Socialist Democracy (Britain) issue 7

Socialist Party today
Merseyside writes on
EU and economy
Pages 12 to 15
G o w a n o n K o s o v a
Twilight of the
European project
Pages 17 to 27
Happy with Lenin?
New rules for left
self-organisation
Pages 8 and 9
B u m p e r e d i t i o n
Largest ever
28-page issue still
only £1
socialist
democracy
for a critical marxism • no 7 • august/September 1999 • £1
Euro-elections show support for radical red-green parties
t i m e !
Page 4 to 6: French unity gets Alain Krivine
and Arlette Lagulller elected as MEPs
Pages 7 to 10: How socialists and greens
can build a new party of the left
socialist democracy • august/September 1999* 1

From the readers, and the editors
L e t t e r s
F r o m o u r r e a d e r s
Pretty right on
I saw vour editorial by Dave Osier in
sd6. I just wanted you to know that 1
think it was not onlv a good piece on
B l a i r i t e B r i t a i i i . b u t a l s o t h e
conclusions for the world stxrialist
movement seemed prett}' right on.
One thing I would say; with the
rapidly changing economy and the
nature of the class, a strike of
programmers could indeed shut the
whole mess down ^rin).
One other thing: it's interesting
that established and progressive
unions over here, such as the
dockworkers, are both maintaining an
active level of struggje for basic
democratic rights (there was a one-
day work stoppage in support of
Mumb Abu jamal on the west coast
here), and movitig to organise low-
paid services workers.
A successful, if barely, campaign
was held at the country's largest
independent bookstore, and thc''rc
also devoting significant time and
mone' to the organisation of bike
messengers. We'll see how it all pans
out, but it pn>mises to be interesting.
Overall union membership
continues, 1 believe, to decline. As for
the left, it's pretty much catatonic,
except for successful work in the
I^bor Part)' and Mumia campaign by
the likes of lîbor Militant, Socialist
.Action, and a very few other groups.
.Membership in such organisations is
growing, albeit in the "one b' one"
category' rather than mass recruitment
on any kind of scale, (iomradcly best
greetings,
Chris Faatz, Socialist Party,
U S A
Solidarity
I enjoyed latest issue of Sodalist
Democray - it hits the analytical spot
well.
We are in the process of setting
up SoSfhrity, a TU magazine aimed at
activists, members and rank and file
groups primarily to challenge the idea
of social partnersliip. The pilot issue
should now be in the factories and
offices. We have set up a temporary
w e b s i t e a t
htt|v//www-Solidarit'.zetnct.C().iik.
I lave a ItMjk. I f raiders have any links
2 0 socialist democracy • august/september 1999
we should include, can tiffer any input
or can suggest this link to any other
sites, mail sf)lidarit'@zerner.co-uk.
P e t e S l o m a n
F o r s o c i a l i s t h i s t o r i a n s
Readers may be interested to hear
tliat Sol Dollinger's web page, at
hrtp://homc.inreach.com/soldoll.
n o w i n c l u d e s a r t i c l e s f r o m T l x
American SodaEst, 1954- 1959.
'ITie Socialist Union of America
c a m e i n t o e x i s t e n c e a f t e r a m u l t i -
faceted debate from 1946 until 1953
within the US Socialist Workers Party.
'ITie followers of Bert (icKhran and
I larr)' Braverman attempted to
reform traditional SWP part)' leaders'
thinking on a broad range of issues.
What began with policy over
Walter Heuther and the UAW spread
to an extensive examination of the
nature of the economies in liastern
liurope beginning with Yugoslavia
and continued through the Maoist-led
revolution in China.
As the opposition spread f«)m
the leaders in the National Committee
of the Part)' lead by Bert (iochran and
1 lart)' Braverman to embrace a third
of the part)', James P. (iannon, leader
of the part)' moved to rid the part)' of
his opposition group.
After a long period Cannon
succeeded in 1953. livxpulsion of the
minority led to the establishment of
the Socialist Union of America and
the publication of The Amedcan
SodaEstixam 1954-1959.
B a l a K u m a r
Keep it regular!
"Ibank you for the latest copy of the
magazine. A'ou invite comments on
the format and frequenc)' and here
the)' are.
'Ilie most impotfant thing about
any publication is that it becomes a
habit as far as readers are concemcxi....
the regular appearance will make a big
difference to how man' are sold.
Up to date comment is also
iinportint, panicularlj- when you do
not date the writing of articles, there
can be much confusion when some
are more current than others are. .s
to the format...it seems to me to be
less important than what is said in the
articles, and in the case of the format
in the latest magazine I would say it is
fine, in fact I like it.
' l l i e r e s e e m s t o b e s o m e
confusion on the left about the Sl.P
vote in Scotland. The realit)' is that
they polled more votes in the regional
list section than did the SSP and that
they beat us in most of the individual
regions. 1 think this should be
a d d r e s s e d b e c a u s e t h e ' M i l i t a n t "
explanation Is not totally convincing.
K e i t h W h i t e
F r o m t h e e d i t o r s
A thank-you to our
s u b s c r i b e r s
Socialist Democracy would like tc
ttiank all those sufctscribers, and other
readers, who have given us their
feedt)ack on the magazine. Most
readers are positive about the
redesign - especially ance it allows
the magazine to be produced more
promptly.
Rightly, one reader commented: "If
you lot really aren't just a bunch of
Trots and really are into green
Issues/feminism, how come there
aren't any articles on green issues or
feminism in the magazine?"
We hope modest improvement has
been registered in this issue. Please
continue to send articles, and
suggestions for articles, to our
address on the opposite page.
Our homepage
Readers will be glad to hear that
Socialist Democracy's web ate has
been redeagned. Now online -- at
httD://members.triDod.co.uk/socialist
dem/ - the redesign includes
articles from our last issue and an
extensive list of other web sites and
online resources.

Building a new party of the ieft
Next steps towards a New Left
TheresultsoftheEuropeanelectionscontainimportant lessons for the left. As John Bulaitis
explains in this issue, the militant left only
gained seats where it had pre-existing party or
party-type organisations of some signiflcance.
In Italy, this was the Party of Communist
Refoundation, in Spain the United Left and in
France the Lutte Ouvriere-Ligue Communiste
R e v o l u t i o n n a i r e c o a l i t i o n . T h e l e f t i n B r i t a i n -
with the exception of Scodand - lacked a
militant socialist organisation with a real
national presence capable of mounting such a
challenge.
This points to the general strategic problem
of building a new, pluralist and militant socialist
party - which has been the objective of Socialist
Denwcracy since its founders left the Socialist
VsLtty/Militant.
There is no doubt that the polidcal space to
the left of New Labour will grow as the
government slips further into farce. As Blairism
unravels, it can expect further election reverses
such as it experienced in the Euro-elections.
Political apathy and abstentionism will also be a
continuing feature of the next period. The best
antidote to this would be the a party like the
Scottish Socialist Part)'' on an all-British scale.
But given the differences in political conditions
between Scodand and the rest of the UK, this
will not be easy. For the moment, only partial
steps can be taken to start to resolve the crisis of
political representation of the working class.
In this regard, the news of emergence of
groups of ex-Militant/Socialist Party supporters
who are beginning to organise in several major
cities is most welcome. Taken together, these
groups could take an important step towards
creating a new culture on the British left: one
rejecting the congenital absolutism of British
Trotskyism. As Chris Brooks argues in this
issue, the New Left that is emerging needs to
discover New Rules: favouring a creative and
experimental culture on the left.
These groups and others could become a
real attractive pole for people wanting a militant
socialist alternative, but rejecting fossilised
sectarian dogmatism.
On a European scale, however, we can see
that there will be plenty of competition to win
radicals - especially young radicals - to the left
of the pro-capitalist social democratic parties.
This can be seen, for example, in the French
situation. Probably the LCR-LO coalition,
which won five seats in the Euro-election with
5.3% of the vote - lost a couple of percentage
points during the campaign to Cohn-Bendit's
G r e e n s .
This was because of the hysteria whipped up
over the Balkans war, and the pro-Nato position
of Cohn-Bendit - who combined a pro-
imperialist position with radical social policies
on some questions. In Britain a Cohn-Bendit
t'pe position is defended by Euro-journalist
John Palmer, a regular contributor the
magazine Red Pepper and long-time defender of
the European Union, who vigorously advocated
left support for the Nato war effort.
As a welcome riposte, Patrick Scott's article
reviews the response of the left to the war and
the need to fight for self-determination for the
Kosovars, while opposing Nato. For the same
reason Peter Cowan's essay. The Twilight of
Europe, dominates the second half of this
magazine. Cowan's conclusions are hotly
debated on the left, including amongst Socialist
Democracy supporters. However his article
represents a rare attempt to look at the global
and political implications of the Balkans conflict
f o r t h e l e f t .
In general, the Greens in Europe have
moved substantially to the right, participating in
bourgeois government alliances in several
countries. If continued, the right-wing Green
drift will produce at least accommodation to
social democrac)' (as in France and Germany),
and probably the consolidation of sections of
the Greens as bourgeois liberal parties. This is
the not surprising result of social radicalism that
is not rooted in militant anti-capitalism and
anti-imperialism.
As Nick Long explains in his article, an
open letter to the Way Head group in the Green
Party, the antidote to this is a new left which
bases itself neither on vague radicahsm nor
fossilised dogma, but socialism, struggle and
solidarity. The best opportunit)' to move
towards this today is the forces emerging from
the Militant tradition. Socialist Democracy
completely supports these efforts.
