Socialist Democracy (Britain) issue 8

Wanted: Mavor Ken
More they hate him,
m o r e w e w a n t h i m
Pages 4 and 5
K u r d i s t a n
F u n d a m e n t a l
errors by the PKK
Page 9 to 11
S o c i a l i s t N e t w o r k
Liverpool meeting: a
Great Beginning?
Page 24
socia i s t
democracy
for a critical marxism • no 8 • januar^^februar}^ 2000 • £1
Indonesia, Mexico, Timor:
S o c i a l i s t
r e v o i u t i o n o r
d e m o c r a t i c
dictatorship?
Seventy years after Leon Trotsky's 'The Permanent Revolution',
Doug Lorimer thinks the theory failed to ﬁt the century. Phil
Hearse replies, in an ongoing debate with Australia's
Democtgticjocialistjaity;_Page5jj__2^
socialist democracy ejan/feb 2000 • 1

Socialist Democracy readers griii
L e t t e r s
s o c i a l i s t
democracy
for a critical marxism
No 8 january/february 2000
httPi/Zmembe rs.triood.co.uk/
s o c i a l i s t d e m /
C o n t e n t s
L e t t e r s 2
Building a New Left
A Livingstone 4
Ken: The lesser evil 5
The New Rules 6
W o r l d O u t l o o k
Germany: Unions 8
K u r d i s t a n : P K K 10
Portugal: Left Bloc 12
C h i n a : 5 0 Y e a r s 13
T i m o r : S o c i a l i s t s 1 4
In depth
Permanent Revolution 1 6
Obituary: Amaya 2 3
Socialist Network 2 4
Published by Socialist Democracy.
E d i t o r i a l : s d e d i t o r s O i n a m e . c o m
G e n e r a l : s o c d e m @ i n a m e . c o m
T e l : 0 7 0 5 0 8 0 4 0 3 8
F a x : 0 7 0 5 0 8 0 4 0 3 9
N e w a d d r e s s :
Chris Brooks, BM Box 6834,
London, WCIN 3XX
Signed articles represent the views
of contributors.
This issue © the authors, Jan 2000
Printed by Intype, London 0181 947
7863
Subscriptions:
Six issues £5
£5 for all our back issues
Cheques payable to 'Socialist
Democracy'. If Socialist Democracy
merges with a another publication,
subscriptions will be carried over.
Sign up with Ken & Tony?
.ftcr reading your journal. 1
thought I would make some
obscr-ations for your letters page.
i'irstly, I agree that .WVI.,
Outlook and - most importantly -
J.l.B supporters do good Labour
work, although 1 am surprised you
neglect to mention Socialist Appeal,
who are now the only full entrist
tendency in this country.
I also agree that it' the entrists
and Trots jump out they would
produce in all probability a 'fuck-up'.
'Iherefore, 1 find your position
rather stratigc. Why tiot work inside
and outside the Labour Part' in the
same non-sectarian manner as you
do now, with the exception of the
unncccssaiA' and fruitless attacks on
t h e C P C l B ?
Inside the Labour Party you
could relate to the 50,000 or so anti-
HIairite members and struggle
alongside them, therefore preparing
the best grounds for a future left
.split from I.about and the creation
of a part)' similar to Italy's PRC',
which was a left split from the mass
bourgeois workers' part)'.
Yo u r s f o r s o c i a l i s m
W i l l M a t t h e w s
H o w b i z a r r e
Anmyyl Gyjeillioii, Dear Comrades
The past couple of issues of Socialist
Democraiy surest there are positive
moves towards a green left party
that dumps the old orthodox left
baggage.
' I ' h c r e h a v e b e e n m o v e s a n d
failures in the past, but I believe the
Scottish Socialist Part)''s electoral
breakthrough • based on grassroots
c a m p a i g n i n g - h e r a l d s a r e a l
opportunit)' to realign politics in
S c o t l a n d , Wa l e s , I r e l a n d a n d
Lngland.
But if Sodalist Democraiy is to
s e r i o u s l y c o n f r o n t t h e o l d
o r t h o d o x i e s a n d b u i l d a l i b e r t a r i a n
socialist part)- it needs to get to grips
with the changed realit)' of the
Disunited Kingdom.
'our editorial refers to the need
for an SSP-type part)- throughout
the UK. I low bizarre. I'd argue that
the SSP's success is based on its
support for an independent socialist
Scotland and a willingness to break
w i t h o l d B r i t i s h l e f t n o t i o n s a b o u t
national liberation.
This tends to be a good thing in
Latin ,merica and Africa, less g(X)d
in Lurope, and a definite no-no on
the British mainland. I don't believe
the left in Wales, Scotland or the six
counties will accept a UK-wide
organisation.
The British state is part of the
problem and the evidence ofmilitar)-
c o n t r o l i n I r e l a n d a n d s o c i a l a n d
economic experiments in Wales and
Scotland (e.g. the poll tax and
quango rule) suggest that the ruling
c l a s s u n d e r s t a n d s t h a t t h e r e a r e
different national dimensions within
that state, even if the left has
traditionally buried its head in the
sand.
1 lere in Wales, the Scottish
experience has been followed closely
and the Welsh Socialist Alliance is
already up and running. We've got
an awful long way to go before we
catch up with Scotland but the
alienation with Labour is ver)' real
and riaid Cymru will not be able to
keep both its traditional cultural
nationalists and new leftwing voters
happy for long.
O f c o u r s e t h e b o t t o m l i n e
r e m a i n s t h e s a m e i n a l l o u r
respective countries. We fought the
poll tax, we fought with the miners,
we want workers' self-management
a n d a d e c e n t r a l i s e d s o c i a l i s m t h a t
cares for the environment.
But until socialists in Lngland
recognise and respect the differences
t h a t a l s o e x i s t , t h e n t h i s
metropolitan m-opia will continue
to hinder the left.
1 hope Sodaiist Democraiy can
help develop a new libertarian
socialist organisation in 1 -ingland,
one that recognises the national
question is not just an issue in
Kosova, Kurdistan or Ireland.
The SSP has shown that the
choice is not one of nationalism or
international socialism. There is, as
Tory l^lur might never sav, a third
w a ) ' - s o c i a l i s m a n d n a t i o n a l
liberation.
Yn frawdol, fraternally
Marc Jones, Wrecsam
PS To find out what's going on in
Wales should read Y Faner Goch,
the Welsh Socialist monthly paper.
Available for just £6 for 12 issues
from Y Faner Goch, PO Box 661,
Wrecsam, LLll IQU.
P u z z l e d
I bought Socialist Democraiy No 7
because it contains a document from
the former members of the Socialist
Bart)- here in I.iverpool. 1 got to
know a number of these people over
the two and half years that we
worked together in support of the
dockers.
Wliile it would be wrong to say
that 1 find myself in political
agreement with them, I do not for
one minute doubt their sincerit)' or
their commitment ttj working class
struggle.
I've looked at Socialist Democray
hoping to find the same level of
openness to consider radical and
even heretical ideas as exists here,
but 1 have to admit that I am rather
puzzled by the nature of the project
which you seem to have set for
your.<elves. Vou say in the editorial
that you are, with others, in a
process that could take an important
step towards creadng a new culture
on the British left: one rejecting the
congenital absolutism of British
Trotskyism.
All well and good, but the rest
of the article seems to me to cast
doubt on your willingne.ss to take
too many steps in this process.
Moreover this is further complicated
by your wish to be as inclusive as
possible. You want to bring into
being a new socialist part)' |which[
needs to be a socialist green part)-,
encompassing the best from the
w o r k e r s a n d t r a d e u n i o n m o v e m e n t
b u t a l s o o t h e r t r a d i t i o n s : t h e
women's movement, the anti-racist
campaigns and the new politics like
the various direct action networks
and campaigns.
Now this really gave me pause for
thought. Many of these other
traditions came into existence and
define themselves preciselv in
opposition to what thev have
e.xperienced as the best from the
workers and trade union movement
- more about that later.
2 # socialist democracy # jan/feb 2000

us on our strategy and tactics
That is, they have come into
existence precisely because of tlie
inability' of the left (however
defined) to cater for, understand, or
develop the kind of critique tiiat
would meet their needs.
So when one of your readers
.says 'if you lot really aren't a bunch
of Trots and really arc into green
issues/feminism, how come there
aren't any articles on green issues or
feminism in the magazine?', this
really is a very pointed question.
Perhaps the answer to it lies in
t h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n 1 h a v e o u t l i n e d
a b o v e , ' i ' h i s i s r e a l a n d m u s t b e
worked through - and this may,
indeed probably will - mean
abandoning what has always been
thought of as traditional left politics,
certainly those flowing from
I'rotskyism. Are you prepared to
contemplate this?
I lence my puzzlement at your
project - to build a new part)' of the
left. In attempting this you seem to
' want to attract and involve a whole
group of activists without yourselves
seemingly having too seriously
, reconsider your own politics. This is
usually called having your cake and
eating it.
Building a new part)- of the left
probably seems self-evident to you,
but it contains many assumptions
about the people that you have-
identified as your potential
constituency, assumptions that arc-
simply unrealistic to make.
Perhaps your experience-
convinces you otherwise. But if 1
can give- an example from my own
experience- perhaps it will make clear
what 1 mean. During the dockers'
dispute, a meeting was organised to
which all the- kinds of people whom
presumably you would want to
i n v o l v e i n t h i s d i s c u s s i o n w e r e
invite-d.
jimmy Nolan came- representing
the- dockers, (diff Slaughter and Dot
Gibson were also there. We- might
characterise- them as the old left.
Young eco-activists came- as well as
o n e - o r t w o R e c l a i m t h e - S t r e e t s
people and of course me. 1 am 49
years old and content to call myself a
c o m m u n i s t .
I was visibly struck by the
contrasts in the meeting, 'i'his
became- even more marked after the
contribution by jimmy Nolan, who
was listened to in silence, but whose
contribution generated so much
opposition from tiie younger people
there.
Some- (rf these even went so far
as to declare their opposition to the
conce-pt of socialism which jimmy
had simply employed without
defining, presumably believing that
everA'one shared and accepted the
same- understanding.
You can therefore- imagine- that
with such a wide divergence in
attitude and approach, nothing of
any concrete use- came- out of the
meeting. 1 .ater, 1 made it my
business to find out why some of
these young people were so adamant
in rejecting socialism. Although
some- of the answers I got betrayed
ignorance- of some- issues and
naivete, it soon emerged that there
w a s a r a t i o n a l k e r n e l t o t h e i r
opposition, which it is important for
us to understand.
First, they understood socialism
as meaning state control of their
lives, accompanied by ever
increasing growth of industr)' with
its consequent pollution, and a
w o r l d w h e r e - w o r k e r s w e r e c o n t e n t
to stay as passive consumers of
mate-rial wealth.
Second, thev- conceived of the
socialist movement as for the most
part undemocratic, hierarchically
organised, patriarchal and at best
dismissive, if not actively hostile to
their concerns.
Third, they saw socialist forms
of organisation and especially
parties, but also trade- unions, as
uniformly top down, bureaucratic
organi-sations, impossible to change
and interested only in power, which
they defined in capitalist terms as
power over people rather than the-
power that enables people to do
things for themselves.
Fourth, the)' were totally
dismissive of formal democracy as it
exists in western countries. 'I'hey
appeared to have no interest in
elections and certainly had no wish
to represent anyone other than
themselves.
They contrasted an empt)'
democracy of form, voting as a
passive mass, as against a democracy
of action, with themselves as active
subjects, even though they were a
minority, pursuing its own interests,
consciously organising itself.
T h e w o r d s a r e m i n e b e c a u s e
they mostly would not employ these
terms, nor was this as well worked
out as 1 have implied.
T h e v o u t l i n e d a n a l t e r n a t i v e -
vision - one where how they lived/
acted/ worked today was directly
linked to the form and content of a
societ)' they wanted to bring about
tomorrow. These last two points
would obviously have a bearing on
the 'new part)' of the left' which you
are talking about.
Now, please tell me what the
b e s t f r o m t h e w o r k e r s a n d t r a d e
union movement is, that you say will
combine with this t) pc of new social
movement that has already arisen.
P l e a s e t e l l w h a t i t i s t h a t c a n b e
salvaged from what I conceive to be
the terminal decline of the left, that
will materially and concretely help
these people - or ourselves?
Please be assured that this is not
a rhetorical question. Although 1
cannot speak for any of the former
Socialist Part)' members here on
Merseyside, I know that they, some
of the former dockers and others arc-
also wondering about these
que-stions. Attempts to work out
an.swers to these and other questions
will in my view be the real future of
any new movement, not attempts to
build a new part)' of the left.
Please also be assured that the
questions 1 put here are not made in
an effort to get us to accommodate
to the status quo. Rather they arc-
borne out of the bitter realisation of
the defeats we have suffered.
We really cannot go on
pretending that the old models of
part)' and union with their associated
forms of political activity - electoral
politics, lobbies and the like - will
a n s w e r o u r n e e d s i n t o t h e n e x t
millennium. Are you prepared to
c o n s i d e r t h i s a n d s i m i l a r
propositions?
Dave Graham, Merseyside.
A note in reply
Dave touches on a number of points
about how the people around
Socialist Democracy and some of
t h e m a r e e a s i e r t o a d d r e s s t h a n
o t h e r.
First, nothing represents the views
of the editors in the magazine apart
from the stuff signed by them. More
to the point though, our editors
aren't political commissars, just the
comrades whose turn it is to put the
magazine together.
Second, when we say we want to
keep the best from the past alive,
w e d o n ' t m e a n t h a t t h e m o s t
distinctive contributions of - say, the
T r o t s k y i s t m o v e m e n t - a r e
necessarily the best ones. Nor do
we mean we want to keep them
'alive' in propaganda pickle jars, in
the hope we have enough for the
future. No, all we mean is that if
there is something good from the
past, then we want those people
who know, or appreciate what's
good from, that experience to help
us present that experience to the
next generation.
As you say, many young people
have no trouble throwing away the
baggage from the past that doesn't
make sense to them. However it's
also our view that there are good
experiences from the past that we
can't do much with today, and we
should keep those around and
experiment with them when we
can, to see if they still can work.
Surely it remains the case that the
working class movement made
some significant gains that might be
useful in the future.
For example, trades unions are a
pretty good idea, as is the notion of
m a s s p a r t i c i p a t o r y d e m o c r a c y.
Similarly, Marxism really helps some
people to understand the world and
their own place in it and, in that
way, helps those people to make
their struggles successful.
We'd like to hear the views of other
readers.
" Duncan Chappie
socialist demoa^cy •jan/feb 2000 • 3

