardy 2002), cultural or economically driven
differences in leisure activities (Light and Kirk 2000), different diets which may
be economically or culturally driven (Eriksson et al 2008), are just a few of the
potential reasons for these results.
However, theorists suggest that studying class in an increasingly
individualized society requires more qualitative analysis of cultural practices
(Savage 2000). This could be an avenue for future research.

34
4.3. Influence of Relationships
Relationships are fundamental to human wellbeing, and are likely to be
particularly influential in relation to contemporary masculinity (Bearman et al
2006).
4.31. Peers
Fig.(11).
A considerable amount of respondents felt that friends contributed to body
dissatisfaction. However, 51% of the sample did not feel that their friends
played a role (fig.11).
4.32. Peers & Age
Interesting differences were found between the role attributed to peers and
age. Males in the 16-19 year group attributed the largest role, and 23-25 year
group the least role, to peers (fig.12 and 14), which may reflect changes in the
tools required to gain access to, and display, hegemonic masculinity as males
mature.
Yes
43%
No
51%
Don't
Know
6%
My friends play a large role in
how I feel about my body

35
Fig.(12).
Fig.(13).
Fig.(14).
These results suggest that peers may play a larger role for younger males,
which is important for informing preventative strategies in schools.
Large Role
29% (4)
Small Role
71% (10)
Role of Friends for 23-25 Year
Olds
Large Role
60% (6)
Small
Role
30%
(3)
Don't Know
10% (1)
Olds
Large Role
43%
Small Role
49%
Don’t
Know
8%
Olds

36
For schoolboys, sport, discourse and play with peers provides an extremely
powerful platform whereby notions of hegemonic masculinity are constructed,
negotiated and performed (Renold 2001). Schoolboy peer groups personify
the acme of masculinity, where groups engage in sport ideals of strength,
competition, power and domination that are central to communicating
contemporary hegemonic masculinities, whilst individuals learn to publically
perform their skills (Coffey and James 2016). School policies and organization
of sport can make a significant difference to how sport is portrayed and used
to signify masculinity (Swain 2000). Schools provide a basis whereby
hegemonic groups can develop their masculinity, providing a highly visible
stage for the performance of a series of stylized masculine routines (Pascoe
2011).
Moreover, the questionnaire sought to examine how peer discourse may
contribute to dissatisfaction.
Fig.(15).
While these results do not appear worthy of consideration since almost half of
the sample did not agree, it is interesting that those between the ages of 16-
22 were more likely to agree (fig.16). This suggests that body dissatisfaction,
and the role of peers, may shift as males mature. It is possible that, as males
mature, the peer group becomes a basis to discuss how to adhere to
Yes 51%
(32)
No 47%
(30)
Don’t Know 2%
(1)
My Peers and I OftenTalk About
Our Bodies/Body Development
Strategies

37
hegemonic masculinities. Indeed, masculinities are not simply different but
also subject to change, challenges to hegemony are common, and so are
adjustments in the face of these challenges (Connell and Messerschmidt
2005). Similarly to how sport is utilized as a tool to access and display
hegemonic masculinity, these results indicate that the peer group are
particularly important to males aged 16-22 in developing and reproducing the
embodiment of hegemonic masculinity, which is increasingly under threat
(Anderson and McGuire 2010).
Fig.(16).
Moreover, the recent growth of literature on metro sexuality indicates that
dominant masculinities may be changing (Tan et al 2013). Physical
appearance is an increasingly central dimension to communicating
contemporary masculinities (Hall et al 2012), which males construct and
negotiate with peers.
0
5
10
15
20
25
16-19 Years 20-22 Years 23-25 Years
I Discuss my Body/Body Development
Strategies with Peers
Yes
No