Re-launch of London Socialist Alliance
1st August 1999
Speakers: Rosie Kane, Scottish Socialist
Party, Ian Page, Lewisham socialist
councillor, Terry Liddle, Green Party. Also
invited: National SA committee. Green
Socialist Network, London ILN, Socialist
Party and Socialist Outlook.
12-6pm Calabash Centre, George Lane,
Lewisham SE13. Ladywell/Hither Green BR
socialist
democracy
for a CTltical marxism
No 7 august/september 1999
socialist dem/
C o n t e n t s
2 L e t t e r s
Building a new left
3 E d i t o r i a l
4 E n r o - e k c t i o n s
7 A S c o t t i s h R o a d ?
8 T h e N e w R u l e s
10 Socialist Greens
In Depth
11 Kashmir conflict
12 I Vorid Recession
14 European curreng
K o s o v a
16 The left on Kosova
18 Twilight of Europe
2 8 B a l k a n l e t t e r s
Published by Socialist Democracy.
E d i t o r i a l : s d e d i t o r s @ i n a m e . c o m
G e n e r a l : s o c d e m @ i n a m e . c o m
45 Trafalgar Avenue, N17 8JG
Signed articles represent the views
of contributors.
This issue © the authors, July '99
Printed by Intype, London 0181 947
7 8 6 3
Subscriptions:
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Cheques payable to 'Socialist
Democracy'.
If Socialist Democracy merges with
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will be carried over.
socialist democracy • august/september 1999» 3

Euro-elections show the need
John Bulaltis, with
a d d i t i o n a l m a t e r i a l f r o m
Nick Long and Peter
D r u c k e r
T h e s e r e s u l t s a r e a
crushing refutation
o f t h e ^ n e w
r e v i s i o n i s m ' t h a t h a s
now conquered
European social
democracy and
symbolised by the
J u n e B l a i r - S c h r d d e r
m a n i f e s t o f o r a
' s o c i a l - l i b e r a l '
Europe.
Elections arc at best a partial
i n d i c a t i o n o f t h e b a l a n c e o f
class forces in society and the
level and potential for socialist
ideas. This is particularly the
c a s e w i t h t h e E u r o p e a n
e l e c t i o n s w h i c h i n s p i r e d
record levels of apathy and
i n d i f f e r e n c e .
N e v e r t h e l e s s t h e p o l l ,
together with the preceding
local English council elections
a n d e l e c t i o n s f o r t h e S c o t t i s h
p a r l i a m e n t a n d W e l s h
assembly, gives important
s i g n a l s t o t h o s e o f u s
c o m m i t t e d t o b u i l d i n g a
v i a b l e s o c i a l i s t a l t e r n a t i v e t o
B l a i r i s m , t h a t i s a n e w
Socialist Party - broad, non-
s e c t a r i a n , d e m o c r a t i c a n d
pluralistic.
T h e m o s t i m p o r t a n t
feature of the Euro-poll was
t h e c o l o s s a l a b s t e n t i o n r a t e .
The level in the UK - 77 per
cent - meant that, under Blair,
B r i t a i n a c h i e v e d t h e l e v e l o f
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n e l e c t o r a l
p o l i t i c s m o r e n o r m a l l y
a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e U S A . B u t
m a s s a b s t e n t i o n i s m w a s a n
European-wide phenomenon:
55 per cent failed to vote in
G e r m a n y, 5 1 p e r c e n t i n
A u s t r i a , 6 0 p e r c e n t i n
P o r t u g a l , 5 3 p e r c e n t i n
F r a n c e .
A n u m b e r o f f a c t o r s
c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e a b s t e n t i o n
rate: the corruption scandals
in the European Commission,
the Kosovan war, the fact that
the European Parliament is
remote to the daily lives of
populations, and the fear -
m o s t m a r k e d i n B r i t a i n b u t
existing elsewhere - that EMU
w i l l t h r e a t e n ' n a t i o n a l
sovereignty'. However, by far
the most important feature of
the abstentions is that they
r e p r e s e n t a w i d e s p r e a d
d i s c o n t e n t w i t h t h e n e o - l i b e r a l
political consensus that now
dominates electoral politics in
all the European countries. In
France, for example, a survey
found that 45 per cent of those
not voting gave as a reason
t h e i r " d i s c o n t e n t w i t h t h e
political parties". Moreover in
the same country over one
million (5.94 per cent) of those
actually going to the polling
s t a t i o n s h o w e d t h i s d i s c o n t e n t
in a more positive way by
voting 'blank', or spoiling
their ballot paper.
T h e ' S o c i a l i s t ' a n d S o c i a l
D e m o c r a t i c p a r t i e s ( i n
government in 13 out of the 15
m e m b e r s t a t e s ) p a i d t h e
h i g h e s t p r i c e , s u f f e r i n g
r e v e r s a l s i n a l l c o u n t r i e s
except Portugal and France.
Of the three big players in
post-war social democracy,
t h e G e r m a n S o c i a l D e m o c r a t i c
Party (SPD) dropped ten per
cent compared to its electoral
victory nine months earlier,
t h e S w e d i s h S P D f e l l t o 2 6 . 1
per cent, its lowest ﬁgure
s i n c e t h e w a r, w h i l e B l a i r ' s
N e w L a b o u r p o l l e d a
disastrous 28 per cent - a level
close to the catastrophic 1983
g e n e r a l e l e c t i o n r e s u l t
a c h i e v e d b y ' O l d L a b o u r '
u n d e r M i c h a e l F o o t . T h e s e
r e s u l t s a r e a c r u s h i n g
r e f u t a t i o n o f t h e ' n e w
r e v i s i o n i s m ' t h a t h a s n o w
conquered European social
democracy and symbolised by
t h e J u n e B l a i r - S c h r o d e r
m a n i f e s t o f o r a ' s o c i a l - l i b e r a l '
Europe.
However the Right should
not celebrate too loudly. In
general its progress has been
exaggerated by the media.
Although in Britain and
Germany, the Tories and the
C h r i s t i a n D e m o c r a t s
( C D U / C S U ) g a v e N e w
Labour and the SPD a hiding,
o n a E u r o p e a n l e v e l t h e
socialist group in the Euro-
parliament has only fallen in
s i z e f r o m 2 1 4 m e m b e r s t o 1 8 0 .
The Right's new majority
is because it was previously
d i v i d e d i n t o f o u r d i f f e r e n t
groups but has managed to
u n i t e i n t h e E u r o p e a n
Peoples' Party.
S o w h i l e t h e R i g h t
a d v a n c e d i n t e r m s o f
percentage of voters, the
abstention levels meant that it
made no real progress in
t e r m s o f n u m b e r s o f v o t e r s .
The general feature of the
e l e c t i o n s i s t h e r e f o r e a
weakening of the vote for both
the traditional parties of the
Left and of the Right, both in
t e r m s o f a c t u a l v o t e s c a s t a n d
in percentage of votes won.
F o r e x a m p l e , i n T h e
Netherlands, the Labour Party
declined from 22.9 to 20.1 per
c e n t , w h i l e t h e C h r i s t i a n
D e m o c r a t i c C D A a l s o
declined from 30.8 per cent to
26.9 per cent. Likewise in
G r e e c e t h e c o m b i n e d v o t e o f
the two mainstream parties --
PASOK and the right wing
New Democracy — fell to 70
per cent from the 80 per cent
scored at the last general
e l e c t i o n .
I n r e l a t i o n t o B r i t a i n i t i s
too soon to speak of a Tory
r e v i v a l . T h e T o r i e s ' v i c t o r i e s
w e r e b e c a u s e t h e a b s t e n t i o n
rate was not so high amongst
Tory traditional voters as
a m o n g s t L a b o u r ' s : w h i l e t h e
stay-at-home rate in some
w o r k i n g - e l a s s d i s t r i c t s
reached 85 per cent and even
90 per cent. A general election
is still likely to result in a
radically different outcome.
N e v e r t h e l e s s a s e c t i o n o f t h e
Labour leadership is clearly
alarmed by the problems the
party is having of maintaining
e n t h u s i a s m a m o n g s t i t s
traditional working class base,
and especially amongst the
young. Unfortunately, with
the exception of the campaign
of the Scottish Socialist Party
(SSP), there was no focus
provided by the Left which
c o u l d c h a n n e l t h i s
disillusionment and potential
opposition to Blairism.
The performance of the
SSP, a new party still in the
process of establishing itself,
w a s q u i t e s p e c t a c u l a r .
Building on the election to the
Scottish parliament of Tommy
Sheridan, it polled 11 per cent
in Glasgow and four per cent
i n S c o t l a n d a s a w h o l e .
T h e s u c c e s s e s o f S S P w e r e
p a r t o f a E u r o p e a n - w i d e
p r o c e s s .
4 • socialist democracy • august/September 1999

for a green socialist party
Generally, the discontent
a n d d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t i n t h e
S o c i a l D e m o c r a t i c o r L a b o u r
P a r t i e s l e d t o a n i n c r e a s e d
vote for parties perceived to
be on the radical Left.
The most significant
a d v a n c e w a s i n F r a n c e .
W i t h a s c o r e o f 5 . 2 % o r
about a million votes, the joint
l i s t b e t w e e n L u t t e O u v r i d r e
( L O ) a n d t h e L i g u e
C o m m u n i s t e R e v o l u t i o n n a i r e
(LCR) won five seats in the
European Parliament. Arlette
Laguillcr of LO and Alain
K r i v i n c o f t h e L C R a r e n o w
b o t h E u r o M P s . T h e
c a m p a i g n p r o g r a m m e
included a 30-hour work week,
a m a s s i v e i n c r e a s e o n s o c i a l
spending and legalisation of
the sans papiers (immigrants
without residency rights).