Building a new party of the ieft
A Livingstone victory?
Nick Long, Chair,
L o n d o n S o c i a i i s t A i l i a n c e
T h e d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t
w i t h N e w L a b o u r
since the general
e l e c t i o n h a s
probably seen
thouisands leave the
party, and hundreds
of aggressive
Blalrltes join,
shifting the London
Labour Party
membership further
to the right
It is becoming clear that the
outcome of Labour's 'selection
process' for its candidate for
London mayor could well come to
shape the outcome of left politics
for the next decade.
F o r t h o s e s o c i a l i s t s w h o a r c
seeking to build a mass left
alternative to the labour Part}' it
poses real opportunities. It may
mean a reconsideration of tactics in
t h e s h o r t t e r m i f K e n w i n s ,
especially in London, with the aim
of seeking to cleave away a large
section of the 1 x)ndon Labour
Part}', trade unions and working
people to a New J^ft political
formation in the long term.
A number of scenarios could
unfold. Ken is facing a massive
onslaught from the Blairite
machine. These attacks are likely to
be counter productive and
backfire. This is happening, with
Dobson losing support and going
b a c k w a r d s . B u t t h e o d d s a r c
heavily stacked against Ken. If
D o b s o n f a i l s t o t a k e o f f h e w i l l
face pressure to withdraw in favour
of Jackson, or the Blairite machine-
will switch in favour of Jackson.
Any measure will be taken to stop
Ken.
Key decisions preventing Ken
from winning in the election
college have probably already been
taken. The barring of a number of
key unions in London - RMT,
Bectu, Aslef and MSI' - add up to
more than 20% of Ken's likely vote
in the trade union section, 'i'hose in
MSP seeking to overturn this arc
already facing disciplinar}' action,
indicating that the Blairitcs had
their strateg}' planned k)ng ago and
see this as a crucial element.
The unprecedented decision of
the GMB, to split its v(jte will give
support to Ken's opponents and
fragment his vote. These measures
will mean it is unlikely that Ken
will gain the required minimum
7 0 % v o t e i n t h e t r a d e u n i o n s
s e c t i o n t h a t h e n e e d s t o s t a n d a
chance.
The shoehorning in of Blairitcs
at the top of the Furopean Mf'lP
list and into the CiL/ seats will also
give Dobson crucial backing. The
payroU vote and the pressure of the
whip's office on lx)ndon MPs will
d e l i v e r a s o l i d b l o c k o f v o t e s t o
Dobson. Numbered ballot papers
could see a reappearance in the
MPs' section of the college. The
result is likely to mean that more
than 80% of this part of the
election college swings behind
D o b s o n .
K e n i s l i k e l y t r ) g a i n
overwhelming support in the
constituency section, but this is
unlikely to reach the required 70%.
A number of irregularities have
come to light in this part of the
college. The disillusionment with
New labour since the general
election has probably seen
thousands leave the party, and
hundreds of a^cssivc Blairitcs
join, shifting the London Labour
Party membership further to the
right. Membership of the London
Labour Part}' is a closely guarded
secret, but 1 would however be
a m a / e d t o s e e t h e l e v e l o f
individual membership of the party
in the capital at anything near
60,000. The true figure is likely to
be around 40,000-50,000. The Go-
op Part}', for example, affiliates at
50,000 but has less than 250
m e m b e r s i n L o n d o n . T h e F a b i a n
Societ}' is also likely to have adopt
similar tactics.
I f , h o w e v e r. K e n w e r e t o
secure the Labour nomination for
mayor, this would change the
political landscape for the left. Any
l i k e l i h o o d o f a l e f t b r e a k w i t h
Labour, especially in London,
w o u l d b e c h o k e d o f f . K e n a s
mayor would be the only show in
town. The balance of forces within
the l.^bour party and movement
w o u l d h a v e b e e n a l t e r e d
considerably and forward march of
t h e B l a i r i t c s w o u l d h a v e b e e n
checked.
H u n d r e d s o f d i s i l l u s i o n e d
l îbour Part}' socialists would again
become active, many who had
drifted out of the party would
rejoin, and the prospect of turning
the IxMidon Labour Part}' back to
socialist politics - in support of
Ken - would be opened up. In
t h e s e c i r c u m s t a n c e s i t w o u l d b e
foolish to not join with this process
and engage with the Labour Party.
The struggle to defend Ken and his
progressive agenda and secure his
r e n o m i n a t i o n w o u l d i n v o l v e a
massive struggle against the labour
establishment. By 2004, this could
have reached a dramatic crisis and
help in the formation of a new left
part}'.
The reality, however, is that
Ken Livingstone is facing
n u m e r i c a l d e f e a t b u t w i l l w i n t h e
moral and political argument. The
question that then presents itself is
will Ken, despite his assurances,
stand as an independent? As the
election process proceeds. Ken will
be giving the rigged process
increasing legitimacy and will find
i t d i f fi c u l t t o c o u n t e n a n c e a n
independent challenge.
I f K e n d o e s b r e a k w i t h t h e
Labour Party, all well and good. All
s o c i a l i s t s o u t s i d e J . ^ b o u r s h o u l d
seek to join and build any new
political formation that unfolds.
The ramifications could spread
throughout the country and the
labour movement.
The likely scenario is that
despite a massive outcry. Ken will
accept the stitch up. If that
happens, the left should then
consider launching a new left part}'
in the new year to capitalise on this
disillusionment, and seek to have
socialist candidates for mayor and
the assembly.
The prospect of trade union
candidates for the GLA list scats is
already on the agenda. A new left
part}' could be up and running
before the general election and
spread rapidly, helped by Blair's
enthusiasm for elected borough
and city mayors. We are already
seeing the rapid development of
Scottish Socialist Part}', aided by
the Scottish parliament and the
prospect of PR in local elections.
The last week in February -
when labour's election college
result is given - could trigger off a
course of events that shape left
politics throughout the next
decade.
4 • socialist democracy •jan/feb 2000