38
4.33. Peers & Hegemonic Masculinity
Previous research suggests that peer criticism is the strongest direct indicator
of body dissatisfaction for males (Jones 2004). The results appear to support
this.
Fig.(17)
This result suggests that micro level social interactions in the context of peer
criticism are important in perpetuating hegemonic masculinity. By providing a
platform to gain access to the hegemonic form, whilst critiquing peers if they
fail to adhere to it, peers actively contribute to the reproduction of the ‘ideal’
hegemonic masculine body.
Indeed, as criticism tends to be targeted towards those who lack ‘attractive’
appearance attributes (Jones and Crawford 2006), the dominant masculine
body is constructed against those who fail to adhere to typical masculine
ideologies (Herek 1986; Connell 1990). Peer teasing may promote the
internalization of hegemonic masculinity, reinforcing the value peers attach to
appearance (Lawler and Nixon 2011).
Furthermore, peers may provide a source for social comparison and a stage
to display and compete for dominant masculinity. Holt and Ricciardelli (2002)
Yes 67% (42)
Don't Know
5% (3)
No 28% (18)
I Would Feel Anxious About My
Body If My Peers Criticized It

39
found that young males compared themselves socially to peers and
developed strategies to increase muscle mass. The engagement of
conversations of the younger males with peers about body development
strategies may unveil a learning process in understanding hegemonic
masculinities (Wellard 2002; Hickey 2008), in which the body has become
increasingly important (Ricciardelli et al 2010).
4.34. Peers, Older Males & Hegemonic Business Masculinity
The finding that the males aged 22-25 felt their peers played a small role is
worthy of consideration (fig.14).
Interestingly, masculinity associated with those who control dominant
institutions, such as business executives who operate global markets,
continue to be presented as the hegemonic form worldwide (Connell 1995).
Older males may be more aware of global hegemonic masculinity, which is
less concerned with local peer groups and the body. Indeed, businessmen
themselves do not require bodily force, since the patriarchal inequalities they
benefit from are accumulated by institutional means, increasing egocentrism
and conditional loyalties (Connell 1995). Furthermore, as males mature the
number of close friends they have decreases (Rawlins 1994), and they
become less sensitive to the views of peers (Holsen et al 2012), which may
explain the smaller role older males attributed to peers.

40
4.35. Family
Literature continuously highlights the importance of the family in body image
(Choate 2007; Coomber and King 2008), with positive words of
encouragement proving particularly beneficial in preventing body
dissatisfaction (Bearman et al 2006).
Fig.(18).
As depicted, whilst 59% of the sample thought that their family liked their
body, 41% were not sure or felt that their family did not like their body (fig.18).
However, these results reflect participants’ perceptions of their family’s
thoughts, and may be far from reality. Due to this, participants were asked if
their family made negative comments about their body.
Yes
59% (37)
No
9% (6)
Don't Know
32% (20)
My Family Like My Body
Yes
21% (13)
No
78% (49)
Don’t Know
1% (1)
My Family Make Negative
Comments About My Body
Fig.(19).

41
Unsurprisingly, those whose families did make negative comments on their
body were more likely to be dissatisfied with their body (fig. 20).
Fig.(20).
Fig.(21).
These results suggest that the family may instil body concerns by critiquing
the body. It is well established that criticism from the family is likely to occur
before the onset of severe body dissatisfaction or disorders (Le Grange et al
2009). This demonstrates how hegemonic masculinity is not only perpetuated
through the media and the overtly powerful sites, but that the micro
interactions in the context of the family may also be important.
High Body
Dissatisfaction
46% (6)
Low Body
Dissatisfaction
23% (3)
Medium Body
Dissatisfaction
31% (4)
Body Dissatisfactionin those
whose families DID make
Negative Comments on their Body
High Body
Dissatisfaction
22% (11)
Low Body
Dissatisfaction
66% (33)
Medium Body
Dissatisfaction
12% (6)
Body Dissatisfactionin those
whose families DID NOT make
Negative Comments on their body