It got enormous publicity
in France and attracted large
audiences to public meetings
in towns, big and small.
E l s e w h e r e t h e r a d i c a l i s m
reflected itself in a variety of
w a y s .
In The Netherlands, for
example, the formerly Maoist
S o c i a l i s t P a r t y, t h e o n l y
parliamentary party to oppose
the Nato's Balkan war, won
i t s fi r s t E u r o M P . T h e r e w e r e
a l s o i m p o r t a n t v o t e s f o r
v a r i o u s f o r m a t i o n s b a s e d o n
t h e o l d C o m m u n i s t P a r t i e s .
These were not uniform,
f o r e x a m p l e i n S p a i n t h e
c r i s i s - r i d d e n U n i t e d L e f t
suffered a fall to six per cent,
a n d t h e v o t e f o r t h e b r o a d
s l a t e l e d b y t h e F r e n c h
C o m m u n i s t p a r t y ( P C F )
continued, polling seven per
cent. Nevertheless, in France,
if the votes of the Greens, PCF
a n d t h e L O / L C R a r e a d d e d
together it can be seen that
nearly one voter in four voted
for slates perceived to be to
the left of the Socialist Party-
led government.
Similarly in Greece the
three parties standing to the
left of the Socialist Party
(PASOK) polled 20 per cent
(the KKE, Synapsismos and
Dikki).
In Sweden, the Left Party
polled 16 per cent, its best
ever result; and in Germany
t h e P a r t y f o r D e m o c r a t i c
S o c i a l i s m ( P D S ) w o n a n
a s t o n i s h i n g s i x p e r c e n t :
based almost wholly in the
East, the PDS is still a pariah
in bourgeois society.
In Italy four per cent voted
for the Party of Communist
R e f o u n d a t i o n a n d o v e r t w o
per cent backed its former
r i g h t - w i n g , t h e " I t a l i a n
Communists" led by Cossuta:
the former is sending four
M E P s a n d t h e l a t t e r h a s w o n
t w o .
T h e v o t e s f o r t h e G r e e n s
a l s o r e p r e s e n t a c e r t a i n
radicalism. They polled 12 per
c e n t i n T h e N e t h e r l a n d s
(progressing from 3.7 per
cent) 9.7 per cent in France
( i n c l u d i n g 1 7 p e r c e n t i n
Paris), and 18 per cent in
Wallonia, the French-speaking
south of Belgium. In Britain
they won two seats, including
o n e i n L o n d o n . T h e G r e e n
vote was largely young. But
the Green political message
was very ambiguous, left on
s o m e q u e s t i o n s , r i g h t o n
others (for example, in most
countries they supported the
Nato war over Kosova). They
suffered a reverse in Germany
where they were tainted with
support for the government.
The good result for the French
G r e e n s c a m e d e s p i t e a
particularly ugly campaign led
by May '68 hero Daniel Cohn-
B e n d i t , w h o m a d e a l e f t -
sounding case for both Nato's
a s s a u l t o n S e r b i a a n d a l s o t h e
neo-liberal monetary union.
T h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t c a n b e
d r a w n f r o m t h e s e r e s u l t s i s
t h a t w h e r e t h e r e i s a
nationally established focus
f o r a r a d i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e t o
social democracy it can attract
a n i m p o r t a n t l a y e r o f
s u p p o r t e r s .
This is of course precisely
w h a t d i d n o t e x i s t a t a l l i n
England, while Plaid Cymru
i n W a l e s w o n ' f r o m t h e
d i s c o n t e n t w i t h N e w L a b o u r .
H i s t o r i c a l l y i t h a s b e e n
difficult in Britain for parties
t o t h e l e f t o f L a b o u r t o
a c h i e v e e l e c t o r a l s u c c e s s . T h e
character of the Labour Party,
in effect a political reflection
of the trade union leadership,
tended to channel opponents
to capitalism into the Labour
Party. Another factor is the
B r i t i s h e l e c t o r a l s y s t e m ,
w h i c h h a s n o t f a v o u r e d s m a l l
parties. Yet the Labour Party
has now changed and the Left
c l e a r l y c o u l d h a v e t a k e n
advantage of the proportional
r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s y s t e m
i n t r o d u c e d f o r t h e E u r o -
elections, as the SSP did.
I n d e e d t h e r e w e r e a
n u m b e r o f i m p o r t a n t
i n d i c a t i o n s t h a t a v i a b l e L e f t
a l t e r n a t i v e t o L a b o u r w o u l d
have won a respectable vote.
I n t h e l o c a l e l e c t i o n s i n
Tameside 14,000 voted for
representatives of striking
c a r e w o r k e r s . I n
Kidderminster, campaigners
fighting hospital closures won
s e v e n s e a t s .
In Lewisham, Ian Page
s t a n d i n g a s a S o c i a l i s t
A l t e r n a t i v e c a n d i d a t e w o n a
council seat in a by-election
with 40 per cent of the vote.
I n N e w a r k , J i l l D a w n ,
a c c u s e d o f e x p o s i n g a n
election fiddle by the local
N e w L a b o u r M P a n d w a s
e x p e l l e d f r o m t h e L a b o u r
P a r t y , s t o o d a s a n
independent socialist and was
e l e c t e d . I n S h e f fi e l d , L e e d s ,
H u l l a n d Wa l s a l l , s o c i a l i s t s
won respectable votes.
I t d o e s n o t t a k e m u c h
imagination to think that if
Arthur Scargill had, in 1995,
been prepared to establish the
S L P a s a b r o a d , d e m o c r a t i c
and pluralistic party, such an
organisation could have been
playing the kind of role that
the SSP is beginning to play
today north of the border.
Instead, the SLP reaped
t h e r e w a r d f o r i t s n e o - S t a l i n i s t
policies and undemocratic
m e t h o d s p o l l i n g a E u r o -
election vote of only 1.72 per
c e n t i n L o n d o n a n d u n d e r o n e
per cent virtually everywhere
e l s e .
T h e c o n c l u s i o n t h a t
c a n b e d r a w n f r o m
t h e s e r e s u l t s i s t h a t
w h e r e t h e r e i s a
nationally
e s t a b l i s h e d f o c u s f o r
a r a d i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e
to social democracy
i t c a n a t t r a c t a n
important layer of
supporters.

E u r o - e l e c t i o n s
But the responsibility for the
lack of a viable Left alternative
cannot just be laid at the door of
t h e S L P. T h e r e w a s n o s e r i o u s
attempt by the other important
forces on the Left - notably the
SWP and Socialist Party - to forge
a national alliance of the Left, in
the same way that LO and LCR
forged a joint slate in France.
Some initiatives were taken at
a local level. In London there was
a temporary agreement to stand a
The strength and United Left slate including the
s y m b o l i s m o f t h e M i l i t a n t / S o c i a U s t
. , P a r t y ( S P ) . H o w e v e r t h e r e
environmental seemed .o be a di«inct
m o v e m e n t i s a n r e l u c t a n c e b y t h e t v o
Important pointer to :rpignT„^h::™%Lra:d'
the character of the communities to broaden the base
new socialist party' w i t h d r a w a l o f t h e S W P , t h e
we need to work alUance flzzled away.
t o w a r d s * N o r t h W e s t t h e
. I e x p e l l e d m e m b e r s o f t h e S o c i a l i s t
Xt IS also a reason Party helped organise a similar
why it is wrong to alllance, but the SWP and SP
w i t h d r e w a s t h e e l e c t i o n s
pose the slogan of spp„„,hcd. m .hc weat
creating a new Midlands a Socialist Alliance
^workers' party' slate did stand but was hampered
J by the fact that it was not part of
which could be a national movement and its vote
interpreted as a weakened by the left-wing
■ 1 . n . . I c a n d i d a t u r e o f f o r m e r M E P
Labour Party mark chnsdnc oddy.
II or a party only These problems are partly
a i m i n a t n r # a fl p r f - t h f * s e c t a r i a n a p p r o a c h
aiming to reriect tne dominates the main
political positions of organisations of the far left in
t h e t r a d e u n i o n " " e „ •
- F o r t h e S P a n d S W P a l l i a n c e
leaOerS* work is a nag of convenience,
something they will engage in if
— and only if - it can help them to
recruit a layer of new members
for their own organisations.
This approach creates a log
jam in the struggle to build a new
broad socialist party.
This problem is compounded
by the very low level of activity in
the working class and social
m o v e m e n t s . I t w i l l t a k e a
recovery of struggle, and the
i n v o l v e m e n t o f a m u c h v i d e r
layer of activists than at present,
to provide a solid basis for a new
party. An upturn in the class
struggle is needed to provoke
some major rethinking on the left
6 # socialist democracy • august/september 1999
around the question of creating a
n e w p a r t y.
What, however, should those
in favour of a new Socialist Party
along the lines of the SSP do
n o w ? I t i s n o t a s o l u t i o n t o
declare a new party without a
s o l i d o r b r o a d f o u n d a t i o n . T h a t
would only compound the
d i f fi c u l t i e s a n d w o u l d a m o u n t t o
t h e c r e a t i o n o f a n o t h e r s e c t
alongside the others, as the
Socialist Party leaders seem,
sadly, keen to prove.