Building a new party of the ieft
Livingstone is the iesser evii
I'lic ongoing game of bluff and
countcrbluff bcnvccn Tony Blair
and Ken J -ivingstone over the
Labour nomination for Mayor of
1 -ondon has succeeded in propelling
1 avingstcjne and his record as leader
of the CiL(^ in the 1980s back into
the pcjlitical limelight.
.s Blair has found out to his
c o s t t h i s h a s b e e n v e r - m u c h t o
] .ivingstone's advantage. It is
certainly tnie that Livingstone has
been outstanding tactically so far
w h i l s t t h e M i l l b a n k m a c h i n e h a s
m a d e b l u n d e r a f t e r b l u n d e r. B u t
clever tactics alone cannot explain
the overwhelming support for
Livingst(jne in 1 xjndon. Clearly there
is growing dissatisfaction amongst
l.abour's traditional base with the
whole New Labour project. But
presently such dissatisfaction is
unlikely to be translated into mass
electoral support for any Socialist
alternative to New Labour as it will
not be seen as credible. I lowever
what is seen as credible is where
existing left labour politicians with
an existing base are prepared to
break ranks. Only in this context caii
we understand how left Labour MP
Dennis (ianavan could win Lalkirk
West as an Independent in the
Scottish Parliamentan.' election after
he had been prevented from
standing as a Labour candidate, by
contrast the Scottish Socialist Part'
f a i l e d t o w i n a n d i n d e e d c a m e
nowhere winning a Scottish
Parliamentar' seat. It is clear that the
'Canavan factor lay beliind the
decision to allow Ken Livingstone
to stand for Labour nomination as
Mayor. The assumption being that
I avingstone would stand and
probably win as an Independent
candidate if prevented from
standing for the labour nomination.
The assessment of Blair and Co is
clearly that 1 .ivingstone as a I aibour
Mayor is a lesser evil and would be
e a s i e r t o c o n t r o l t h a n a s a n
Independent Mayor. .s laibour
Mayor Livingstone would be a
prisoner surrounded by Blairite
councillors on the Greater London
Authorit)'. If Livingstone fought as
an Independent there would
conceivably be 1 .ivingstone
supporters contesting the
constituencies and proportional list
for the GL. election in May 2000,
some t)f whom would get elected. It
would clearly be an entirely different
ball game. I xtting I .ivingstone stand
f o r t h e L a b o u r n o m i n a t i o n
represents a damage limitation
exercise on the part of Blair.
However whilst Livingstone is ntj
Blairite his credentials as a left wing
opponent of Blair are highly suspect.
I .ivingstone's opposition to the
p r i v a t i s a t i o n o f D i n d o n
Underground merelv leads him to
meekly advocate the issue of public
b o n d s i n o r d e r t r ) fi n a n c e t h e
development of the Underground,
in other words he is saying don't sell
off the Underground just mortgage
it off instead. Issuing public bonds
may be a lesser evil to privatisation
of but it hardly represents a Socialist
alternative. Interest will have to be
paid on the bonds but where will it
come from? Higher fairs? Lower
wages? Reduced safet)'? I.ivingstone
today is as much a product of the
rightward evolution of mainstream
bourgeois politics in Britain as Tony
Blair. I lis recent sii|iport for the
Nato bombings of Yugoslavia
placed him to the right of many of
his allies on the l .abour left (Benn,
(k)rbyn et al) and obviously shtKked
many. But even before the Nato
bombings Livingstone had been on
record describing himself as being in
90% agreement with Tony Blair. It
speaks volumes for Tony Blair's
control freaker)^ and outright
paranoia that he is intransically
opposed to a man who claims to be
in 90% agreement with him! Whilst
the I.abour Part)' may retain the
support and affiliation of the trade
unions New Labour is a t|ualitatively
different t)pe of part)' to Old
Labour. Old Labour was a part)'
based primarily on the trade union
bureaucraq' whilst New Labour
rests primarily on a bloc between the
trade union bureaucracy and the
'modernising' or 'Luropean
integrationist' wing of the ruling
c l a s s . G i v e n t h a t a s u b s t a n t i a l
fraction of the ruling class now see
Labour as their preferred part)' of
government the days when it was
possible to argue for a I .abour vote
as a class vote have disappeared, and
they have disappeared for good.
1 lowever whilst Socialists must now
argue against a Labour vote in
general this formulation must not be
interpreted in a formalistic manner
as some will be tempted to do.
l l i e r e w i l l b e e x c e p t i o n a l
c i r c u m s t a n c e s w h e r e i t w i l l b e
tactically correct to vote for
individual left 1 .abour candidates
where they are seen as left
opponents of the leadership. If
Livingstone does win the Labour
nomination for Mayor he will almost
certainly become such an
'exceptional circumstance'. 1 lowever
a vote for Livingstone as Mayor
under such circumstances must be a
vote for I .ivingstone as an individual
ie despite rather than because he is
the official Labour candidate.
There are many left reformists
and even a few 'Marxists' still in the
Labour Part)' who are undoubtedly
salivating over the current debacle
concerning the Ix)ndon Mayor,
seeing it as a means to revive the
fortunes of the I .abour left. But the
Labour left cannot be revived,
whereas it was once a sinking ship it
is now a wreck at the bottom of the
ocean. .As a man Livingstone is far
less than the myth created around
him and the Brent Last Labour iMP
o f t h e 1 9 9 0 s i s a s h a d o w o f h i s
former self as Gl.G leader in the
early 1980s. 1980s revivalism may be
all the rage but any attempt within
the labour Part)' to recreate the
Bennite upsurge of which
Livingstone's GLC} was a part will be
doomed to fail. There is obviously
anger and outrage amongst many
rank and file I .abour Part)' members
in London against the bureaucratic
hurdles placed in Livingstone's path
to prevent him getting the I .abour
nomination for Mayor. But the only
reason why Livingstone has got so
far is because he has organised a
base both inside and outside the
L a b o u r p a r t y t o fi g h t a n
Independent campaign for Mayor if
necessar)'. Wliether he stands as the
l a b o u r c a n d i d a t e o r a s a n
Independent Livingstone must be
supported for all his political defects.
.A Livingstone victor)' would be a
d e f e a t f o r B l a i r a n d N e w L a b o u r
and it would be seen as such. Gnly
through supporting the Livingstone
campaign (liowever critically) w<}uld
it be possible for Socialists tt) take
the fight to build a Socialist
alternative that is both outside and
against the Labour Part)' to a wider
mass audience.
P a t r i c k S c o t t
T h e L a b o u r l e f t
cannot be revived,
w h e r e a s i t w a s o n c e
a sinking ship it is
n o w a w r e c k a t t h e
b o t t o m o f t h e o c e a n
socialist democracy •jan/feb 2000 • 5

The new rules for revolutionaries
Part 2: Growing revolutionary
Chris Brooks ^
T h e ^ ' D o n ' t s ' '
Don't use people, or
use them up
D o n ' t u s e ' t h e
apparatus' as the
key index of success
Don't think you
already know what
you need to know
D o n ' t t h i n k a b o u t
o f f - t h e - s h e l f
s o l u t i o n s
D o n ' t f e a r r i s k s
1] Part one of this article, The
m i s t a k e s t h a t l e a d t o s a d
caricatures of Leninism, appeared
in SodaiistDemocracy!.
A strong trend is emerging
of activists working for an
anticapitalist party in England
a n d W a l e s . R e v o l u t i o n a r i e s w h o
want to draw this party together
are shifting away from narrow-
m i n d e d a n d o v e r - c e n t r a l i s e d
'party patriotism', which has
d o m i n a t e d m u c h o f t h e f a r l e f t
i n t h e E n g l i s h - s p e a k i n g
c o u n t r i e s . W e h a v e s o m e i d e a s
a b o u t t h e v a l u e s t h a t M a r x i s t s
should champion and how we
should approach differences,
either amongst ourselves or with
radical organisations that don't
yet share our project.
goals
N e t w o r k s o f a c t i v i s t s w o n ' t
survive if the goal is simply
survival. Our groups arc voluntarj'
organisations whose supporters
have many calls on their time. To
grow, a group of people have to be
more than a pole of contestation -
simph- proposing a view or
comment on the passing of events.
We have to become poles of
attraction, so that pressure builds
up for different but similar trends
of opinion to unite. That involves
setting three sets of ambitious
goals.
I'irstly, the emerging national
network of people has to be an
effective framework for developing
initiatives that expand and unite
t h e c o n s t i t u e n c i e s f o r a n e w l e f t
part)'. We do not want an
r>rg;inisation that dictates tactics to
its members. 1 lowever, we have to
build socialist organisations that are
able to help members combine
their energies and work together.
So the network has to prioritise
o n e o r t w o a r e a s w h e r e i t c a n
m a x i m i s e t i i e e ff e c t i v e n e s s o f i t s
members. In that way, we can learn
a s a n e t w o r k a n d l e a r n f r o m t h e
people we work alongside.
Secondly, the network needs to
mark out its mission. Iweiy
org-anisation needs a vision of what
it is working towards. We can then
see what the gaps are between
there and here. The mission of this
t r e n d i n t h e m o v e m e n t i s n o t t o
m a k e a s o c i a l i s t r e v o l u t i o n b u t
rather more modesty, to help draw
into being the most pluralist and
broadly based anticapitalist part)'
we can. We have to look at the best
e x a m p l e s o f h o w o t h e r
organisations, in Scotland, liurope
and elsewhere, have been able to
d o t h a t - a n d a i m t o m a t c h o r
exceed the effectiveness of those
organisatiotis.
'i'hirdly, we have to allow our
members to meet their goals better
through taking part in our network.
We want to build a network where
people are happy to spend their
time. Our goals must include
making sure our networks are
communities of solidarit)' and
support. People should be able to
gain something from taking part:
experience and ideas, skills and
information, a certain amount of
affirmation and self-awareness, fun,
and more.
Too many Marxists live off the
accumulated capital of (Capital. Our
organisations should provide more
openings than book learning.
l'!specially in non-revolutionar)'
periods like this, we need openly
and consciously to set goals about
how we work together as groups,
how we decide things, how we
resolve conflict, how we grow
(jurselves as an activist communit)',
how we can help individuals who
want to improve their personal
abilities, how we organise and what
ethical standards we aim for.
Do look abroad
'i'he international dimension is
important even for a network that
w o n ' t c l o n e i t s e l f i n o t h e r
ctjuntries, as the Socialist Workers
Party and Socialist Part)'/Militant
have. 'I'hese organisations seem to
h a v e t h e v i e w t h a t t h e w o r l d i s
simply a single political economy
with one generalised form of
exploitation and class struggle. If
there is one class strujg^le around
the world, then the movement' s
experience in one countr)' [this
one, as it happens] must be valid in
ever other.
As a result, they fight for
socialist organisations in different
countries to have tactics, slogans
and cultural values veiy similar to
that of their parent'. In reality, the
economic, political and ideological
peculiarities of countries mean that
searching for universal truths in the
experience of a single organisation
can be dangerous. It was such
m e s s i a n i c n a t i o n a l i s m t h a t
d i s o r i e n t e d m a n y o f t h e
communist parties.
That said, the employers'
offensive, which has unfolded over
the last cjuarter-centur)', is
increasingly global, as is the crisis
in anticapitalist organisations. In
the same way that emplo'ers and
governments look globally for
examples of how to attack us, we
have to look globally to find ways
to organise, solidarise and learn.
Building a new green, socialist
and anticapitalist part)' in I'aigland
and Wales will mean looking to
l e a r n f r o m t h e s u c c e s s e s a n d
failures of activists, especially in
Scotland and inside the euro-zone.
In many ways, Britain has been a
laborator)' for the liuropean ruling
rich: they look to adopt Anglo-
S a x o n n e o l i b e r a l i s m f o r
themselves. The anticapitalist
movement is stronger in l -ûroland
than it is in England and Wales,
where the trade union mcn'ement
was beaten and largely broken
during the years of Thatcherism.
A systematic political dialogue
between socialists in this countr)'
and abroad would allow us to gain
from their experiences, currently
richer than ours, and allow them to
learn from the struggle in this
country against the employers'
offensive.
Dialogue needs to be started
with groups like (iommunist
Refoundation in Italy, the United
Left in Spain, the Democratic
Socialist Part)' in Germany, the
f ourth International, the left in the
G r e e n P a r t i e s a n d t h e u n i t e d
anticapitalist electoral campaigns in
Denmark, Portugal, l-rance and
elsewhere.
Do set ambitious
6 • sociaiist democracy • jan/feb 2000