42
However, it is important to acknowledge that ‘negative comments’ is a difficult
concept since it requires individual interpretation. Indeed, ‘negative
comments’ could be given with affection. Moreover, it is possible that regular
subjection to criticism may build resilience, which would thus undermine
respondents’ answers to the question.
4.36. The Role of Parental Criticism
Rodgers et al (2009) suggest that both parents are able to influence body
image positively through words of encouragement, and negatively through
criticism. Those males identified as having high body dissatisfaction were
highlighted in order to explore the extent to which negative comments from
the family may contribute (fig.22).
Fig.(22).
Interestingly, only 35% of those with high body dissatisfaction reported
negative comments from the family. This could be due to the flexible definition
of ‘family’, which could refer to a partner, parents or siblings. The opinions and
criticism from siblings, for example, may be less valued than criticism from
parents or partners, which may underpin these findings.
Indeed, these results have evoked complex interpretation, since they raise
more questions than they answer. What they do indicate is that whilst micro
level interactions within the family are important in the development of body
dissatisfaction, there is likely to be other factors at play.
My Family
Makes
Negative
Comments
35% (6)
My Family DO
NOT Make
Negative
Comments
65% (11)
Those with High Body
Dissatisfaction

43
4.37. The Complexity of Human Relationships: An Unconscious Influence?
It is important to appreciate the complexity of relationships, and the possibility
that these relationships may unconsciously impact body dissatisfaction
(James 1907 cited in Rogers 2011). Moreover, respondents may have denied
their relationships playing a large role as men attach significant authority to
choices, particularly about their bodies, made independent of influence (Gill et
al 2005).
4.38. The Importance of Male Relationships
The nature of young males relationships may play a considerable role in their
development of body dissatisfaction. Hegemonic masculinity has the ability to
make males believe that they are autonomous, when actually they are
controlled and positioned in regards to this dominant masculinity (Connell and
Messerschmidt 2005). These results indicate that the relationships of males
may be vehicles that subtly reproduce the hegemonic form, encouraging body
dissatisfaction.

44
4.4. Influence of Media
The mass media is extremely persuasive and, whilst social media is a
relatively new platform, both dictate the ideal male body (Leit et al 2002). The
research sought to address the extent to which the media and social media
influence young males body image.
4.41. Media
Fig.(23)
These results are concerning, given that 56% of the sample admitted to
comparing their body to the bodies of men seen on these platforms (fig.24).
Fig.(24).
Agree
81% (51)
Don't Know
3% (2)
Disagree
16% (10)
Television, Film and Advertising
Predominantely Present the Ideal
Male as Muscular, Masculine and
Strong
Agree
56% (35)
Disagree
41% (26)
Don't
Know
3% (2)
I Compare my Body to
Actors/Celebritiesin TV, Advertising
and Film

45
4.42. Media & Age
Of those who admitted to comparing their body, the majority were below the
age of 22 (fig.25). These results suggest that the body ideals presented in the
mass media may particularly influence younger males. This will be discussed
further below (4.47).
Fig.(25).
0
5
10
15
20
25
Age Distributionof Body Comparisons
to Actors/Celebritieson TV, Film and
Advertising
I Compare My Body
I Don't Know
I Don't Compare My Body

46
4.43. Media & Ethnicity
100% of the Black African and Asian respondents agreed to compare their
body to actors or celebrities (fig.26).
Fig.(26).
These results produce some ambiguity, since literature contends that different
cultures conceive and experience masculinity differently (Beynon 2001).
Interestingly, the Asian cultural body ideal is much slimmer than in
contemporary western society (Lattimore and Hutchinson 2010). Devos and
Banaji (2005) suggest that a higher identification with Asian culture is related
to a higher pressure to be thin.
It has been reported that Black African groups prefer heavier bodies (Grabe
and Hyde 2006; Cinelli and O’Dea 2009) compared to other ethnic groups.
However, 50% of the Black African males were dissatisfied with their body,
and 100% admitted comparing their body to actors and/or celebrities, which
predominantly present white hegemonic masculinity (Trujillo 1991).
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
Asian Black African
I Do Compare My Body to
Actors/Celebritiesin TV, Film and
Advertising and Ethnicity
I Do Compare My Body