Some are raising the question
of big orientation to the Green
Party, and even seeing the
Greens as being the basis for a
new party. This seems to be the
position of some around the
journal Red Pepper. This is
probably mistaken, but comrades
around Red Pepper will find out
for themselves. The Green Party
is an ambiguous politieal
formation and its leadership has
an increasingly eleetoral,
parliamentary perspective.
Many Greens do not do not
have a vision of building a party
o f a c t i v i s t s a n d m i l i t a n t s t h a t
links up with and involves itself
i n t h e w i d e r s o c i a l a n d w o r k e r s '
m o v e m e n t . N e v e r t h e l e s s t h e
Green vote was overwhelmingly
young and radical and 20,000
applied to join the part' after its
electoral broadcast.
Socialists clearly bave to
seriously take up the question of
the environment and find ways to
link up with Green activists and
the left-wing in the Green Party
around the Way Aliead group.
The strength and symbolism
o f t h e e n v i r o n m e n t a l m o v e m e n t
is an important pointer to the
c h a r a c t e r o f t h e n e w s o c i a l i s t
party we need to work towards.
It is also a reason why it is
w r o n g t o p o s e t h e s l o g a n o f
creating a new 'workers' party',
which could be interpreted as a
Labour Party mark II or a party
only aiming to reflect the
political positions of the trade
union leaders.
A new socialist party needs to
be a socialist green party,
encompassing tbe best from the
w o r k e r s a n d t r a d e u n i o n
m o v e m e n t , b u t a l s o o t h e r
t r a d i t i o n s : t h e w o m e n ' s
m o v e m e n t , t h e a n t i - r a c i s t
campaigns and new politics like
t h e v a r i o u s d i r e c t a c t i o n
networks and campaigns.
It would be an entirely new
form of political movement tbat
s e e k s t o b u i l d a n d r e fl e c t
campaigns and struggles, rather
than force its programme on the
workers, oppressed and their
a l l i e s .
Socialists need to work in and
build links with these campaigns
a n d m o v e m e n t s , b u i l d i n g
solidarity with people in struggle,
e n g a g i n g i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l
solidarity and building the
Socialist Alliances.
All this activity lays the
foundations for a new political
party. At the same time we have
the task of generating new ideas
a n d n e w d e m o c r a t i c a n d
inclusive methods, which can
play a role in creating the culture
necessary for the development of
s u c h a m o v e m e n t .
We are in a difficult period.
W e s h o u l d o v e r l o o k n e i t h e r t h e
crisis of social democracy,
demonstrated by the European
elections, nor the crisis of the
C o m m u n i s t m o v e m e n t .
They have created the
opportunity and the political
space for the emergence of new-
f o r m a t i o n s w h i c h w i l l i n v o l v e t h e
coming together of different
t r a d i t i o n s , a n d w h i c h c a n
organise and give political voice
to an important minority of
militant workers and oppressed
m i n o r i t i e s .

Building a new party of the left
Ti m e t o t a k e t h e S c o t t i s h R o a d
Sarah Parker, Nick Long,
B a l a K u m a r a n d D u n c a n
Chappie
From stopping the
City to keeping the
allotment, the left
has to find a way to
make solidarity with
progressive
struggles quite
d i f f e r e n t f r o m t h e
b r e a d a n d b u t t e r o f
f a r l e f t l i f e a n d -
w h e n r e s o u r c e s
d o n ' t a l l o w a c t i v e
solidarity - not
carping the errors
and experiments of
o t h e r s .
^ This text was drafted by Socialist
Democracy's London branch for
d i s t r i b u t i o n a s a l e a fl e t a t a J u n e
1999 conference on left unity and
socialist regroupment.
Tlic(Carnivalagainst(Capitalism,w h i c h m o b i l i s e d t e n s o f
thousands of people against
capitalism and to cancel the
third world debt, shows again that
the energ- and conviction exists to
build a large anti-capitalist
movement. SadK', the far left is
remote from many such struggles.
We need a broad pluralist party-
similar to the Scottish Socialist Party,
that's red, green and feminist.
People can have very different
things in mind when they talk about
unity. SoiiaHsl DeMocrmy aims to build
three kinds of unity side-by-sidc.
• Unity for action in the
unions and organisations
standing for struggle and
solidarity.
• Unity of anti-capitalists - be
they greens. stKialists,
feminists, anti-racists or
whatc er - in building up a
new mass party.
• And, finally, unity- in
b u i l d i n g a p l u r a l i s t
o r g a n i s a t i o n o f
revolutionary- marxist
activists.
It's not just capitalism we oppose
- we are also opposed to the
factional 'party pride' that divides the
left and the workerism that corrodes
and constrains the anti-capitalism.
In less than a year, the two
thousand comrades of the Scottish
Socialist Party have won four per
cent of the r-ote. More importantly
than winning an MSP, they have also
w o n a s t a k e f o r a n t i - s e c t a r i a n
socialism. 'ITic SSP has been built by-
people who wilfully aim to broaden
the boundaries of the organised far
left and to extend the appeal of the
SSP still further. In I-England and
Wales, success in building up a new
part- will similarly rely on the widest
possible base of support.
The space for an alternative is
certainly there. Consider the rise of
Green Party support across Britain.
It's a good thing. We think they- will
continue to rise for some time.
Unlike their sister parties sitting in
the war cabinets in l-rance and
Germany, Green party- politics in
Britain has a real radical and anti-
militarist minority.
In a way, that reflects the way the
support of the Green party- rests in
the middle class and the declassed
layers t)f society. However, separated Jiving space for campaigns that are
from the solid social base of the involving thousands of people-
working class, it will be harder for finding a way- to fight capitalism.
Greens to gain mass support and l-rom stopping the City to keeping
ensure their leaders move to the left, the allotment, the left has to find a
rather than to the right. But as part of way- to make solidarity- with
a green and red party-. Green party- progressive struggles quite different
activists will be more able to build a from the bread and butter of far left
movement to capitalise on the gains life and - when resources don't allow
of the past, including the successes of active solidarity - not carping the
the movement against GMOs. It errors and experiments of others,
could also draw in people from other Building a new party should not
movements, such as Reclaim the mainly be about electioneering. It
S t r e e t s . n e e d s t o b e a b l e s e r v i n g t h e i n t e r e s t s
/nd what appeal such a party of the people by- building up anti-
could have to Black and Asian capitalist solidarity and helping it to
people! Mow can l.abour expect the find a political voice. It's underway.
Black and /sian community- to vote In Coventry-, Doncaster, South Cast
for it, even as I .abour's .svlum laws Ixindon and elsewhere, we socialists
legitimise the far right. In the are winning votes and council seats.
Curopean elections, the BNP wrin Don't get us wrong. It's not a
over 100,000 votes, partly thanks to quick or c-asy- thing to go. It's a slow
the way- that l.abour puts forward and uneven process but one where
asylum seekers as a threat to be sudden changes have to be
f o u g h t . r e s p o n d e d t o p r o m p t l y - a n d w e
It's time for change. It's also a need your help to get it right,
time for action - and a bit of risk In London, a united left and
taking. (Mmnides around the /WVl., green challenge against Iâbour's
Sodafist Outlook and Labour Left mayoral candidate would be fantastic.
Briefing still hae their l-abtjur Party- The key campaigning issues are an
cards and we are sure they- do some excellent way for the left to leam
gcKxI work in the Dibour party-. from, and win some trust from.
However people needs to lend their Black and community organisations,
weight to help start the break with 'ITie relaunch of the network of
l.abour. Cven a long journey- has to Socialist Allbnces in I.ondon, on
start with modest steps, like the August 1 1999, may be pivotal in
electoral campaigns of Ian Page and I^mdon. Tlie three-seasons dash
jill Mountford against l.abour in from now to the May 2000 mayoral
IxAvisham. I lowever, it's not enough elections will be more effective if the
for the Trotskyists and entrists to conference helps build up an
leap out. By themselves, the intervention with crc-dible candidates
Trotskvist mo ement could produce and a real base in the places where
a fuck-up every bit as bad as the SI .P. we campaign.
S e r i o u s t r a d e u n i o n a n d L a b o u r
activists won't junk their party- cards
just to hit their heads up against sect
politics. So a movement for a new
partv needs some reasonable women
and men - you know what we mean
- to avoid false starts. GckkI people-
on the I.abour left need to stop
weight and starts lending their weight
to making sure the movement for a
new part' docs not go down dead
emls. MPs, Tribune editors. Briefing
sellers, and Green party- people: bring
vour address books with you.
We need a re-al left that is based
on action and which builds up a
stronger active solidarity- — not just in
the campaigns that the far left
initiates and animates, but also in
socialist democracy • august/september1999» 7

The new rules for revolutionaries
Part 1: The mistakes that lead
Chris Brooks ^
T h e " D o n ' t s "
Don't use people, or
use them up
D o n ' t u s e ^ t h e
apparatus' as the
key index of success
Don't think you
already know what
you need to know
D o n ' t t h i n k a b o u t
o f f - t h e - s h e l f
s o l u t i o n s
D o n ' t f e a r r i s k s
1] Part two of this discussion article
will appear in the October-
November Sodaiist Democracy.
Socialist Democracy hears them
whereever we go. You may not
know it, but even stick-in-the-
mud Trotskyists are starting to
spell out new rules that the left
has to follow if it's serious about
getting a anti-capitalist party on
the road.
Don't use people,
or use them up
lx)ts of socialist organisations
put their emphasis on getting people
to build that organisation, so much
so they sometimes forget that
people have to balance their
organisation's politics with the rest
of their lives. " The more you do"
these comrades say, "the more you
can do."