building New Left organisations
pluralist networks of activists
I n t e r n a t i o n a l s o i i c l a r i t A ' a n d
collaboration is also vital. W'c have-
to take up our place in movement
like the campaigns (or cancelling
third world debt, for aid to Bcjsnia
and Kosova and for greater co
operation between radicals.
Do get people
from different
left traditions to
galvanise
t h e m s e l v e s
together
The benefits of making this
s y n t h e s i s o f e x p e r i e n c e
internationally have to be replicated
in Britain, 'i'o build an organisation
c a p a b l e o f e x p l o i t i n g t h e
opportunities of the coming years,
it needs to continually synthesis
experiences for the different
anticapitalist traditions here and
o v e r s e a s .
In the same way that the
example of one country will not be
enough, neither can a leadership
based upon a single person or
single tradition. We need a pluralist
and experimental approach, which
c o m b i n e s d i ff e r e n t t r a d i t i o n s a n d
also uses the experience of
collaboration to galvanise their
unit}-.
The .nglo-Saxon version of
Leninism held that only an
authoritative leadership, with a
single approach to disputed
questions, can protect an
organisation from ct^rrosion and
energise it. The practical
application of this polic- often had
contrar}' effects. By forcing their
organisations to rapidh' converge
on a single policy, such leaders
actually cut short discussion,
ossified half-formed positions,
presented other views as disputes
over inner-party leadership and
openly aimed to eliminate
d i s a g r e e m e n t f r o m t h e
organisation.
T h i s p r e v e n t e d t h o s e
organisations from doing what we
w i s h t o d o . W e w a n t t o b u i l d a
pluralist organisation, that is a
community of solidarit}- and
support between anticapitalist
activists, in which different political
tradititjns cross-fertilise.
If the next period is one in
which past positions will be
ruthlessly tested by the next
generation and in the coming
struggles, we need to unify on the
basis of accepting and celebrating
the diversit}' of our organisations
and galvanising our organisations
through common work, rather
than by fight.
Do find ways to
compromise and
b a l a n c e
d i l e m m a s
We want an org-anisation that
c a n b e m u c h m o r e t h a n a
respectful discussion club. We
want an organisation of conscious,
committed, anticapitalist activists
whose activit}' is used to help them
a n d o t h e r s t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e
world, whose understanding of the
world commits them to help build
the constituency for a new red-
green party, who will work
together as activists to increase the
space- for anticapitalist activit}' and
thought.
That is an ambitious goal,
which means that the organisation
itself has to be able to speak and
a c t i n i t s n a m e d e s p i t e
disagreements. We don't want the
kind of organisation that tells its
members what ttj do or say.
However it has to be able to allow
the vast majority of activists to find
ways to use the organisation to
work together and aid the wider
struggle. I'hat has to be done even
if people don't see eye to eye.
^'es - we want compromise. It
would be great if different points
of view can work together in
important areas of agreement by
finding ways to live with difference
o n o t h e r i s s u e s . . S o m e t i m e s t h e
disagreements between people arc-
so big that working jointly on
minor questions would seem
r i d i c u l i j u s . i ' h a t ' s l i f e . B u t o f t e n
people who agree on what needs to
be done today do not work
together because they expect that
they will disagree on what they
n e e d t o d o n e x t m o n t h o r n e x t
year. Such a refu.sal is a defeat for
eveiA'one involved.
1'Everyone's point t>f view is
based on partial knowledge. .Ml our
explanatitjns are partial and all arc-
partially true. By working together
w h e r e w e c a n w e m a k e i t m o r e
likely that we will move closer to
the right and most useful point of
Do become a
moving target
S o m e o t h e r c u r r e n t s i n t h e
workers', social and anticapitalist
movements will disagree with
c-vc-r}'thing written here. They will
aim to crush currents like ours and
the objective situation is ver}- poor
for the whole anticapitalist struggle.
The odds arc- stacked against us
hugely.
What is to be done? The only
advantage we have is our flcxibilit}'.
We have to rapidly develop and
improve - moving into activity and
political development as fast as wc
can. We need to draw in as much
experience as we can - encouraging
people to create, experiment,
innovate and take risks. Wc- have to
become a moving target - neither
fearing failure and criticism nor
failing to learn from them.
T h e " D o V
D o s e t a m b i t i o u s
goais
D o l o o k a b r o a d
Do get people from
d i f f e r e n t l e f t
t r a d i t i o n s t o
galvanise
t h e m s e l v e s
t o g e t h e r
Do find ways to
compromise and
b a l a n c e d i l e m m a s
D o b e c o m e a
moving target
7 • socialist democracy • jan/feb 2000

Germany
Farewell to the working
B o d o Z e u n e r
Despite all the
union-employer
agreements on
social partnerships,
a n d a i l t h e u n i o n s '
attempts to
f u n c t i o n a s
intermediary
organisations,
finding common
ground between the
interests of wage
labour and capital,
t h e t r a d e u n i o n s
h a d t o r e m a i n
representatives of
t h e i n t e r e s t s o f t h e
employees
The collapse of the SPD in
r e c e n t e l e c t i o n s h a s r e n e w e d t h e
debate about the character of
the party and its relations to the
working class. In the radical left
newspaper SoZ^ Heiner
Halberstadt has predicted a
regression to a two-party-system
o n t h e U S - A m e r i c a n m o d e l ,
with the SPD becoming a
bourgeois party like the US
D e m o c r a t s .
B e r l i n - b a s e d p o l i t i c a l
s c i e n t i s t B o d o Z e u n e r
disagrees. He made the
following presentation to the
Political Forum of the country's
largest trade union, IG Metall.
Tr a d e u n i o n s i n G e r m a n y
always were political. The first
workers' protection orgiinisations
developed in conjunction with
political parties, above all the social
democratic movement but also the
centre and the liberals.
As political entities, the trade
unions always wanted to represent
more than just their actual
members. In principle they
u n d e r s t o o d t h e m s e l v e s t o b e
organisations of the working class
as a whole, of all persons
dependent upon their labour.
But there was also a division of
l a b o u r b e t w e e n t h e s o c i a l
democratic, ('hristian and
c o m m u n i s t t r a d e u n i o n s . . n d
within each political 'family',
everj'one agreed that trade unions
should take care of the evenday
economic matters while the parties
would be re.^ponsible for the great
tjuestions of politics, above all the
questions of state.
U n t i l 1 9 3 3 t h e s o c i a l
democratic unions accepted this
division of labour, though they
never submitted unconditionally to
the leading role of the party, like
the communist RGO trade unions.
There were exceptions. In 1933 the
s o c i a l d e m o c r a t i c A D G B u n i o n s
attempted to make overtures to
H i t l e r, t h o u g h t h e S o c i a l
Democratic Parly did not.
After 1945, West Germany's
trade unions were organised in a
new, formally non-party German
C ^ o n f e d e r a t i o n o f I ' r a d e U n i o n s
(DGB). But there was a de facto
division of labour with the SPD.
0 ' e r t i m e , h o w e v e r, t h e
unions became increasingly skilled
a t i n d e p e n d e n t p o l i t i c a l
i n t e r v e n t i o n s , e v e n w i t h t h e
conservative CDU party. 'Cio-
determination' in the mining
industry was agreed between the
trade union leadership and Konrad
. A d e n a u e r , a c o n s e r ' a t i v e
Chancellor.
This system of labour division
was broken in 1959, when the SPD
abandoned many principles of
social democracy at its historic
Godesberg conference. Two years
later, the DGB also approved a
program embracing the market
e c o n o m y.
But they did not follow in the
SPD in declaring themselves no
longer the part)' of the working
class but a party of the people. It
was the SPD, not the unions, that
now aspired to represent, consider,
and bring into harmony all interests
in societ)', even those of the
employers.
T h e t r a d e u n i o n s c o u l d n o t
just become 'peoples' unions',
representing equally the interests of
the employers and those of the
employees. Despite all the union-
employer agreements on social
partnerships, and all the unions'
a t t e m p t s t o f u n c t i o n a s
intermediar)' organisations, finding
common ground between the
interests of wage labour and
capital, the trade unions had to
remain representatives of the
interests of the employees.
l l i e y r e m a i n e d a
fundamentally single social part)'.
They knew that moving away from
t h i s w o u l d d i l u t e t h e i r r e a s o n f o r
e x i s t e n c e . U n i o n l e a d e r s a l s o
wanted to be taken seriously by
their social partners and by the
government. This required them to
stake out a distinctive position.
I t i s n o a c c i d e n t t h a t
immediately after the Ciode.sberg
Programme, independent currents
and initiatives appeared within the
trade unions for the first time,
opposing the course of the SPD or
at least putting foward an
emphasis that differed from that of
the SPD leadership.
IG Metall (the metal workers
union) under Otto Brenner was
especially important. SPD leader
I lerbert Wehner tried to ban the
leftist student group SDS, but with
Brenner's support, a left wing
formed within it and later became
the germinating seed of the '68
m o v e m e n t .
In later years, IG Metall and
the print and paper union
c o m p l e t e l y o p p o s e d S P D
j u s t i fi c a t i o n o f G e r m a n y ' s
'emergency laws'. .At least one
section of the DGB begun to step
beyond the traditional division of
l a b o u r b e t w e e n u n i o n s a n d t h e
SDP, and take independent
political positions and independent
political activities as trade
unionists.
In 1999, the SPD has taken
a n o t h e r q u a l i t a t i v e l e a p ,
comparable to the Bad Godesberg
programme. And so, once again,
the trade unions face the problem
of redefining their role.
l''ort)' years ago, the SPD
wanted to be a left people's part)' in
t h e r e f o r m i s t t r a d i t i o n o f t h e
labour movement. Today, the wing
that won the internal power
struggle against l,afontaine wants
t o t r a n s f o r m t h e S P D i n t o a
modern ncolibcral part)'. Schroeder
wants the part)' to occupy a socially
and structurally undefined middle-
ground.
This means explicitly and
demonstratively abandoning the
political tradition of the labour
m o v e m e n t . T h e s e t r a d i t i o n s h a v e
b e c o m e a b u r d e n t o S c h r o e d e r.
Tony Blair, who has showed that
one can win elections that way,
inspires him. Blair is ver)' proud of
h i s d i s t a n t s t a n c e f r o m t h e t r a d e
unions.
Programmatically, 1959 meant
rejection of the class struggle, of
t h e M a r x i s t t r a d i t i o n , o f t h e
expectation of a collapse of
capitalism and the ultimate goal of
the largest possible social
ownership of the means of
production.
It meant a turn to Keynesian
demand management, to strong
s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n t h a t s e e k s t o
provide equit)' in distribution. It
was an attempt to utilise the
mechanisms of the market - capital,
profit and accumulation - in order
to civilise and to regulate for the
common good.