47
These results indicate that while Asian and Black African masculinities may
exist, they are subordinate and fail to challenge the dominant muscular
masculinity, which is presented in the media (Trujillo 1991; Leit et al 2002). It
is contended that boys attempt to position themselves relationally in alignment
with cultural hegemonic standards as a central mechanism for establishing, or
maintaining, an effective masculine identity (Connell and Messerschmidt
2005). Certainly, whilst masculinity is culturally informed (Gilmore 1980),
100% of Asian and Black African respondents admitted comparing their body
to actors/celebrities in the media (fig.26). This suggests that the media plays a
considerable role in communicating the white, British masculinity as
hegemonic, describing ‘conventional and stereotypical’ forms of masculinity
(Davies and Eagle 2007: 66).
However, as only two Asian and two Black African males were in the sample,
these interpretations are made with caution since the results are not
representative.

48
4.44. Social Media
81% of the sample also felt social media regularly presented images of
muscular males, presenting them as ideal (fig.27). These results support the
notion of hegemonic masculinity that is reproduced in multiple media sites.
Fig.(27).
Respondents were asked if images on social media were more realistic or
attainable than those on TV, adverts and film. The results (figure 28) shed
light on a potential and important distinction between the role of the mass
media and social media.
Fig.(28)
While 38% disagreed, 40% agreed, suggesting that images on social media
are seen by some as more realistic or attainable than images on TV,
Agree
81% (50)
Disagree
19% (12)
I OftenSee Images of Muscular
Males on my Social Media as the
'Ideal'
Agree
40% (25)
Disagree
38% (24)
Don't Know
22% (14)
Images on Social Media are more
Realistic and Attainable than
those on TV, Adverts and Film

49
advertising and film. If images are perceived as more attainable it is likely they
are seen as more realistic. These images may fuel dissatisfaction since they
are assumed to portray a body that the males should be able to achieve,
embedding the dominant masculinity.
To understand this finding better, the characteristics of the respondents are
identified.
4.45. Social Media & Age
Fig.(29).
16-19
7% (2)
20-22
83% (24)
23-25
10% (3)
Images on Social Media ARE more
Realistic and Attainable than on
TV, Adverts and Film
16-19
28% (7)
20-22
48% (12)
23-25
24% (6)
Images on Social Media ARE NOT
more Realistic and Attainable than
on TV, Adverts and Film
Fig.(30).

50
Those aged between 20-22 years may be more likely to see images on social
media as more realistic and attainable than on other media platforms (figure
29 and 30). These results indicate that social media may have a greater age
reach than conventional media, and may be more influential to the
development of body dissatisfaction and reproduction of the hegemonic form
than the family.
However, it is important to note that 62% of the sample was between 20-22
years, so these interpretations may not be transferable beyond the scope of
this research.
The relationship between age and the perception of images on social media
may be due to the types, and reasons for, engaging with social media.
4.46. Social Media: A Platform to Reinforce Hegemonic Masculinity?
It is possible that respondents had different reasons for interacting with social
media, thus exposed to different types of images concerning the body (Meier
and Gray 2014). Those particularly interested in the sporting body are able to
search content that reflects their interests, whilst reinforcing and developing
their ideologies (Kervin 1990).
Certainly, both social media and other media platforms provide a basis
whereby boundaries between health, fitness and sport become blurred (Labre
2005). Online, individuals need only to search one of the former and they will
be provided with an array of links to similar information pages. This is
concerning, since constant engagement with these media pages provides a
template for body aspirations (Dittmar 2009). The sporting body reflects
hegemonic masculinity (Wellard 2002), thus the engagement of young males
with social media, along with the finding that images here are seen as more
realistic and attainable, gives social media a role extremely worthy of
consideration in communicating hegemonic ideals of masculinity (Messner