Organisations should not force
people to choose between
supporting their organisation,
building their own political and
personal life and sustaining
themselves as activists for the long
r u n .
Too many people have come
with enthusiasm into organisations
only to find that they are
encouraged, or manipulated, into
sacrifices that are unsustainable in
the medium term. ITie set-up of
many organisations encourages
members set themselves the goals of
the working class as a whole. Often,
organisations take on too much
work or address themselves to tasks
that are not just ambitious - the' are
impossible for that group to
accomplish. When comrades later
run short on time, money, cnerg)' or
life choices, such comrades often
feel they have to step back out of
activit)' - and often out of the left.
T h e a l t e r n a t i v e ? / i m f o r t i i e
best result we can get with the
resources we actually ha'e.
Organisations have to start live
within their means, in the short-term
at least. We have to stop imagining
that the tasks a group takes on have-
nothing to do with its size, resources
and social weight. Instead we need
to spell out what we can do, and
what we must learn, so that we can
re-ally make the contributions that
we can realistically do well - perhaps
even identifying the particular
contributions that only we are well
placed to do.
Don't use The
apparatus' as the
key index of
s u c c e s s
Membership, office space and
print-runs are a prctt' misleading
guide to an organisation's health -
and to its strategic chances. To take
few of the many examples on the
British far left. Workers'Liberty
be - only just - bigger than Socialist
Outlook or Worhers' Tower. However
its apparatus is more substantial than
that of the other two organisations
put together: more professional
organisers, bigger printing press and
print runs, a monthly magazine, a
ostensibly non-part' newspaper, a
youth paper and a whelp of
polemical pamphlets. Rather like the
SWP, when it bought its first big
printing press for its old Cotton
Gardens office, the number of
projects seems limited only by the
capacit)' of the press.
In fact, small organisations are
deformed when they build an over-
large apparatus. Members have to
super-exploit their own resources to
support the apparatus and their
publications, l-undamental political
revisions are developed within the
apparatus and published - as fait
accompli - for the members to
contest through stiucmres that
apparatchniks themselves never had
to win. In effect, a member has no
control over a big apparatus unless
they join it. Sadly, this deformation
is not even the main danger of a
over-large apparatus.
This approach to building an
organisation encourages them to
mc-asure their progress numericallv.
That's the big danger. It's much
more important - and more
challenging - to gauge how well you
arc looked upon by the people who
work with in the movement, how
c o m m i t t e d a n d r e a l i s t i c m e m b e r s
are, and how far they are making a
r e a l c o n t r i b u t i o n t o t h e w i d e r
movement. These questions are
most vital warning signs for socialist
organisations, which, by their nature,
are currently minority' organisations
prone to semi-sectarian and factional
decline even if their apparatus
expands.
Don't think you
already know
what you need to
k n o w
Tliis is the big point of
difference between Socialist De/mcraiy
and much of Trotskyism in the
Anglo-Saxon world - if not
Trotskj'ism elsewhere. The global
political situation and forms of
production seem to be going
through a period of substantial
discontinuous change. It's not just
that the post-Cold War world has
been different. We are in a post-
post-Cold War with a international
capitalist structure that has
s i g n i fi c a n t l y e v o l v e d a n d
strengthened its productive
processes.
I n t o d a y ' s g l o b a l i s e d
manufacturing organisation, dozens
of companies form supply chains.
Capitalists plan that ever)- stage in
the process may be conducted bv
more than one company. This
m e a n s t h a t t r a d e s u n i o n i s t s a r e
starting to face chaotic and lean
mechanisms of exploitation that are
t]ualitatively harder to break.
W i t h o u t i n t e r n a t i o n a l a n d c r o s s -
sectk)nal solidarin.' — of the t}pe the
labour movement still has, largely, to
build — it is ati immense struggle.
8 0 socialist democracy • august/September 1999

building New Left organisations
t o s a d c a r i c a t u r e s o f L e n i n i s m
It also means that capitalism
increasingly finding other ways to
increase profits and weaken
opposition. More and more it is not
trades unionists in the imperialist
centres whom pay the price for
capitalism. It is the oppressed and
the poor. It is the environment. It is
the social and democratic rights that
have been won through mass
stru^le.
T h a t e m e r g i n g c h a o t i c
productive process has significant
political and ideological changes.
The global rule of business law
becomes more necessaiy — and the
US aims for Nato to be the way to
do it Anti-capitalist arguments and
m o v e m e n t s h a v e b e c o m e m o r e
fragmented and less convincing to
many. Capitalist ideology is getting
poorer there Ls a real obscurantist,
a n t i - e n l i g h t e n m e n t a n d
introspective-linguistic decay in
political and critical theory.
T h e t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i a l i s t
response is to encourage struggle,
build solidarit)' when it occurs and
win people to socialism in the heat
of the movement. The Anglo-Sa.on
left largely concentrates on the
ideological, political and economic
implications of the union struggle.
Yet today's anti-capitalist struggle
increasingly fights for social
inclusion - against oppression,
environmental destruction, povert)',
a n t i - w e l f a r e a n d a n t i - d e m o c r a t i c
attacks. The far left faces a gap of
skills, competencies and experiences:
> u i c o n t r i b u t i o n i s l e s s v a l u a b l e
lei than it is in the trade union
id tudent unions. It's a huge
cc ility gap.
. he solution: spot what we
do- t know and, with modest)', sec
if we can pick it up. It's not just that
the left has to a lot to leam from
R e c l a i m t h e S t r e e t s o r t h e a n t i -
deportation campaigns. Mere's a
more marginal example: Sodaiist
Democrag is, b' part of the British
left, called "Parksist, not Marxist".
That's because we've shown a bit of
interest in the campaigns against
building on public land, like school
playing fields, allotment gardens and
parks. For the record, the "Land
Question" is not the top issue today.
H o w e v e r w e k n o w t h e s e
movements are often significant
working class mobilisations.
We t h i n k t l i e r e a r c s k i l l s a n d
movements that the left will need to
work with in the future. Right now,
the left docs not have the skills,
knowledge and trust to do so. So we
think the left needs to identify and
develop short, medium and long-
term strategies for learning the skills
and making tlie alliances we will
need.
Don't think about
off-the-shelf
solutions
There is a big temptation to
copy that has been tried elsewhere:
in other times, other countries or
(usually) both. Often, in fact, they
did not work well where they were
first tried. However, capitalism has
rather different national forms, and
is currently in a period of rapid
change. Taking solutions from the
historic cookbook - a bit of 1950s
S L L h e r e , s o m e 1 9 7 0 s L u t t e
Guvricre there and a splash of 1980s
IMG on the top - is often as
effective as using old medicine to
cure a new ailment.
Of course, we are more than
happy to steal a good idea when we
hear it: there's no part)' pride in this
magazine! However we think
distinctly local solutions and novel
tactics are usually the best. Instead,
much of the left appeals to past
tactics, as if these were principled
orth(xlox)' or sure-fire solutions.
S u c h a n a t t i t u d e h a s l e d t o t h e
'cloning' of organisations - look at
the embarrassing mini-SW and
vnimrMiiitant organisations around
the globe. It means that the
w e a k n e s s e s o f t h e o f f t h e s h e l f
solution are copied. Often many of
the strengths of the earlier example
a r e w e a k e n e d o r l o s t i n a n e w
setting.
It also has a political wcakne.ss.
Between us, the tmth about the
m a r x i s t m o v e m e n t i s t h i s : t a c t i c s
were never our strongest point. At
its best, the marxist movement
I c a m t t a c t i c s f r o m t h e m a s s
m o v e m e n t , i l i e m a s s m o v e m e i j t
was often, at key moments, ahead of
t h e m a r x i s t m o v e m e n t . M a r x i s m ' s
key strength is that it is a framework
for the analysis of dynamic relations
from an anti-capitalism and
revolutionaiy viewpoint. It help
identify' the broad trends in the
development of capitalism and
human life, and the key fronts on
which the capitalist class will take
the offensive next.
Much of tile left, however,
defines itself by tactics. Iz:ft groups
a t t a c k e a c h o t h e r o v e r t a c t i c a l
choices yet hardly ever raise the key
ideological and global viewpoints
that working people and their allies
need to see the wai' the world is
moving. 'Hiat means that the far left
h a d - w i t h s o m e h o n o u r a b l e
exceptions — nothing to say about
the 'New i'imes' debate apart from
carping over what Gramsci really
wrote. The left had little to day
about what the US attack on Iraq
and Serbia had to do with a strateg)'
to force Russia, China, Ukraine and
the countries of the Arab Fast out
of the 'global community' and into a
new cold war alliance.
We want to encourage the other
view. Socialists should be veiy open
about the tactics followed by their
comrades - sometimes even neutral.
On the principle political questions,
however, we need more effort.
Don't fear risks
The simplest point to make.
S o c i a l i s t s h a v e l e a r n t c a u t i o n
through defeats. 'Ibat's wise. But
too many organisations have no
prejudice in favour of innovation.
They build up a culture in which
invention and experimentation is
discouraged. Instead, one must wait
for a sign from on Iiigh. Risks must
be taken, l-'or most of the left, the
worst tiling that can happen is that
we stay as small as we arc through
conser'atism.