class? Not so fast...
I'hc proj^rammatic thcon-
corresponded with governmental
practice after the part- took powei".
Karl Schiller, one of the architects
of the Ciodesberg Program, put it
into practice after 1966 as finance
m i n i s t e r.
A t t h a t t i m e , t h e s o c i a l
democratic economic-political
conceptualisation seemed modern
and creative. It differed markedly
f r o m t h e o l d - f a s h i o n e d e c o n o m i c
liberalism of the conservative CDU
and the liberal POP.
It meant orchestrated action to
tie together the trade unions, the
employers and the Bundesbank in
the administration of the economy.
But in 1999 the Keynesian
wing of the SPD, represented by
part)' chairperson and finance
minister ],afontaine, lost the battle
for the programme and policies.
They lost precisely because the
SPD was now in government, after
a long period of opposition. The
part)' chairperson, Gerhardt
S c h r o e d e r, w a s n o w f e d e r a l
chancellor.
S c h r o e d e r h a d o f t e n s t r e s s e d
that the SPD was a part)- of
programme. But little is known
about what he really believes about
economic and social cjuestions. We
are given sayings about how there-
is no specifically .social democratic
economic policy, that he is the
chancellor of all Germans, and
that, without the agreement of the
economy, he can do nothing.
(confronted by persistent mass
unemployment, German voters
d e c i d e d t h a t t h e S P D w a s m o r e -
competent than the (T])U/I'DP.
But this was not on the basis of a
clearly delineated concept, certainly
not from the Schroeder wing.
I he only certainties appear to
be saying goodbye to Keynes,
Schiller and Lafontaine and turning
towards the ideologically and
materially dominant neoliberal and
monetarist ideas of deregulation
and a minimal state.
T h e s t a t e i s c o n c e i v e d a s a
national C(jmpetitive institution.
Like a private enterprise, it has to
cultivate and compete for the
favour of big capital. Schroeder's
team more or less accept the
neoclassical e.xplanation for
unemployment, the theor)- that
states that the price of labour is too
high.
I t i s h a r d t o d i s c e r n w h a t
would demarcate anything
specifically social democratic in
such a policy. . policy oriented
t o w a r d s t h e n e w c e n t r e w a n t s t o
h a v e l i t t l e t o d o w i t h t h e
disadvantage-d and the losers in the
e c o n o m i c t r a n s f o r m a t i o n
processes.
In other words, the qualitative
jump of 1959 meant the turning
away of the SPD from the
t r a d i t i o n s o f M a r x i s m . T h e
qualitative jump of 1999 means
turning away from the traditions of
the workers' movement altogether.
In their distrust of the state,
Blair and Schroeder endeavour not
to do less than their predecessors
T h a t c h e r a n d K o h l . S o m e t i m e s
they speak of an 'active' state that
will 'lead'. But this only means the
r e d u c t i o n o f s t a t e i n t e r v e n t i o n
o r i e n t e d t o w a r d s t h e c o m m o n
good. The 'tax burden on hard
work and entrepreneurship' is
defined as 'too high'. They have
discove-re-d a 'burden of regulation.'
that needs to be reduced.
On the issue of public service,
t h e ' m o d e r n s o c i a l d e m o c r a t s '
descend into the vocabular)' of the
impersonal. They are concerned
with 'rigorously guarding the
qualit)' of public services and
eradicating bad performance'.
There is also a barracks tone
concerning labour relations. Blair
a n d S c h r o e d e r a r e s u r e t h a t t h e
' t r a d i t i o n a l c o n fl i c t s i n t h e
workplace must be eliminated'.
Social inequalit)' will not only be
tolerated but striven for.
T h e r e i s a n e w, e l u s i v e -
distinction between 'equalit)'' and
'social equit)-'. 'Grc-ativit)' and
outstanding performance' call for
higher compensation.
T h e l o s e r s o f t h e
modernisation process on the
other hand are told - threatened -
that 'modern social democrats are
transforming the safet)' net of
entitlements into a spring board for
self reliance'. A low wage sector is
d e s i r a b l e i n o r d e r t o d e c r e a s e -
unemployment.
' M o d e r n s o c i a l d e m o c r a t s '
promote a societ)' in which all
persons will confront each other in
competition as owners of 'capital'.
I'he loser will lose even more and
the winner win yet more.
'i'he already evident and ever
sharpening divisions in societ)' art-
no problem for them. They art-
aiming at a 'new centre'. They
mean exactly what one former
general secretan,- of the I-DP meant
when he praised his part)' as the
'part)' of the better paid'.
So it is completely ideologically
consistent that the FDP fraction of
the l-ederal Congress presents the
Blair-Schroeder declaration as its
motion t<j congress.
I f t h e S P D u n d e r S c h r o e d e r
definitively separated itself from
the political traditions of the
w o r k e r s m o v e m e n t , t h e n t h e
t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r
between SDP and trade unions has
lost any basis.
The SDP cannot be - and does
not want to be - the political arm
o f a m o v e m e n t w h o s e e c o n o m i c
arm is constituted by the trade-
unions.
. completely new question
a r i s e s f o r t h e t r a d e u n i o n s . W i l l
they want to continue the political
t r a d i t i o n s o f t h e w o r k e r s
movement, without being tied to a
particular part)'?
T h i s m e a n s r e l y i n g o n
themselves, and building alliance
with other social groupings. It
means remaining equidistant from
all political parties.
. n a l t e r n a t i v e i s a l s o
c o n c e i v a b l e . I t c o u l d b e c a l l e d
Anglo-Americanisation. There
w o u l d b e n o s o c i a l d e m o c r a t i c
part)' anymore, like in the US.
and, increasingly, in Britain.
I ' h e t r a d e u n i o n s w o u l d
develop as particular and mutually
competitive interest groups,
representing their respective
members, withcnit any politically
motivated class solidarity.
In this scenario, the trade
unions would accept the thesis that
the tradition of a once socialist and
s o c i a l d e n u j c r a t i c w o r k e r s
m o v e m e n t h a s e x h a u s t e d i t s e l f
politically. .And, as the election
research specialists argue, there are
no more traditional left-right socio-
economically based political
conflict lines.
T h e G e r m a n t r a d e u n i o n s
must open a discussion. Do we
accept or reject this thesis of the
end of the workers' movement?
'This discussion has not at all
been superseded by the formulaic
c o m p r o m i s e s o f t h e D G B
programme adopted in Dresden.
(An the contrar)', I think that a
political programme that can be a
basis for action, and that docs not
disappear at once into the filing
cabinet, is needed now more than
e v e r .
Otherwise, the trade unions are
threatened with a rapid descent
into political oblivion in the
maelstrom of increased global
competition between national
states, with unions more and more
frequently entrapped in blackmail
like 'social partnership' agreements.
U n t i l n o w, G e r m a n t r a d e
u n i o n s w e r e c o n n e c t e d t o t h e
Social Democratic Part)', as part of
a t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o u r
w i t h i n t h e w o r k e r s ' m o v e m e n t .
But, in 1999, the Social Democratic
Part)' said goodbye to the political
t r a d i t i o n o f t h e w o r k e r s
m o v e m e n t .
The question facing the trade-
unions is as follows: are we willing,
are we strong enough, to be the
.sole carriers of this tradition,
without any connection to any
particular part)'?
'This independent politicisation
is certainly preferable to the
alternative path: the reduction of
our demands to an interest-group
particularism, like in the American
m o d e l .
9 # socialist democracy • jan/feb 2000

Sdahattin Celik
'Who Criticises The PKK?'
I n t e r v i e w W i t h
Kurdish journalist
a n d a u t h o r
S e l a h a t t i n C e l i k .
Celik, who now
resides in Cologne,
Germany, has
w r i t t e n f o r s e v e r a l
publications,
including Ozgur
GundemMd Ozgur
P o U t i k a , H e h a s a l s o
published several
b o o k s a n d a r t i c l e s .
In 1998, his book
C r i m i n a l S t a t e w a s
published in
G e r m a n . I n t h i s
work, Celik
d e s c r i b e s t h e
cooperation
b e t w e e n t h e
Turkish state, the
mafia, and the
contra-guerrillas. In
August this year he
w a s t h e v i c t i m o f a
b r u t a l a s s a u l t . H e
was seriously hurt,
and it is still not
k n o w n w h o w a s
responsible for the
a t t a c k
Q: The Turkish government
passed an amnesty law at the
end of August, and also a
clemency law for Kurdistan
Workers' Party (PKK) members
w h o v o l u n t a r i l y s u r r e n d e r
themselves to the authorities.
P r e s i d e n t D e m i r e l r e f u s e d t o
sign the bills, however, because
he said they didn't go far
enough. Is this a positive
r e a c t i o n t o t h e P K K ' s c e s s a t i o n
of its armed struggle?
A: Although the official
e x c u s e f o r b o t h l a w s w a s t h e
Kurdish question, the Kurds will
n o t b e n e fi t f r o m t h e s e l a w s i n
any way. The amnesty law
excludes prisoners who were
c o n v i c t e d o f a c t i v i t i e s i n
opposition to the state or
K e m a l i s m .
D e e d s t h a t w e r e c o n s i d e r e d
a n t i - t e r r o r i s t a c t i v i t i e s a r e
treated differently than actions
during which police or soldiers
w e r e k i l l e d o r w o u n d e d . T h a t
means the amnesty law will
benefit the state gangs and
contra-guerrillas, but not the
PKK members or guerrilla
fighters. Not even people who
were imprisoned for simply
supporting the PKK will be
granted amnesty.
The clemency law is aimed
at PKK functionaries, guerrilla
commanders, and others who
took part in armed actions, but
only if they hand in their
weapons and other materials. If
they give information and
documents to the authorities,
which could prevent future
actions against the state, then
the law will apply to them.
D e a t h s e n t e n c e s w i l l b e
reduced to nine years in prison,
and life sentences reduced to six
years. Demirel didn't sign the
b i l l s a n d s e n t t h e m b a c k t o
parliament for reconsideration
because the involved powers,
including the USA, weren't
willing to compromise with
Turkey on this issue.
It's not yet clear what final
form the amnesty and clemency
laws will have. I expect more
clauses to be added concerning
the guerrillas, stipulating that
they must surrender with their
weapons. Ankara remains
opposed to a general amnesty
for the PKK, because this would
mean returning at least 30,000
politicised people to the society.
That, of course, is not in the
state's interest. It's quite clear to
see that Turkey is not willing to
m a k e e v e n t h e s l i g h t e s t
c o n c e s s i o n t o t h e P K K a n d t h e
K u r d s .
Q : B u t P r e s i d e n t D e m i r e l
met recently with mayors from
the pro-Kurdish HADEP party,
to talk specifically about the
p r o b l e m s i n t h e K u r d i s h
provinces. Isn't that a sign of
progress?
A : B e f o r e t h e g e n e r a l
election in April 1999, Ankara
was preparing to ban HADEP.
Suddenly they backed off. The
r e a s o n f o r t h i s w a s O c a l a n ' s
trial, and his statements to the
court in which he, perhaps
unknowingly, accepted the
Tu r k i s h s t a t e i n i t s c u r r e n t f o r m .
T h i s m a d e a b a n o f H A D E P
u n n e c e s s a r y.
T h e T u r k i s h s t a t e h a s b e e n
able to remove the political
c h a r a c t e r f r o m t h e K u r d i s h
Question and reduce it to the
level of social problems in the
eastern provinces. To do this,
t h e s t a t e n e e d s H A D E P.
The party only gained 5% of
t h e v o t e n a t i o n - w i d e i n t h e
general election, but elected the
mayors of 30 Kurdish cities.
Without having any influence on
politics in Ankara, HADEP
a s s u m e d c o n t r o l o v e r K u r d i s h
cities damaged by the war and
s u f f e r i n g f r o m t h e d e b t s
incurred by the war.
D e m i r e l t o l d t h e H A D E P
mayors that even the PKK
accepts the state borders of
Turkey and a reduction of the
Kurdish question to one of a
p r o b l e m o f l a n g u a g e a n d
c u l t u r e . S o n o w H A D E P c o u l d
remain a legal party and need
not make any broad-reaching
d e m a n d s .
D e m i r e l e a l l e d o n H A D E P
not to promote separatism, and
said: 'If you obey our warnings,
the state will give you economic
aid and will not prevent you
from reeeiving economic aid
from Europe.' HADEP has little
o t h e r c h o i c e a t t h e m o m e n t t h a n
to accept this offer being forced
o n t h e m .
Q: What will become of the
n a t i o n a l l i b e r a t i o n m o v e m e n t i n
K u r d i s t a n n o w ?
A: By now, it should be clear
to most people that the PKK
was not making any advances
s i n c e t h e m i d - 1 9 9 0 s . T h e i r
demand to be recognised as a
party at war and their appeals
for peace and democracy found
n o r e s o n a n c e . N e i t h e r i n
Turkey, nor in the Western
states allied with Turkey.
S o t h e P K K w a s f o r c e d t o
continue the armed struggle.
The party became rigid in its
repetition and stagnation.
Ocalan tried to break through
this stalemate by means of his
charisma. But the politics of the
PKK was still characterised by
d e f e a t s a n d m i s t a k e s .
These problems became
i n c r e a s i n g l y s e v e r e . T h e
kidnapping of Ocalan and the
trial against him have only
m a d e t h i s s i t u a t i o n w o r s e .
At first, the presidential
c o u n c i l o f t h e P K K d e c l a r e d t h a t
the word of the imprisoned
chairman would only remain
valid as long as he was in
contact with the people and the
p a r t y.
L a t e r i t w a s s a i d t h a t
Ocalan's statements from prison
were binding orders no matter
what the circumstances. Many
people interpreted this action by
the presidential council as a
sign that secret talks were
underway between Turkey and
the PKK, and people expected
t h a t fi r s t t h e s i t u a t i o n o f t h e
Kurdish people, then the PKK,
a n d t h e n O c a l a n w o u l d b e c o m e
the subject of the proceedings.
B u t t h e K u r d i s h n a t i o n a l
question never came up during
t h e t r i a l . T h e s t a t e d i d a l l i t
could to portray the PKK
chairman imprisoned on Imrali
as the head of a terrorist group.
T h e c o n fl i c t w i t h t h e P K K w a s
portrayed as a plot by foreign
powers directed against Turkey,
and ultimately against the Kurds
as well.