51
and Sabo 1990), fuelling dissatisfaction when one fails to reach it (Leit et al
2002).
However, as respondents were not asked about their reasoning for engaging
with social media this is merely a postulation about the ambiguous
relationship found. Whilst social media can have profound influences on body
satisfaction (Becker et al 2002; Arbour and Ginis 2006), the role of age and
the reasons for engaging with social media would be interesting avenues for
future research.
4.47. The Media: Internalization of the Male Ideal & Social Comparisons
The internalization of body ideologies, presented through the media, can
promote the development of unrealistic personal standards (Knauss et al
2007; Myers et al 2012; Vartanian and Dey 2013). Whilst it is important to
acknowledge that individuals are not merely passive beings who absorb
information, it is equally important to acknowledge the sheer power these
platforms can have in affecting body satisfaction. The desire to adhere to
wider social norms surrounding the body is considerable, and subtly
communicates the dominant masculinity (Messner and Sabo 1990). This
process is often informed through internalizing material presented in wider
social realms. Where this material is unattainable, it is probable that body
dissatisfaction will develop (Thompson and Heinberg 1999; O’Dea 2004).
Indeed, individuals have a desire to evaluate themselves in regards to others
(Corcoran et al 2011). Where these self-evaluations are based on the physical
appearance of universalistic targets, such as celebrities or actors, body image
is negatively implicated (Morrison et al 2004; Myers et al 2009). Further,
research has found a positive relationship between Facebook usage and body
dissatisfaction, mediated by the frequency of social comparisons to friends,
and by upward comparisons to celebrities (Fardouly et al 2015). Upward
social comparisons have been found to lower self-regard and perceptions of
attractiveness (Collins 1996; Tiggemann and Miller 2010), which is of

52
particular concern since a considerable proportion of the 16-22 year olds
admitted to comparing their body to actors/celebrities in the media.
Furthermore, for young males who frequently engage with the media (Perrin
2015), and who exist in a time whereby the body has gained increasing
importance, the portrayals of the muscular male on media platforms are
assumed to be a credible body reference that symbolizes hegemonic
masculinity (Adams and Marshall 1996). The medias ability to persuade
individuals that physiques presented are achievable, is concerning (Manago
et al 2008; Meier and Gray 2014).
4.48. The Media & Males
These results raise some concerning findings of the sheer influence the media
has on young males body dissatisfaction. What is more concerning, however,
is that consumers are often unconscious of this influence (Duck et al 1999).
The ability of the media to portray a sense that we are totally autonomous is
considerable, whilst fundamental to the reproduction of hegemonic
masculinity (Smith et al 2007). The findings suggest that the media may play
a unique role in communicating an increasingly embodied hegemonic
masculinity to young males, subtly fuelling body dissatisfaction.
However, these respondents are perhaps more likely to be interested in the
body, since participation was voluntary, thus the media may have a more
profound influence on these individuals. The sample may be unrepresentative
of the general male populations reason for engaging with the media, so
assumptions cannot be consolidated. Nonetheless, results certainly provide
an interesting, while disturbing, insight into the power of the media in
communicating the hegemonic masculine body to young males, which may
fuel body satisfaction.

53
4.5. Influence of Body Mass Index (BMI)
It was important to address the extent to which BMI influenced young males.
Certainly, BMI and the related obesity epidemic are likely to be particularly
influential to contemporary masculinity.
Fig.(31). Fig.(32).
Whilst relationships and the media influence body image, these results
indicate the importance of health that subtly embeds the hegemonic ‘sporting’
body.
The fact that 59% felt unhappy about being classified as overweight, and 56%
were unhappy about being underweight, evidences the sheer influence of
these scales (fig. 31 and 32).
As BMI scales were developed within the medical field, there is widespread
perception that they are supported by robust evidence (Stephenson 2013).
Characterizing BMI as an objective entity diverts subjective ideals and
individual prejudice away from those who are overweight or underweight,
strategically locating them within ‘health science’ (Wright and Harwood 2012).
Yes
59% (38)
No
33% (21)
Don't
Know
8% (5)
I would be unhappy if I
was classified as
OVERWEIGHT by BMI
Yes
56% (35)
No
35% (22)
Don't
Know
9% (6)
I would be unhappy if I
was classified as
UNDERWEIGHT by BMI