I n o u r n e x t i s s u e :
T h e " D o ' s "
Do set ambitious
goals
D o l o o k a b r o a d
Do get people from
d i f f e r e n t l e f t
t r a d i t i o n s t o
galvanise
themselves together
Do find ways to
compromise and
b a l a n c e d i l e m m a s
Do become a moving
target
9 • socialist democracy • august/september 1999

Building a new party of the left
Socialist Green Party needed
Nick Long, active in the
L o n d o n S o c i a l i s t A l l i a n c e
a n d G r e e n S o c i a l i s t
Network, writes this
suggestion to the Way
Ahead group
I t w o u l d b e a
m i s t a k e t o b e l i e v e
that the Green Party
is the political
expression of all
t h o s e c o n c e r n e d
w i t h t h e
e n v i r o n m e n t . T h o s e
organised around
Labour's SERA, the
G r e e n S o c i a l i s t
N e t w o r k a n d t h e
G r e e n L e f t c o u n t f o r
f a r m o r e
'llic Way Ahead, tlie left-wing
current in the Cireen part)', should
orient towards the formation of a
Socialist Cireen Part)'
'ITie outcome of the elections to
the liuropean, Welsh and Scottish
parliaments, along with local
elections next year could well
d e t e r m i n e t h e f u t u r e c h a r a c t e r o f
British politics.
For the first time ever in British
politics the dominant social
democratic part)', the labour Part)',
will face a national challenge from
socialists and greens. In the last
general election less than a quarter
of the electorate had an opportunit)'
to vote red or green.
Next year the vast majorit)' of
voters will be able not only to vote
red or green, but also have some
hope that their votes will translate
into seats and have representatives
e l e c t e d , ' l l i e c h a r a c t e r o f B r i t i s h
politics next year will change
fundamentally and there is no going
back.
ilie question is who will emerge
with a hand full of representatives,
the forces of the socialist left or the
Greens? What impact will this have
on the Labour Part)' and can a
Scxrialist Green Part)' emerge ? I
would argue that the 'lAVA should
throw its full weight into the
Network of Socialist Alliances and
stop tailing the Greens.
In Europe 'er)' few social
democratic parties gain more than
40 per cent of the vote when
exposed to a red and green
challenge. Only tiiose with mass
memberships and policies supported
by their core supporters are able to
have any prospect of ruling alone.
Only the absence of PR has
kept Labour's 'ote artificially high
and kept socialists antl greens inside
the l.abour Part)'. All this could
change tiext year, i'he limited
proportional voting next year is
likely to fracture loibour's vote and
open up the cracks emerging.
Alread)' the writing is on the
wall for Labour. Its performance in
the I'iuropean elections and local
elections shows that New l.abour's
active support is ver' weak. Its
membership is plummeting and it is
f a i l i n g t o m o t i v a t e i t s c o r e
supporters. The cjuestion of entr)'
into EMU and the debate regarding
electoral reform is likely to divide
and demoralise its supporters.
'ITie baring of socialist
candidates, including Ken
Livingstone for Mayor of Ix)ndon
c o u l d w e l l b e t h e fi n a l s t r a w t h a t
splinters the labour left from their
part)'.
In Scotland the SNP is neck and
neck with labour. It could be that
the newly formed Scottish Socialist
Part)' gains a trx; hold and in a hung
Scottish parliament could play a
pivotal role in extracting concessions
to defend the environment and the
working class.
'ITie emerging Socialist Alliance
in Wales is also likely to have an
impact, but it is unlikely that the
Greens in either Scotland or Wales
will gain more than a handful of
v o t e s .
It is now clear that despite
offers of joint slates from the
Independent labour Network and
Ifxral sfxrialist alllinces, both locally
and nationally the Green Part)' has
adopted a sectarian approach to
elections.
In local elections in Ix-wisham
in May the Socialist Allunce agreed
not to stand in a ward where the
local Green Part)' had concentrated
i t s w o r k , b u t t h i s w a s n o t
reciprocated in a ward where
supporters of the Socialist Alliance
had a real prospect of winning. 'ITie
intervention by the Greens probably
prevented a socialist councillor from
re-gaining the seat.
The cooling of relations
b e t w e e n t h e N e t w o r k a n d t h e
(ireen Part)' was clear when not a
single leader of the Cireen Part)'
elected to turn up at the national
Network Conference in Rugby,
despite the Network shifting its
c o n f e r e n c e t o a c c o m m o d a t e t h e
Cireens' conference.
The Green Part)' predicted a
repeat of their 15 percent 1989
Europe vote and they are hoped to
gain up to eight seats. As a result of
their sectarianism I believe they were
lucky to g-ain two!
The Green Party is a poor
relation of its European sister parties
and it has little in common with the
militant campaigning politics of the
Cierman Green part)' which after 20
years of environmental activism
gained over seven per cent in the
recent elcxtion. Most Greens in this
countr)' are markedly more right
wing.
It should however be remembered
that it was the parties of the socialist
left, barely a couple of )'ears old that
held five deposits in the 1997
election in Scotland, E.ngland and
Wales. The Greens failed to save a
single one, even where they had
built up a level of local campaigning
and managed to have councillors
elected.
It would be a mistake to believe
that the Green Part)' is the political
expression of all those concerned
w i t h t h e e n v i r o n m e n t . ' I T i o s e
organised around I.abour's SERA,
the Green StKUtlist Network and the
Green Ixft count for far more. Two
of these groups are turning towards
the Network of Socialist Alliances.
Something new is happening in
British left politics. TTic sectarianism
that has long bedevilled the left is
beginning to thaw under the heat of
P R . " I T i e N e t w o r k o f S o c b l i s t
.Alliances is bringing together the
disparate left.
'ITie 'lW/ can be part of this
thawing process helping to develop
its green cutting edge or it can
continue to ally with a part)' that has
demonstrated all the worse aspects
of left parties.
L i k e t h e m o r l o a t h e t h e m
political parties are essential in giving
expression to the beliefs hopes and
ideals of socltl forces in societ)'. 'Ilie
moves to the right by labour Part)
is freeing up a space on the left, lets
fill it with a Scxrialist Green Part'.

Indo-Pakistan conflict in Kashmir
Kargil: The politics of war
TheKargildevelopmenthaveexposed much of the official
s a f f r o n [ H i n d u
fundamentalist] propaganda
concerning Kashmir and Indo-
P a k i s t a n r e l a t i o n s a s a v e r i t a b l e
bundle of lies.
'I'he ruling part''s claim of the
grand success of Prime Minister
'ajpayee's bus dipl{)mac' [opening a
direct bus route to Pakistan] and the
I-ahore Declaration [a vague
promise to control the arms race]
sounds a mischievous mocker)'.
What was paraded as the
X'ajpayee government's great
acliievcment is now turning out to
be a big diplomatic fiasco...
For the 'âjpayee government,
Operation fijay [the Indian militar)'
response] is first of all a political
move. 'I'he aim is to whip up war
hysteria and sweep away all pressing
issues before the people under the
carpet of jingoism. In the name of
tackling a war-like situation, the
saffron establishment is seeking
political sanction for its own fascist
agenda. Politicisation of the armed
forces has reached threatening
proportions. Army bosses arc not
only daily briefmg the media, they
arc also reported to be attending
meetings of the ruling BJP part)'.
Most political contenders of
BJP are also contributing to the
intensification of war-hysteria by
tr)'ing to beat the government in the
field of jingoism. There is a clamour
for banning the Pakistan T'^ in
India and even an embargo on the
beaming of world cup cricket
m a t c h e s s o t h a t t h e n a t i o n ' s
a t t e n t i o n i s n o t d i v e r t e d f r o m
Kargil!
'Fhe Left must hold high the
banner of peace and appeal to
democratic forces in both India and
Pakistan to prevail over their
respective governments and prevent
t h e o u t b r e a k o f a f o u r t h I n d o -
Pakistan war. Heightened tension
and continuing air strikes may also
create a Yugoslavia-t)'pe situation in
India leading to more direct
imperialist intervention in the
region. /Ml genuine patriots must
therefore fight for a return to
peaceful bilateral diplomac)' between
I n d i a a n d P a k i s t a n t o s t o p
infiltration in Kargil and work out a
phased negotiated settlement of the
Kashmir question.
Duncan Chappie adds:
Bill(ilintonmetwithPakistaniPrime Minister Nawaz Sharif
early in July to discuss the
Kashmir conflict.
The meeting concluded with
Sharif calling for the withdrawal of
Muslim fundamentalist guerrillas
from positions in the Indian
controlled section of the disputed
Kashmir region. ShariPs agreement
appeared to be just the capitulation
he came to Washington in hopes of
avoiding.
However, examining the issues
i n P a k i s t a n a s w e l l a s e v e n t s i n
Afghanistan suggests that there may
be more to the deal than -appears on
the surface.
Sharif approved the dispatch of
Pakistani backed guerrillas to the
I n d i a n s i d e o f K a s h m i r ' s l a n e o f
Control, in part, as a means of
winning domestic support from
Pakistan's militar)' and Muslim
fundamentalists and, in part, in
hopes of pushing the international
communit)' to intervene in the
dispute. Wliile the infiltrators scored
some initial successes, the Indian
militar)' has been making slow but
steady progress in driving out the
guerrillas.
Meanwhile, the international
communit)', worried about a
possible escalation of the conflict
between these two newest nuclear
powers, almost universally blamed
P a k i s t a n f o r t h e i n c u r s i o n a n d
refused to become involved in the
dispute. ShariPs options are to
e s c a l a t e t h e c o n fl i c t - f u r t h e r
worsening Pakistan's international
isolation and risking a much more
substantial loss, or withdrawing the
forces — risking a domestic outer)'
and possibly his career.