The victims of this political, and organisational
conspiracy were killed and concessions, vithout getting the
wounded policemen, soldiers, slightest thing from the other
and village guards and their side. That is very difficult to
families. The Kurds killed by comprehend,
the state were nothing more
than terrorists, it was said. Then Q: Has this position of the
the Kurdish Question was PKK leadership unleashed
reduced to a matter of language contradictions within Kurdish
and culture, a problem that society?
c o u l d b e r e s o l v e d i n t e r n a l l y b y A : Ye s , m a s s i v e a n d
Turkey, which was, it was said, dramatic contradictions. The
on the path to demoeracy. Kurdish society and the PKK
militants are still in a great state
Q: What role did Abdullah of shock. The Kemalist eoncept,
Ocalan play in this? Turkey's vision of the state, and
A; The statements that the concept of a pan-Turkish
Oealan made during his defence empire which denies the
and after the trial gave the existence of other peoples, all of
impression that he accepted the which were previously rejected,
state's concept. He said the are now accepted by the PKK.
Kurds had never started an In the past, Kemalism was
uprising in order to separate described as fascistic, but now
themselves from Turkey. This is it's presented as something
n o t e v e n i n t h e i r i n t e r e s t , g o o d a n d a d m i r a b l e . M o s t
O c a l a n s a i d . K u r d s s i m p l y c a n n o t u n d e r s t a n d
He even said that autonomy this. And yet no one is allowed
i s u n r e a l i s t i c , a n d t h a t A t a t u r k t o r a i s e h i s o r h e r v o i c e i n
' was never anti-Kurdish. The opposition to this new line.
goal of the Kurdish people, he While the PKK makes one
t said, was to be part of a concession after another to the
democratic Turkey. What Turkish state, they damn people
Ocalan has been saying is in who demand democracy in their
contradicdon to the previous own ranks, and in Kurdish
ideology and polidcs of the society.
P K K . Q : C a n t h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s t o
In the past, comrades who the official PKK line even be
spent years in prison were openly expressed?
defamed as 'confused A: Everyone is discussing
imprisoned personalities' within the present developments and
the PKK if they wore prison asking the question of national
uniforms even once, or if they, responsibility. I'm speaking of
in a moment of weakness, national responsibility, because
appealed for lenieney, appeals the PKK still has a great
which they soon retracted the influence on the Kurdish people,
same day, or if they sang the even in its present situation. But
Turkish national anthem after the discussions are not really
being subjected to severe free. There is no tradition of
t o r t u r e . f r e e d o m o f e x p r e s s i o n b y
Now, however, the party is individuals within Kurdish
telling people to unconditionally society,
throw down their weapons and
surrender, and the presidential Q: You have been affected
council supports this. What's by that personally. Because of
more, the party has declared your criticisms of the present
that it will wage its political PKK politics,, most Kurdish
struggle on the basis of, and media refuse to publish your
within the conflnes of, the so- writings, and your wxitings are
c a l l e d n e w w o r l d o r d e r t h a t t h e b a n n e d f r o m t h e t a b l e s a t
USA is seeking to impose even Kurdish public events. On
o n t h e M i d d l e E a s t . A u g u s t 1 7 , 1 9 9 9 , y o u w e r e
The PKK is making attacked in your home. Was that
fundamental ideological, a related incident?
A: Four young men, Turks
o r K u r d s , a s s a u l t e d m e . I
immediately thought they were
K u r d s , b e c a u s e I h a d f e a r e d
s u c h a n a t t a c k f o r s o m e t i m e
now. But I didn't recognise any
o f t h e m .
It was evening, and I was on
the phone to a friend, when
suddenly someone knocked on
my door. After I opened the
door, they rushed in. They
overpowered me and pounded
m e o n t h e h e a d a n d f a c e . I
guess it must have lasted about
t e n m i n u t e s . T h e n t h e y
d i s a p p e a r e d . B l o o d w a s
streaming from my nose and my
front teeth were broken. My
c l o t h e s a n d t h e e n t i r e r o o m
w e r e s m e a r e d w i t h b l o o d .
The first to protest against
t h i s a t t a c k w a s t h e a i d
o r g a n i s a t i o n ' M e d i c o
I n t e r n a t i o n a l ' . T h e n t h e
N a t i o n a l L i b e r a t i o n F r o n t o f
Kurdistan (ERNK) released a
statement condemning the
a t t a c k . B u t t h i s s t a t e m e n t w a s
only distributed in German; it
was neither published in Ozgur
P o l i t i k a n o r b r o a d c a s t o n
Medya TV. Quite the contrary:
I n O z g u r P o l i t i k a I w a s
d e f a m e d a n d c r i t i c i s e d .
B u t s o m e K u r d i s h
i n t e l l e c t u a l s d i d p r o t e s t ,
including the Kurdish section of
PEN. The Union of Journalists
f r o m K u r d i s t a n d i d n o t t a k e a
stand, even though many of
t h e i r m e m b e r s a r e f r i e n d s o f
m i n e .
And although I spoke with
the Kurdistan parliament in
exile, they also gave no reaction.
I h a v e c r i t i c i s e d t h e
developments around the trial
against Abdullah Ocalan. In my
discussions with people, I make
clear my sense of unease and
m y p r o t e s t a g a i n s t t h e s e
developments. Certain circles
felt that my criticisms put their
interests in danger. But I never
tried to make myself the centre
o f t h e d i s c u s s i o n . B u t i t ' s b i t t e r
t o k n o w t h a t t h e K u r d s w o n ' t
allow freedom of expression.
T h e s t a t e m e n t s t h a t
Ocalan made during
h i s d e f e n c e a n d
after the trial gave
the impression that
he accepted the
state's concept. He
s a i d t h e K u r d s h a d
n e v e r s t a r t e d a n
uprising in order to
separate
t h e m s e l v e s f r o m
Turkey. This is not
e v e n i n t h e i r
interest, Ocalan said

Selahattin Celik
T h o u s a n d s o f
guerrilla fighters,
their supporters
among the people,
and ultimately
millions of people
have paid a high
price for this
struggle. Now they
are expecting a
morai catastrophe,
o n e w h i c h h a s
actually already
begun
12 • socialist democracy •
Q: Is it possible to lay the
f o u n d a t i o n s f o r a n o p e n
d i s c u s s i o n ?
A : T h e K u r d i s h
organisations, especially the
PKK, should extend the hand of
reconciliation and democracy
which they are holding out to
t h e T u r k i s h s t a t e t o t h e K u r d s
a s w e l l , a n d s h o w s e r i o u s
u n d e r s t a n d i n g f o r t h e i r
' c r i t i c i s m s .
First, the PKK should come
to terms with its own history.
Because, as the product of the
heavy struggle they were
waging, they shed a lot of blood
within their own ranks - perhaps
justly, perhaps unjustly - so they
n e e d t o m a k e a n e n d t o t h a t
history. And that can only be
done by the PKK leadership. I
t h i n k t h a t s h o u l d b e o n e o f t h e
primary goals of the upcoming
e x t r a o r d i n a r y P K K p a r t y
c o n g r e s s .
Q: It's certain the PKK will
stand fully behind this new line
at the congress?
A: Yes, and it's certain that
t h e P K K w i l l d o a l l i t c a n f o r
Ocalan, but that's part of its
responsibility as an organisation
and that's also a moral duty. But
what can't be accepted is that
the politics of a party are being
directed from inside a prison.
A n d t h e P K K s h o u l d b e
c a r e f u l w h e n i t d e a l s w i t h i t s
ideological-political theories
with respect to the existence of
t h e K u r d i s h n a t i o n . T h e P K K
p l a y e d a d e c i s i v e r o l e i n
d e v e l o p i n g t h e n a t i o n a l
d e m a n d s o f t h e K u r d s . B u t i t
cannot maintain a monopoly
o v e r t h e s e d e m a n d s f o r e v e r.
The party should come to
t h e d e c i s i o n t h a t t h e K u r d i s h
people are not bound to accept
t h e c o m m a n d s ^ ^ i c h t h e y
issued under pressure from the
s t a t e .
T h e s t a t e s i n v o l v e d i n t h e
current phase, especially the
USA, are selling their interests
t o t h e K u r d s a s g o o d w i l l
p o l i t i c s . T h e P K K , w h i c h
burned many of its bridges in
t h e p a s t , s h o u l d r e t u r n
i n t e r n a t i o n a l s o l i d a r i t y t o i t s
f o r m e r h i g h i m p o r t a n c e .
j a n / f e b 2 0 0 0
B e c a u s e s o l i d a r i t y a m o n g
peoples has much more value
than the leftovers of the different
competing interests of the
politics of various states.
Q: Such decisions can only
c o m e a b o u t a s t h e r e s u l t o f a n
open discussion, however. Isn't
it more likely that the PKK will
d e s t r o y i t s e l f d u e t o i n t e r n a l
feuding?
A : T h e P K K h a s - b e t t e r l a t e
than never - recognised the
necessity of changing. But they
must seek to guarantee the
i n v o l v e m e n t o f t h e m a s s e s i n
b u i l d i n g o p i n i o n s w i t h i n
Kurdish institutions, media, and
a s s o c i a t i o n s . A n d t h e P K K
should take measures to give
physical support to the militants
w h o a r e n o w i n a s t a t e o f
hopelessness.
T h o u s a n d s o f g u e r r i l l a
fighters, their supporters among
the people, and ultimately
millions of people have paid a
high price for this struggle.
Now they are expecting a moral
catastrophe, one which has
actually already begun. The
f o r c e s w h i c h a r e b e i n g
w i t h d r a w n t o s o u t h K u r d i s t a n
should at all costs avoid being
d r a w n i n t o c l a s h e s w i t h t h e
KDP, because the strings of the
KDP are pulled by the Turkish
s t a t e .
T h e K u r d i s h i s s u e c o u l d
increasingly become separated
from the PKK The unorganised
s t r u c t u r e s c o u l d t h e n b e
problematic, and at the same
t i m e c o n t r a d i c t i o n s c o u l d
surface within the PKK which
w o u l d m a k e i n t e r n a l c l a s h e s
unavoidable. At any rate, it's
c l e a r t h a t t h e T u r k i s h s t a t e w i l l
not hesitate to profit from this
situation. Turkey is already
trying to provoke trouble within
t h e p a r t y a n d t o t h e r e b y
strengthen those forces which in
turn strengthen the position of
the Turkish government.
• Interview by Jorg Hilbert,
p u b l i s h e d i n J u n g e We l t ,
September 25,1999
Portugal
I n t h e r e c e n t P o r t u g u e s e
parliamentart' elections, the l-eft
Block obtained 2.5% of the votes
and will form a new parliamentaiy
group with two MPs.
The Block is a movement bringing
together the PSR (Portuguese
section of Fourth International),
the UDP (e.-Maoists) and many
independents.
The result represents a significant
i n c r e a s e i n t h e n u m b e r o f L e f t
Block votes to 130,000, more than
doubling the 60,000 in June's
Furopean election. Supporters are
predominantly young and urban
Francisco Louca CChico") from the
P S R a n d L u i s F a z e n d a f r o m t h e
U D P w e r e e l e c t e d i n t h e L i s b o n
region, where the Block had its
best result (4.9%). r-azenda is the
leading light in the UDP and he
has already some experience as
MP, as the UDP had one place on
the Communist Part)' list in 1991.