54
The use of BMI scales is extremely problematic as they lead us to believe the
relationship between health and weight is concrete, which is far from absolute
(Gard and Wright 2005).
4.51. BMI: Weight and Masculinity
Being classified as overweight evoked a slightly larger negative response than
being classified as underweight (fig 31 & 32). Indeed, the explosion of the
obesity epidemic, which is underpinned by the normalization of BMI as a
means to quantify the body, implicates the label ‘overweight’ to ones identity
(Wright 2009). An ‘overweight’ label is extremely stigmatised by society, as it
is assumed to reflect a sedentary, lazy and unhealthy lifestyle (Gard and
Wright 2005). Being classified as overweight by BMI may have provoked this
negative response due to participants’ awareness of this stigma and
association of an ‘overweight’ label with poor health.
Moreover, these results may also reflect respondents’ ignorance of BMIs
failure to identify muscle mass from body fat. Indeed, BMI is a contested
notion that social science researchers consider problematic, as the scale fails
to differentiate between fat and muscle mass (Sifferlin 2013). This is important
as the muscular body has gained increasing importance for hegemonic
masculinity in the field of consumption, health, sport and leisure, which may
underpin the emergence of a culture of individuals, particularly males, who
engage in a consistent series of actions purely to build muscle (Mishkind
1987; Wiegers 1998; Whannel 2002). Academics have stated that there is a
‘crisis in masculinity’, and that the desire to build muscle reveals a passionate
battle to conquer masculinity (Glassner 1995; Wellard 2002). Indeed, if
participants were aware of BMIs inability to differentiate muscular bodies from
overweight bodies, it is possible that their responses would have been less
negative. However, respondents were not asked about their knowledge of
BMI, this is merely a postulation worthy of future research.

55
Conversely, the concern expressed at being classified as ‘underweight’, may
be underpinned by the fact that it infers a lack of size and muscle, which
signals masculinity failure (Hickey 2008).
4.52. BMI & Age
All age groups were more likely than not to feel unhappy about being
classified as overweight, suggesting that age may not mediate the influence of
an overweight BMI on body dissatisfaction (fig.33).
Fig.(33).
These results appear to support the above discussion concerning ignorance
to BMIs failures, irrespective of age. Whilst being classified as ‘overweight’ is
likely to indicate a muscular body, thus signalling hegemonic masculinity
(Wellard 2002), the respondents may have merely associated this label with
the obesity discourse and poor health.
0
5
10
15
20
25
I Would Be Unhappy If I Was/Am
Classified as Overweight by BMI: Age
Yes
No
Don't Know

56
4.53. BMI & Ethnicity
In regards to ethnicity and BMI, interesting differences were found.
Fig.(34).
Fig.(35).
Over 60% of White respondents felt unhappy about being classified as
overweight or underweight. 75% of Asian participants felt unhappy about
being classified as overweight or underweight. Whilst among Black African
respondents, 100% did not feel unhappy about being classified as overweight,
but felt unhappy about being classified as underweight (fig 34 & 35). These
results suggest that ethnicity may play a role on the influence of BMI on body
dissatisfaction.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
White Asian Black African
I Would be Unhappy if I Was/Am
Classified as Overweight by BMI:
Ethnicity
Don't Know
Disagree
Agree
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
White Asian Black African
I Would be Unhappy if I Was/Am
Classified as Underweight by
BMI: Ethnicity
Don't Know
Disagree
Agree