Neither option is attractive, and
having been soundly rebuffed when
he went to Beijing for support,
S h a r i f t u r n e d t o t h e U S i n a l a s t
ditch effort to salvage some
semblance of victor)- from his losing
venmre. Yet he came away from the
US talks with apparently ver)- little.
He has to withdraw the forces from
K a s h m i r. W l i a t c o u l d S h a r i f h a ' e
sought in reuirn: only US support in
internationalising the diplomatic
dispute cn-er Kashmir.
He wants internationally mediated
negotiations between India and
Pakistan on Kashmir. Phis he can
declare domesticalh' as a victor)-,
arguing that the incursion and his
diplomatic initiative put Kashmir on
the international agenda.
That is fine for Sharif, but
besides the temporar)- decrease in
tensions in South /sia, what does
the US get in return? After all, it is
f a r f r o m c l e a r t h a t e i t h e r s i d e
planned or plans to escalate the
conflict to full scale war, or that a
full scale war would degenerate into
a nuclear exchange.
Washington has a major interest
in the region, in regards to which
Pakistan might be able to offer
a s s i s t a n c e . T h e U S w a n t s S a u d i
terrorist Osama bin Laden's head on
a platter - or at vet)- least on his
shoulders in a US prison.
Bin L,aden is reportedly in
/fghanistan, under the protection
and care of the Taleban militia.
/ V s S h a r i f h e a d e d b a c k t o
Pakistan, prepared to call for the
w i t h d r a w a l o f i n fi l t r a t o r s f r o m
Indian-controlled Kashmir, the U.S.
announced on July 6'"' that it was
placing new sanctions on the
T a l e b a n . T h e s a n c t i o n s a r e
meaningless if the Pakistanis do not
abide by them - and that may just
be the point. Sharif may have agreed
to pressure the Taleban on the bin
l^den issue in return for the US
pressuring both India and the UN
on Kashmir.
Wdtether the U.S. sweetened the
deal with the possibilit)- of
recognising the Taleban is unclear,
though it has been suggested as a
possibilit)' in the past. US companies
are eager to run a pipeline from
Central .sia through western
.Afghanistan, and with competition
for (ientral Asia heating up be^veen
the US, Russia, and Iran, this option
may be worth rec(jgnising the
Taleban.
Editorial from Liberation,
publication of the
Communist Party of India
(Marxist-Leninist)
The Indian military
response is first of
aii a poiiticai move.
The aim is to whip
up war hysteria and
sweep away aii
pressing issues
before the people
under the carpet of
jingoism. In the
name of tackling a
war-like situation,
the establishment is
seeking poiiticai
s a n c t i o n f o r i t s o w n
fascist agenda
11 # socialist democracy • august/September 1999

Merseyside Socialists viewpoint on
How the Socialist Party sees a
Merseyside Socialists -
former Socialist Party
members on Merseyside.
The position of the
Socialist Party
E x e c u t i v e
C o m m i t t e e i n
O c t o b e r 1 9 9 7 w a s
t h a t t h e U S A w o u l d
r a i s e i n t e r e s t r a t e s
a n d c a u s e a w o r l d
crash, furthermore
the stock exchange
w a s a b o u t t o c r a s h -
1929 style.
This is an edited extract from a
much longer document available
u n e d i t e d o n t h e S o c i a l i s t
Demoaacy web site.
Footnotes have been removed from
this printed extract and some minor
changes have been made to allow
readers to follow the article more
easily.
In October 1997. Merseyside
comrades (.|uestioned, at the
Socialist Party's National
(Committee. the leadership's
outlook on the world economy.
Was the world economy on
the brink of a slump, and was it
not possible for the US cycle of
growth to last for 10 years? This
was dismissed out of hand. .t the
time of writing (.lmost two years
later, there is still no immediate
sign of recession in the US
economy), there are of course
portents of a potential slowdown
(which could be partially cut
across by interest rate cuts).
'i'he position of the Socialist
Party Executive Uommittce in
O c t o b e r 1 9 9 7 w a s t h a t t h e U S A
w o u l d r a i s e i n t e r e s t r a t e s a n d
cause a world crash, furthermore
the stock exchange was about to
crash - 1929 style. True, there
h a v e b e e n a n u m b e r o f s e v e r e
adjustments and it would be
foolish, given the volatility of
capital, to completely rule out a
crash, but the predictions have-
n o t b e e n b o r n e o u t . I t w a s a l s o
raised by Merseyside about the
p o s s i b i l i t y o f p o l i t i c a l
interventions, of the institutions
of capital being mobilised to
underwrite countries in crisis.
Again this was ruled out,
supposedly because the leading
powers did not have the resources
of 1987. Ciermany and Japan were
in no position to underwrite the
world economy. Reality is
s o m e w h a t d i ff e r e n t . O v e r t h e l a s t
year we have seen the crisis
expand outwards from Thailand,
dragging down 40 per cent of the
world economy into recession.
Yet in the sphere of the
political economy, the capitalist
class has mobilised the political,
s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c r e s o u r c e s t o
n a t i o n a l i s e d e b t . t o a l l o w
r e c e s s i o n t o d o t h e w o r k o f
liberalisation, deregulation and
imperialist penetration.
I n t e r e s t r a t e s h a v e r i s e n o r
f a l l e n d e p e n d i n g o n t h e
circumstances, deals have been
d o n e t o r e s t r u c t u r e d e b t a n d
o t h e r fi n a n c i a l i n s t r u m e n t s u s e d
to try and provide a way out.
Additionally, the International
Monetary Pund (IMP) and
World Bank have provided the
n e c e s s a r y r e s o u r c e s ,
accompanied of course by savage
austerity measures. Now the talk
is of a new Brctton Woods and a
restructuring of the financial
institutions, even some form of
c a p i t a l c o n t r o l s m a y b e
implemented, particularly in the
developing world, if the crisis
threatens to engulf the whole
system.
However, in all of this the
key issues are class struggle - the
effects of the austerity measures
and the response of the workers
and peasant - because, at present
the crisis is being placed on their
s h o u l d e r s .
. n a s s e s s m e n t o f t h e
political economy of the ruling
class should be a key component
of any analysis. The power
interests of the two key blocs,
America and Phirope, and now to
a lesser extent, Japan and South
I v a s t A s i a f o r c e t h e m i n t h e
direction of taking decisions
which arc in their longer term
interests.
China may, at some stage,
devalue because of turmoil in the
world economy, but the longer-
term interest of participating in
the world capitalist market and
being admitted to the World
Trade Organisation (XH'0 -
formerly the GATl"), currently
postpones this.
P r o t e c t i o n i s m o n a w o r l d
scale leading to a repeat of
1930's slump is theoretically
possible but for now is unlikely,
b e c a u s e i t w o u l d m e a n a n
absolute disaster for the leading
capitalist powers and particularly
f o r t h e d o m i n a n t m u l t i n a t i o n a l s .
In any case a form of
concealed protectionism already
exists, the developed countries
force it upon the rest of the
world. America in particular
plays the leading role.
i ' h e N o r t h . m e r i c a n P r e e
Trade .Agreement (N.Yl'l-A),
W i ' O a n d t h e M u l t i l a t e r a l
Agreement on Investment (MAI)
are all about protecting the
i n t e r e s t s o f t h e m u l t i n a t i o n a l s
and transnationals.
T h e t r a d e b l o c s o f N A F T A
and the ITiropean Union are
about protecting the interests ol
t h e m u l t i n a t i o n a l s i n t h e s e a r e a s
of the world, i he World Bank,
I M F, B a n k o f I n t e r n a t i o n a l
S e t t l e m e n t s a l l a c t o n b e h a l f o f
these organisations. The reality is
t h a t m u l t i n a t i o n a l s a n d
t r a n s n a t i o n a l s d o m i n a t e w o r l d
trade, their inter-firm trade is
greater than the whole of world
trade. Why then would they want
to turn to protectionism?
iMoreover, the power of
these organisations is driving
g l o b a l i s a t i o n , F. u r o p e a n
M o n e t a r y U n i o n ( E M U ) ,
N A F T A a n d t h e M A I .
Inthe1980swepredictedthee f f e c t s o f m o n e t a r i s m a n d
recession would sweep
Thatcher away. But the
political issue of the Falklands
war cut across this process.
Following this there was a period
o f h e i g h t e n e d c l a s s w a r.
Important, as these events were,
the underlving issues were much
more important.
T h e s e c a n b e b r i e fl y
characterised as the restructuring
of the economy, developing
globalisation and the imposition
of neo-liberal policies. If there
had existed a revolutionary
leadership, capable of winning
the support of the leading layers
of the working class, then, the
possibility of socialist change
could have been posed, but this
was not the case.
I n s t e a d t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f
t h e o l d t r a d i t i o n a l i n d u s t r i e s
paved the way for service
i n d u s t r i e s a n d i n f o r m a t i o n
technology, which, together with
t h e s e t b a c k s a n d d e f e a t s o f t h e
period, especially the miners'
strike, fundamentally affected
the consciousness of the working
class.
The labour leadership during
the 1980s played a disgraceful
and baleful role but the key
f a c t o r s w e r e - d e -
industrialisation. unemployment,
changing work patterns and
industries -all combining and
interacting, with the class
defeats, acting to drive working
class consciousness backwards,
particularly amongst the most
advanced lavers.