The People's Republic of China
After the first fifty years
It is half a cciiturj' since the
(.'iiincse revolution scored a victorj'
and the People's Republic of China
was set up, and with the changes in
the relations of production and in
class relations, the economy
acquired possibilities for rapid
growth.
According to official statistics,
China's GDP rose from 67.9bn
yuan in 1952 to 7,955.3bn yuan in
1998, an average annual growth
rate of 7.7%, which was higher
than the average annual growth
rate of 3% in the world. This figure
has been the pride of the Chinese
g o v e r n m e n t .
Rapid growth took place in the
last decade. Up to 1978, the GDP
was only 362.4bn Noian, which
means that under Mao Zedong's
leadership - in 26 years including
the disruptions of production
during the great leap forward, the
people's communes and the
cultural revolution - the GDP
increased by only about four times
from a ver)' low starting point. It
w a s i n 1 9 8 7 t h a t t h e G D P
exceeded Itrn yuan, an increase of
two times in nine years. From 1987
to 1998, in 11 years, the GDP rose
6.3 times.
However, such a rapid increase
in the last two decades was partially
a result of the rapid development
of the private economy. For
instance, of the total industrial
output of 1996 and 1997, the state-
owned economy constituted 28.5%
and 25.5% respectively, whereas
the private economy constituted
71.5% and 74.5% respectively.
It must be noted that the rapid
economic growth was at the
expense of major political
concessions on the road to gradual
capitalist restoration. In the March
1999 National People's Gongress
when the Gonstitution was revised,
the private economy and individual
economy, formerly reg-arded as
playing a 'supplementary' role, had
their status enhanced to that of
'being an important component in
the socialist market economy'.
Lately, the standing committee of
the NPG endorsed the law on
individually owned enterprises,
which aimed to encourage and
safeguard the development of
private economic units.
The official figures showed
that by the end of 1998, registered
individually owned enterprises
amounted to 442,000. 'I'here were
about 31.2 million self-employed
i n d u s t r i a l a n d c o m m e r c i a l
enterprises.
With Ghina treading the path
towards capitalism, social
polarisation and the increasing gap
between the rich and the poor have
been more acute. In the early years
of the Reform, 'Pen-Thousand
Yuan Households' was once the
name of the nouveau riche. In later
years, over a hundred 'Hundred-
iMillion Yuan Households' had
emerged.
A recent report said that
'currendy, the savings in Ghina
amounts to almost 6tm vuan,
mostly concentrated in the hands
of 15-16% of high-income
households.' The deposits of these
high-income households amounted
to 4 to 5trn yuan, which was over
half the GDP for 1998, and four or
five times the total revenue of the
countr)'.
But at the other end, although
p r o d u c t i v i t y ' h a s r i s e n ,
unemployment and layoffs arc the
rule of the day. I'he minister of
Ghinese labour and social security
reported to the standing committee
of the NPG in .August that in the
first half of 1999, temporar)' layoffs
in state-owned enterprises
amounted to 7.42m workers, of
which 5.4m had not been allocated
a new job.
Fach temporarily laid-off
worker received a li'ing allowance
of 170 yuan a month, but even this
meagre sum of money, some
enterprises in some areas did not
manage to distribute in time. A
sum of 1.37bn yuan was still owed
to pensioners of state-owned
enterprises.
The Ghinese bureaucracy has
deprived workers of their power to
be master of the enterprises and to
democratically manage and operate
the enterprises. With command in
the hands of a small minority of
greedy and incompetent
bureaucrats, inefficiency and low
productivity' have been a feature of
the enterprises, and have caused
the call for reforms over a long
period. I lowever, the reforms have
been mostly in vain.
At the end of 1997, a total of
6,599 (39.1%) state-owned
enterpri.ses were in deficit. The net
deficit was 29.3bn yuan in 1997,
and 55.8bn yuan in 1998. .About
80% of state-owned enteiprises are
in debt.
However, if they are all
allowed to go bankrupt, the
repercussions on bank loans and
general savings from the people,
and on enormous unemployment,
will surely cause serious disruptions
of social stability'. This is one major
reason yvhy the Gommunist Party-
of Ghina (GGP) has been reluctant
to push through the bankruptcy of
state-owned enterprises.
I t m u s t a l . s o b e n o t e d t h a t
statc-oyvned and collectively-oyvned
enterprises still occupy a primary'
position in large and medium scale
enterprises, with 70% and 64%
weight respectively. Jiang Zemin, in
his speech commemorating the
78th anniversarj' of the formation
of the GGP, stressed that state-
o w n e d a s s e t s a m o u n t e d t o 8 t r n
yuan, forming the prime basis of
the national economy.
He warned of the greed of
'some comrades' who attempted to
use their political power to seize
state assets, and if these people
were not contained, state assets
yvould be eventually emptied.
This speech indicates that the
GGP leaders are still compelled to
give lip service to Marxism and
socialism, and that the gains of the
r e v o l u t i o n i n t h e f o r m o f l a b o u r
and social yvelfare, and anti-
capitalist ideology', cannot be easily
removed. The discontent and
protest breyving among yvorkers
have exerted a strong pressure on
the leaders, serving as a barrier to a
general capitalist restoration in
Ghina.
Zhang Kai
The discontent and
protest brewing
among workers
h a v e e x e r t e d a
strong pressure on
the leaders, serving
as a barrier to a
general capitalist
r e s t o r a t i o n i n C h i n a
Reprinted from October Review
Vol.26 Issue 4 1999

Socialist Party of Timor
Mobilising the people's power
T h e C h i n e s e p r o l e t a r i a t , f r o m M a x L a n e
c l a s s c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f a c t u a l
interest, do not support the
privatisation of state-owned
enterprises. Workers' actions have
been taken in the past years against
privatisation.
The Chinese Youth Journal in
Beijing reported on the following
case on June 4 this year In Hefei,
the provincial capital of Anhui
Province, over 2,000 workers had
t r a n s f e r r e d f r o m s t a t e - o w n e d
enterprises to enterprises run by
joint ventures, where they enjoyed
two times the wages and could get
a monthly income of 1,000 yuan.
H o w e v e r, m o s t w o r k e r s l a t e r
preferred to quit and wait for work
rearrangement by their former
state-owned enterprises, receiving
only a small stipend of basic living
allowance. The reason was that in
the new job, labour intensit)' was
double that of the original job, and
c o n t r o l w a s s t r i c t . D i s m i s s a l o f
workers was frequent, hence there
was no sense of job security.
P o r C h i n a ' s e c o n o m i c r e f o r m
to be effectively conducted to the
benefit of the majorit}' of the
people, a radical democratic reform
is indispensable. Wthout workers
a s s u m i n g r e a l p o w e r ,
bureaucratism and corruption of
t h e c a d r e s c a n n o t b e c o m b a t e d .
The CCP has refused any political
d e m o c r a t i c r e f o r m , a n d h a s
c r a c k e d d o w n o n p e o p l e
demanding democratisation.
Autocracy has been maintained by
the repression of dissent.
Por the celebration of the 50th
anniversary, llObn yuan had been
spent on renovations in the capital.
To reduce air pollution in order
that the military parade could be
clearly visible, 25 factories
including the Beijing Steelworks
i-actory were asked to stop
production for 11 days, and the
estimated loss was 100m yuan.
T h e m o b i l i s a t i o n o f s e v e r a l
hundred thousand people for the
mass parade was aimed to put up a
facade of strength and pride, yet
they could not cover up the
grimness of life in (diina today.
Shalar Kosi is the secretarj'
general of the Socialist Part}' of
Timor (PS'l). In an interview with
Australia's Green Left Weekly, he
stressed that the crucial question
f o r s o c i a l i s t s i n l A s t T i m o r i s
building bases among the people.
' O n e o f t h e f r a m e w o r k s f o r
t h i s h a s b e e n t h e f o r m a t i o n t h i s
year of groupings in different
sectors', he explained. 'These
i n c l u d e t h e W o r k e r s ' S o c i a l i s t
Alliance, the Peasant Socialist
A l l i a n c e , t h e S o c i a l i s t Yo u t h
Alliance, Socialist Alliance of
Women and a Socialist Study
(Yntre. They are all at the early
stages of development, although
many workers outside P.ast Timor,
such as in Lampung, are already
organised.
'In East 'I'imor, we have the
beginnings of bases among port
workers, construction workers and
drivers. Among coffee farmers,
both small owners and labourers,
we have some cells that are also
developing co-operatives.'
A t h e m e i n S h a l a r K o s i ' s
analysis is the necessity of a
strateg}' of mass action, both for
the independence struggle and for
a socialist East 'i'imor.
' W e t h i n k t h e c h a n c e s o f
victor}- in the referendum arc
good', he said,' but we would have
preferred that the movement reject
the UN agreement on May 5 and
then apply pressure through mass
a c t i o n s f o r o n e w h e r e t h e
Indonesian army wasn't in charge
of security for the referendum,
liven now, we think that there
should be more pressure applied
tlArough mass action, through
people's power.'
'I'he PST, which was formed as
a party in 1997, is not a member of
the National Council for Timorese
Resistance (CNR'l) nor of Fretilin.
O n e o f t h e r e a s o n s i s t h a t t h e
C'NRT docs not recognise the 1975
declaration of independence that
formed the Democratic Republic
of East Timor (DRE'lJ. There are
other differences too. such as on
perjple's power as a central tactic.
The PS T has helped form the
People's (Council for the Defence
of the Republic ((d'D) which
organised demonstrations soon
after the May 5 UN agreement was
signed. The (iPD, said Kosi, is a
loose network, including many
non-part}' people who still support
t h e D R E ' T .
'But now we are working
together with'Xanana Gusmao and
t h e C N R ' T t o m o b i l i s e f o r t h e
referendum. We also support the
p r o p o s a l f o r a c o a l i t i o n
government after a referendum
victor}', which includes the current
pro- integration forces.'
The PS'T was represented
among the pro-independence
groups that participated in the
recent 'dialogue' between pro-
Jakarta and independence groups
in Jakarta, which also included
figures such as Ramos I lorta.
According to Kosi, a coalition
government should have only two
tasks: to keep the administration
going and to prepare general
elections. 'We want free multi-party
elections as soon as possible after a
coalition government can be
formed. Six months is preferable,
but definitely no more than two
years.
'We would like to see a second
r e f e r e n d u m a l s o , o n w h e t h e r
people wish to reestablish the
Democratic Republic of East
Timor that was proclaimed in
1975. The people should have the
right to have their say on that too.'
Kosi expressed caution on
whether Jakarta would abide by the
r e s u l t s o f t h e r e f e r e n d u m i f t h e
independence option won. 'There
was still a question whether the
Indonesian army ('I'Nl) would
withdraw as required and whether
i t w o u l d l e a v e a r m e d m i l i t i a s
b e h i n d .
'Again, we will need to
mobilise people's power. We will
need stronger organised bases
among the people.'
Kosi stated that people's power
would be as effective as the role of
Falintil, the resistance army.
History had shown that
guerrilla struggle and people's
power can be a very powerful
c o m b i n a t i o n . ' W e a l s o h a v e n o
problem with the disarming of
Falintil together with the militias.
This will open up more space,
m a k i n g i t e a s i e r f o r m a s s
mobilising.'