57
Indeed, it has been suggested that the more one is immersed in
contemporary western culture, the more likely they are to internalise its ‘ideal’
body, within ‘healthy’ BMI quantities (Wright and Harwood 2012). As
discussed, being classified as underweight is problematic for ones battle to
express British hegemonic masculinity, which demands a strong physique
(Wellard 2002). The concerns of white male respondents being classified as
overweight is interesting, since hegemonic masculinity requires a physique
that is muscle dense, which BMI is likely to classify as overweight. This may
be explained by the obesity discourse, which uses BMI to justify and provide
‘evidence’ for this epidemic (Gard and Wright 2005). The dominant
masculinity is largely contradicted by notions of obesity and BMI, which may
explain the discontent with being classified as underweight or overweight by
BMI for white males.
75% of Asian respondents felt unhappy about being classified as overweight,
which may be underpinned by their much slimmer cultural body ideal than in
contemporary western society (Lattimore and Hutchinson 2010). Asians who
fail to adhere to this slim body ideal are at risk of compromising their cultural
identification (Devos and Banaji 2005).
However, the concern expressed among this ethnic group with being
classified as underweight may indicate that the western prejudices tied to low
body weight have been acknowledged. Whilst there exists subordinate
cultural masculinities, they fail to challenge the hegemonic white form that
demands a muscular physique (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005). Being
underweight signals a failure in masculinity (Hickey 2008).
100% of the Black African males did not feel unhappy about being overweight.
Heavier preferences found amongst Black African ethnic groups (Grabe and
Hyde 2006; Cinelli and O’Dea 2009) may explain their optimistic response to
the ‘overweight’ label, and their displeasure with the ‘underweight’ label,
reflecting culturally dependent masculinities.

58
4.54. BMI: A Quantifiable Measure for Social Comparison
The influence of biomedical scales on young males is considerable.
Overweight and underweight labels evoked a negative response, as both
quantify the body in ways that are socially stigmatised. BMI provides the
mechanism by which females become aware of how closely their bodies
match their internalized body ideal, constructed through social comparisons
(Durkin and Paxton 2002). Whilst this literature concerns females, its
conclusions are worthy of consideration.
Social comparison often mediates body dissatisfaction, particularly in younger
people seeking to construct and improve their identities (Adams and Marshall
1996; Thompson et al 1999b). BMI allows individuals to quantifiably compare
their body to others, providing a convincingly robust framework for social
comparisons (Wright and Harwood 2012). The results appear to support the
notion of hegemonic masculinity and the ‘ideal’ body, by locating them within
the health sciences.
4.55. BMI & Hegemonic Masculinity
This research has found interesting findings of how the health sciences
reinforce hegemonic masculinities and ‘ideal’ bodies. Not only is hegemonic
masculinity subtly reproduced within relationships and in the media, but it may
also co-exist in otherwise positive messages about the healthy body with BMI.
This is particularly important for educational institutions that utilize BMI to
determine children’s health. The ability of BMI to strategically embed notions
of hegemonic masculinity on young males must not be overlooked.

59
CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION
This research examined the levels of young males body dissatisfaction, and
the role their relationships, engagement with the media and subjection to BMI
played in its development. It also examined implications of this relationship
through a hegemonic masculine lens. Whilst the sample is not representative,
this paper indicates that body dissatisfaction is likely a much more shared
gender concern than once thought, and that hegemonic masculinity is not just
perpetuated through the media and through overtly powerful sites, but that the
micro-level interactions in the context of family, peers, school as well as
health discourses, are also important.
The most significant findings of this research are the prevalence of male body
dissatisfaction, which has been assumed to be a ‘female’ problem
(Hargreaves and Tiggemann 2006), and the complex interplay between
multiple socio-cultural factors central to contemporary masculinity. Whilst the
research, which predicted that the media would play the largest role, was not
entirely rejected, this paper highlights that there are multiple socio-cultural
platforms that all play a considerable role in males body dissatisfaction.
Social experiences, notably peer relationships, particularly contributed to
reinforcing body concerns of the males aged 16-19. Peers encouraged the
development of the muscular body through engagement in discourse and
critique, reproducing the importance of the body in hegemonic masculinity.
The family, too, played a role. Those who received criticism from the family
were more likely to be dissatisfied with their body. The research identified
parallels with academic work concerning the relationship between media and
body dissatisfaction. The sporting body presented in the media encouraged
an internalization of hegemonic masculinities among all respondents, which
predicts body dissatisfaction (Peixoto-Labre 2002). In addition, this paper
revealed that biomedical models in the health sciences also subtly reinforce
notions of the ‘ideal’ body and hegemonic masculinity. Over half of males
were concerned with being classified as overweight by BMI, which it was