Mc was confident that the pro- have brand
integration militias could be and (x-ntra
defeated in this manner. ' They have worker grot
no basis, apart from the backing 'On Au
from the ITS'I. They will wither an open lei
under the force of people's power. chairperson
But we must still recognise the Dili. Our
danger that a withdrawing 'INI socialist foi
m a y t r ) ' t o s t a r t a c i v i l w a r. ' f r o m t h e u i
Kosi also emphasised that a their presen
key part of defeating the we can win
occupation was co-operation with strengthen (
the Indonesian democratic As part
movement. 'We worked together open, the
with the PRD (People's newspaper
Democratic Part)'], for example, in Tuba. Tw<
the 1994 occupations of the Dutch published
and Russian embassies. The months, anc
''toggles in liast Timor and of it continu
I n d o n e s i a c a n n o t a n d m u s t n o t b e ' We h :
s e p a r a t e d . ' c o p i e s i n
While a united front to win the members si
referendum, establish a transitional and sympat
coalition government and force the not also (
INI to withdraw remains the current poli
central tactical priorit)-, Kosi relation to tl
emphasised that laying the basis for the situation
a socialist IZast Timor remained the carries educ
fundamental goal of the PST. IZast Timon
'Of course, at the moment, the well as the |
people look to Xanana as the in the region
leader or symbol of the fight for The PS'l
independence. Or they relate to but Kosi ti
Fretilin as the organisation that much furth
fought for independence in the youth, hav
1970s. Our influence at this point education ft
is limited. We have no illusions had estab
about that. But we also think that organisation
the prospects for the socialist although '
movement in East Timor are completely d
g o o d . ' T h i s a i
Behind this optimism is the socialist-orie;
a s s e s s m e n t t h a t a n I Z a s t Ti m o r e s e f a i l e d i n t i n
capitalism has not yet taken root towards a
and that building a socialist IZast unit',
Timor would not require great disconnectin
efforts to demolish a deeply rooted from F'retili
( a p i t a l i s t s j ' s t e m . w i t h t h e c
It is also based on the PSTs Democrat-oi
£ ssessment that while both Xanana [Timorese 1
£nd F'retilin have great authorit)' non-part' i
£ nd popularitx', they have not student grou
I eveloped functioning partj' Xanana's res
structures among the people. 'The and the forn
(oming period will be a period of Clouncil of
ileological clarification among all (CNRM).
t le political forces', Kosi added. .ccordir
'The I'ST is still small, with 1981 and
about 300 cadre in East Timor and elements in
s ightly less in Indonesia, i'he 300 retreat. Som
i i IZast Timor include 70 new guerrilla mc
r lembers who have just been from the stru
t trough classes. In Indonesia, we
J 5 • socialist democracy • jan/feb 2000
have branches covering East Java
and (Zentral Java as well as the
worker groupings in I .ampung.
'On August 1, the PST set up
an open legal office in Dili. Our
chairperson, Saruntu, is based in
Dili. Our position is that the
socialist forces should come out
from the underground and declare
their presence. This is the only way
we can win people to our ideas and
strengthen our base.'
As part of this coming into the
open, the PST has launched a
newspaper in a tabloid format.
Tu b a . Tw o i s s u e s h a v e b e e n
published over the last two
months, and the party is confident
of it continuing on a regular basis.
'We have distributed 5000
copies in East Timor. Our
members sell them to supporters
and sympathisers. The newspaper
not also debates and analyses
current political developments in
relation to the UN referendum and
the situation in IZast Timor but also
carries educational material on the
IZast Timorese social structure as
well as the prospects for socialism
in the region as a whole.'
The PST was formed in 1997,
but Kosi traces its origins back
much further. . few left-wing
youth, having received some
education from leftists in I-retilin,
had established the youth
organisation Ojetil in 1981
a l t h o u g h ' O j e t i l n o w i s a
completely different organisation'.
This attempt to build a
socialist-oriented youth group
f a i l e d i n t h e c o n t e x t o f a t r e n d
towards a politics of 'national
u n i t ) ' , w h i c h i n c l u d e d
disconnecting the guerrilla forces
from Fretilin, a rapprochement
with the conseri'ative Christian
D e m o c r a t - o r i e n t e d U D T
[Timorese Democratic Unionj, a
non-part)' orientation by other
student groups such as Renetil and
Xanana's resignation from l-retilin
and the formation of the National
CZouncil of Maubere Resistance
(CNRM).
.According to Kosi, between
1981 and 1989 the left-wing
elements in the resistance was in
r e t r e a t . S o m e l e f t l e a d e r s i n t h e
guerrilla movement disappeared
from the struggle.
Then in December 1989, three
of the original members of the
1981 Ojetil formed the Clandestine
Student Front for the Liberation of
IZast Timor (F'eclitil). This was
based outside IZast Timor. Its first
action was a joint protest with
Renetil and unaffiliated IZast
Timorese students in Jakarta
against the 1991 Santa Cruz
massacre. In December 1991, ten
people gathered to form the
Timorese Socialist Association.
In the initial period, said Kosi,
the PST was the subject of
considerable slander and gossip,
even to the extent of rumours that
the head of the PS'l" was Abilio
Araujo, a former president of
Fretilin who became a pro-Jakarta
figure.
'However, by 1995 we were
able to establish formal contact
with Xanana Gusmao and engage
in some co-operation, while
maintaining our right to make
criticisms and to stay outside of
CNRT. Actually, we were also
ready to join l"'retilin if I-retilin was
able to transform itself into a
united front of left or progressive
forces within CNRT, but it seems
F'retilin wants to be a part)' of its
own, perhaps with a social
democratic platform. Maybe there
will be possibilities of a coalition in
the future.'
Kosi explained that the PSTs
socialism bases itself on Marxism
and rejects the Stalinist version.
'We also tr)' to learn from the
contributions of revolutionar)'
socialist leaders, such as Lenin and
Trotsky. But we are short of
readings and materials, so we arc
still studying.
'We think that the socialist
forces throughout the Asia-Pacific
region need to collaborate and
work out common approaches to
issues. This region is going to be a
centre of conflict between socialist
and capitalist forces in the coming
period, especially with the real
potential for social revolution in
Indonesia. An early victor)' for
s o c i a l i s m i n I Z a s t Ti m o r w i t h i t s
weakly developed indigenous
capitalism and its small size and
population could also be an
inspiration for socialist forces
throughout the region.'
This region is going
to be a centre of
c o n fl i c t b e t w e e n
s o c i a i i s t a n d
capitaiist forces in
the coming period,
especially with the
real potential for
social revolution in
I n d o n e s i a

EmiHo Brodziak Amaya 1938-99
Man who brought The Dawn
P a u l C l a r k e
Emilio played a
c e n t r a l r o l e i n
writing and
producing the LUS
paper Umbral
(Dawn); on the
giant electricity
w o r k e r s
d e m o n s t r a t i o n o n
March 18 this year
personally sold
m o r e t h a n 1 0 0
copies
To c o n t a c t t h e L U S e - m a i l :
matniilarm99@.vahoo.com
Links: an
International
journal of
Socialist
Renewal. In the
current issue:
Sodaiism and
Nationalism
16 • socialist democracy •
More tlian 200 people packed
the auditorium at 1-con 'I'rotsky's
house in Mexico City to pay tribute
to the memor)' of iimilio Amaya,
who died on October 10 at the age
of 61.
A t t h e t i m e o f l i i s d e a t h
L m i l i o w a s t h e n a t i o n a l
c o o r d i n a t o r o f t h e C o - o r d i n a d o r a
Intersindical Primero de Mayo, and
a leading member of the Liga de la
Unidad Socialista (LUS).
Opening the meeting, Manuel
Aguilar Mora, a leader of the LUS,
explained Emilio's histor)'. The son
of a Polish father and a Mexican
mother, Emilio Amaya joined the
revolutionary movement in the
early 1960s, becoming a member
of the Liga Obrera Marxista.
He participated in thel968
student movement, and in the
same year helped to found the
G r u p o C o m m u n i s t a
Intcrnacionalista. In 1976 he was a
f o u n d e r m e m b e r o f t h e P R ' P
(Mexican section of the I'ourth
International).
Because he worked in public
administration, he had to keep a
low profile, and was for a long
time confined to journalistic,
publishing and internal party tasks.
For more than 20 years he wrote,
under a pseudonym, a column in
the daily paper Uno Mas Uno,
defending workers' struggle and
socialism.
Until the time of his death he
w a s a m e m b e r o f t h e c o u n c i l o f
the Siglo X'einte Uno publishing
house. In the 1970s he worked for
several years in France, where he
w a s a m e m b e r o f t h e L a t i n
American fraction of tlic Ligue
C o m m u n i s t e R e v o l u t i o n n a i r e .
In the early 1990s, the PUT
suffered a severe internal crisis,
and eventually split into two
groups. The part of the PUT
luiiilio stayed with decided in
I'ebruar)' 1996 to dissolve the
organisation and go into the
Zapatista movement. Emilio joined
the opposition groups, led by
(aime Gon/alez and Manuel
Aguilar Mora, which rejected this
move and decided to fight for an
open Marxist organisation. Two
months later they founded the
L U S .
In 1994, Emilio found himself
in a financial position to devote
h i m s e l f f u l l - t i m e t o t h e
revolutionarj' movement. From
that point on he devoted literally
all his time to the struggles of the
Mexican workers, being a fixture
on ever)' demonstration of the
workers and the left. Me helped, in
1995, to found the Primero de
Mayo left opposition trade union
front, and became its principal
organiser.
In the last year much of his
time was taken up with the
(jrganisation of the National
R e s i s t a n c e F r o n t t o d e f e n d t h e
electricit)' industry against
privatisation. He played a central
role in writing and producing the
l .US paper Umbral (Dawn); on the
g i a n t c l c c t r i c i t ) ' w o r k e r s
d e m o n s t r a t i o n o n M a r c h 1 8 t h i s
year personally sold more than 100
copies.
In the past nine months he
spent an increasing amount of time
A d v e r t i s m e n t
Marx, Engels and Lenin
on the national question.
N o r m D i x o n * I r i s h
nationalism and the peace
process, interdev with
Bernadette McAliskey •
T h e r i g h t t o s e l f -
determination in Kashmir,
Farooq Sulehria • National
oppression and the collapse
of Yugoslavia, Michael
Karadjis • Palestine and
Israel after the elections,
Adam Hanieh • Program of
j a n / f e b 2 0 0 0
the Rebolusyonarjông
Partido ng Manggagawa •
T h e u n i n t e r r u p t e d
r e v o l u t i o n i n t h e
Philippines, Reihana
M o h i d e e n • T h e l e f t i n
Pakistan: a brief histor}%
Farooq Sulehria • Marxism
or Bauerite nadonalism?,
Doug Lorimer • A long and
still relevant debate, John
N e b a u e r • I n t e r n a t i o n a l
W o r k e r s M o v e m e n t N e w s .
working to support to epic student
strike at UN.AM (National
Autonomous University of
Mexico). He also found time to be
active in protests against the US
war against Yugctslavia, and against
the 1 ndonesian-sponsored
massacre in East Timor.
1 .ike many on the Mexican left,
he was active in support of the
17Z1.N, which recognised tlic role
o f t h e I n t e r s i n d i c a l P r i m e r o d e -
Mayo by sending a delegation of
masked Zapatistas to lead the
Intcrsindical's contingent on this
year's May Day march.
The speakers at the meeting
demonstrated the esteem in which
Emilio was held. Fifteen workers'
and peasant organisations sent
speakers to the meeting, and many
more sent messages.
N o t a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n s w e r e
made by a member of the
e x e c u t i v e o f t h e S i n d i c a t o
Mexicano de I'-'lectricistas (SMIi),
whose members are to the fore in
the anti-privatisation fight; and by
a companera from the Consejo
General de Huclga (CGH), the
body leading the student strike.
l e a d e r s o f t h e M o v i m i e n t o
Proletario Independientc and the
P a r t i d o O b r e r a S o c i a l i s t a a l s o
spoke. A moving tribute to his
devotion to the socialist cause was
made by his wife, Rcyna Brodziak.
'Pile banner placed on the podium
by the Primero de Mayo read:
' Y o u r m e m o r ' l i v e s o n i n o u r
struggle'.
T o c o n t a c t L I N K S s e n d
your correspondence to:
Post Office Box 515,
B R O A D W A Y N S W 2 0 0 7
A u s t r a l i a .
Telephone: +61 2 96901230
Facsimile: +61 2 9690 1381
Email: links@dsp.org.au.
B r o w s e :
h t t n : / Av w w. d s n . o r e . a u / l i n k s /

Socialist Democracy (Britain) issue 8

Socialist Democracy (Britain) issue 8

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Socialist Democracy (Britain) issue 8