60
suggested was due to participants association of an ‘overweight’ body with
the obesity epidemic and poor health. It is possible that participants were
unaware that an ‘overweight’ label may indicate a muscular body. Over half of
respondents showed concern with being underweight by BMI, which is
indicative of a small physique, thus masculinity failure (Hickey 2008). Indeed,
whilst the influence of the socio-cultural factor varied slightly depending on the
characteristics of the individual, this paper suggests that there is no singular
factor that has a considerably larger influence on the development of body
dissatisfaction in young males.
The concept of hegemonic masculinities provided a particularly useful
theoretical framework to understand how socio-cultural factors may play such
a large role in the development of young males body dissatisfaction. This
paper provides further evidence into the discussion of hegemonic
masculinities by evidencing the subtle reproduction of embodied hegemonic
masculinities through both overt platforms such as the media, and among
micro interactions such as among peers. To understand body dissatisfaction
in older males or children, future researchers could use this framework.
This research has contributed to existing knowledge on young males body
dissatisfaction in three ways. Empirically, it has examined male body image
and the role and interplay of multiple socio-cultural factors central to
contemporary masculinity. On a theoretical level, the lens of hegemonic
masculinity has allowed the expansion of our understandings of young males
body dissatisfaction by approaching such phenomena in a different theoretical
light. Methodologically, the quantitative approach drawn on, allowed for a
broad overview of the prevalence and development of body dissatisfaction in
young males, which may not have been accessible to a female researcher
through qualitative methods.
The empirical limitations of the research lie in its representativeness. The
questionnaire data is drawn from the responses of 63 males between the
ages of 16-25 years to an online questionnaire. Therefore the results are not
representative of all young males and thus it is difficult to generalise the

61
research findings on the basis of these findings. Furthermore, as respondents
were mostly white, middle-class and between the ages of 20-22, findings are
not transferable. Indeed, further research could expand the respondent pool
and include a more representative sample of men of different ages, SES and
ethnic backgrounds and how their body dissatisfaction and masculinities are
understood.
The theoretical limitations of the research lie in the singular theoretical
framework used. The framework could draw on a wider range of theoretical
concepts, such as Foucault’s conceptualizations of power (Foucault 1979) or
Bourdieu’s concept of physical capital (Bordieu 1988). However, it can also be
argued that the theoretical framework complicates the findings for non-
academics.
The methodological limitations of the research reside in the quantitative
approach taken and analysis by descriptive statistics. Whilst the female
researcher may have implicated the success of qualitative study, and the
research aims were to provide an overview of young males body
dissatisfaction and the contribution of multiple socio-cultural factors, upon
reflection, mixed-methods or qualitative methodology may have been
beneficial. To delve deeper, future researchers could adopt qualitative
methodology to provide a richer articulation of the development of male body
dissatisfaction. In particular, the ambiguous relationship found between low
SES and high body dissatisfaction could be explored qualitatively. Moreover,
to further understand any relationship between each socio-cultural factor and
the males age, SES or ethnicity, exploratory or inferential statistical analysis
should be used.
Whilst this research is relevant for schools, the advice that needs to be given
is complex. Health and fitness is important and there is concrete evidence
about body weight having an impact on life chances (Renehan et al 2008;
Cooper 2015). But, as this research highlights, these discourses carry
powerful and convincing ideologies about the hegemonic masculine body that
negatively impact males body image. Schools should be aware of the power

62
of both macro and micro interactions among boys in the development of body
dissatisfaction, and use BMI scales with caution. Schools should actively work
to decrease the stigma attached to male body dissatisfaction both internally
and in the wider social realm, to encourage boys to communicate their body
concerns prior to more serious body dissatisfaction emerging.
The greatest potential of this research lies in the development of collaborative
projects between academics, clinicians and educational institutions to explore
deeper dimensions of males body concerns, informing preventative strategies.

63
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