the world economy and Europe
non-existent global recession
The ],abour Party Icadcrsliip
was only able to get away witli
their shift to tiie right because of
t h i s . T h e d e b i l i t a t i o n o f t h e r a n k
and file movements also arose due
t o t h e s e c o n d i t i o n s . T h e 1 9 8 0 s
threw up class battles but any
renewed economic crisis in Hritain
starts from a totally different
vista. There have been 15 to 20
years of neo-liberal policies world
w i d e . G l o b a l i s a t i o n a n d t h e
Information Society is radically
changing economic and class
relationships.
So the questions which
should be asked are: if there is a
recession how long will it last, will
capitalism be able to find a way
o u t , w h a t e c o n o m i c c o u n t e r
measures will be employed, and
critically how will the working
class respond? Central to this last
point should also be the question:
will a recession or slump stun, or
activate a response from,
workers? Over the past decade,
m o v e m e n t s h a v e b e e n o f a
defensive, often local nature.
Why? Because of the impact of
nco-libcral policies, globalisation,
defeats and lowering of class-
consciousness.
Globalisation was denied as a
concept by the Socialist Party
leadership, except in regard to
fi n a n c i a l t r a n s a c t i o n s . T h e A s i a n
Tigers were regarded initially as
not important to the world
economy and not important in the
globalisation process. Now the
opposite is stated. This region
a c c o u n t s f o r o n e t h i r d o f w o r l d
trade, and from this statistic the
S o c i a l i s t P a r t y d r a w t h e
c o n c l u s i o n t h a t t h e r e w i l l b e a
world-wide crisis. Moreover, we
a r e t o l d t h a t t h e r e i s n o w
globalisation of finance and trade.
N o t o n l y t h i s b u t i t i s
a c k n o w l e d g e d t h a t n e w
technology and the changing
nature of the advanced economies
has played a role in "facilitating"
globalisation.
G l o b a l i s a t i o n c a n b e
summarised as: privatisation, de
regulation, liberalisation, the
a t t a c k s o n m i d d l e c l a s s a n d
working class living standards, the
exploding movements of capital,
which together have created the
conditions for the present crisis.
.dditionally the nature of the
I n f o r m a t i o n s o c i e t y h a s
dramatically changed the systems
o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s a n d fi n a n c i a l
t r a n s a c t i o n s a n d i s t h e r e f o r e
another key factor. Socialist Party
predictions of a global slump,
something which has never
happened before, are currently
way off the mark. Recession and
slump encompasses 40 per cent of
the world economy, but markets
in Europe and the USA arc still
growing, albeit at a reduced rate.
I t w o u l d b e f o o l i s h , b e c a u s e
capitalism is unplanned and
inherently is a system of crisis, to
rule out completely the possibilit-
o f a w o r l d " c r a s h " o r e v e n a
"slump". But the key question
would be of the impact this will
h a v e o n c o n s c i o u s n e s s a n d
working class struggle. For the
moment we have no reliable way
of estimating this, it only amounts
to either lucky guesswork or idle
speculation.
However globalisation is
interpreted, it is a historical reality
to be confronted. There may be a
return to a form of "Keynesism"
in Russia; elements of the planned
economy may be reintroduced.
Malaysia and other developing
countries may temporarily return
to some form of capital controls,
b u t i n t h e m a i n u n l e s s t h e
working class mounts a challenge
to capitalism in some of the key
countries then neo-liberal policies
and globalisation will continue. In
a recession/crisis capital will
m o v e t o e x t e n d t h e n e w
technologies, attack welfare state
provision, use the pension funds
of workers, privatise and lower
l a b o u r c o s t s i n o r d e r t o b o o s t
profits.
Post Second World War, the
existence of workers' states (albeit
deformed), the strength of the
working class - the expectations
and crucially the experiences of
w o r k e r s a n d t h e t r a d i t i o n s o f
mass and revolutionary struggle -
provided the consciousness to
underpin an alternative rank and
fi l e t r a d i t i o n s a n d m o v e m e n t s . I n
turn this motivated the leading
layers of the class, and formed the
backdrop to a whole historical
period. This workers power posed
a central threat to the ruling class
i n t h e 1 9 6 0 s a n d 1 9 7 0 s .
G o m b i n e d w i t h t i i e w o m e n ' s ,
b l a c k m o v e m e n t s a n d o t h e r
emerging movements this created
a turbulent and radical period,
partly based on tlie factors above.
I n t h e e x - c o l o n i a l w o r l d t h i s w a s
of a revolutionary character.
T h e s e m o v e m e n t s c a m e a b o u t
because it was a time of change.
Câpitalism in the advanced
industrial economies was moving
away from Fordist models of
large-scale production to a service
and information-based economy.
Allied to this the ruling class had
to challenge the power of
organised labour. There was a
crisis of capitalism in the sense-
that in Britain, in particular, the
old imperial traditions could no
longer exist in a rapidly changing
world economy. That is why
Britain, in many respects was
catapulted to the forefront of
class struggle.
I n B r i t a i n , N e w Z e a l a n d ,
America the changing nature of
t h e e c o n o m i c f o u n d a t i o n s
resulted in the 1980s in political
assaults of the capitalist class
t h r o u g h m o n e t a r i s m ,
privatisation, de-regulation and
neo-liberal policies. Significantly
there is a body of evidence
showing that in these countries
the results have been very much
along similar lines. The working
class movement was in many
c a s e s c o n f r o n t e t l w i t h d e c i s i v e
challenges. In Hritain with the
miners. New Zealand, the seamen
and Dockers, America, the air
t r a f fi c c o n t r o l l e r s , a n d n o w i n
.Australia, the Dockers. Failing to
rise to these challenges (except in
the case of .ustralia) the
m o v e m e n t h a s b e e n f o r c e d o n t o
the defensive, and is fragmented.
(Britain trade union membership
is now at 30 per cent, down from
50 per cent.) The result has been a
f a l l i n g a w a y i n c l a s s -
consciousness, in rank and file
and trade union organisation.
I f t h e r e h a d e x i s t e d
a revolutionary
ieadership, capabie
of winning the
support of the
ieading iayers of the
working class, then,
the possibility of
socialist change
c o u l d h a v e b e e n
posed, but this was
n o t t h e c a s e .
I n s t e a d t h e
d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e
o l d t r a d i t i o n a l
industries paved the
way for service
i n d u s t r i e s a n d
i n f o r m a t i o n
technology, which,
together with the
s e t b a c k s a n d
d e f e a t s o f t h e
period, especially
the miners' strike,
fundamentally
a f f e c t e d t h e
c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f t h e
working class.
13 • sodaiist democracy • august/september 1999

While the Socialist Party forecasts
Working-class defeats allow a
Merseyside Socialists -
former Socialist Party
members on Merseyside.
Peter Taaffe at the
March 1998 National
C o m m i t t e e d e c l a r e d
it uniikeiy that
monetary union
w o u i d b e i a u n c h e d .
I n f a c t h e w a s
categorical "EMU
will blow - take it
down, write it
d o w n . "
Merseyside Socialists is interested in
hearing readers' views, comments
and criticisms. To get in contact
p l e a s e e m a i l o n
liv sodalists@hotmail.com or write
to 2, Lower Breck Rd, Liverpool L6
4 B Y .
In the 1990s the Socialist Party
leadership followed on with the
l i n e o f l e d C I r a n t , w h o
frequently predicted the collapse
o f t h e C o m m o n M a r k e t a n d
I'luropcan project. In the early
1990s the national leadership
were initially repeating this line,
with a slight modification, "a
shattering of the CC' is only
likely in the event of a deep
slump". In 1993 in an article for
M i l i t a n t I n t e r n a t i o n a l R e r i e w,
written by a comrade from
Liverpool, it was argued:
"Deflationary policies will
l e a d t o c l a s s
conflicts... nevertheless, it is
likely, though not certain, that
fi v e o r s i . x c o u n t r i e s c o u l d
implement a single liuropean
currency...Can political union be
achieved? That is unlikely due to
the separate interests of each
capitalist class... International
solidarity has been undermined
through the role of the Stalinist
parties and social democracy in
the last decade. The seeming
triumph of the market and the
collap.se of the Stalinist states
have reinforced this. European
monetary union will bring back
onto the agenda the pressing
need for international solidarity"
Instead of taking such points
into account the analysis centred
on European Monetary Union
a n d i t s i n e v i t a b l e n o n -
completion. . few quotations
w i l l s h o w t h e m a i n t r e n d ,
especially those taken from the
latter part of the 1990s, when it
was increasingly likely that the
project would be completed. In
1994 predictions were being
m a d e t h a t M a a s t r i c h t w a s i n
t a t t e r s a n d w o u l d b e " s h r e d d e d "
by the time of the bluropean
U n i o n s u m m i t i n 1 9 9 6 . T h e n
when that didn't happen the
prediction changed to there was
no possibility of the other eight
E u r o p e a n U n i o n m e m b e r s
meeting the Maastricht criteria.
T h e s t a t e m e n t t o t h e 1 9 9 7
conference said, "One of the by
products of the l-rench events is
the shipwrecking of I'MU. Lor
t h e fi r s t t i m e , t h e r e i s a n
admission trom bciurgeois
spokespersons that, "it (EMU)
I might not happen at all".
14 • socialist democracy • august/september 1999
Despite all the efforts of
Kohl to plough on regardless,
e v e n t h e " c o r e g r o u p o f
c o u n t r i e s a r o u n d G e r m a n
capitalism will not be able to
a d h e r e t o t h e M a a s t r i c h t c r i t e r i a
by 1999. The defeat of Juppe
and his plan, which is what the
I'rench election signified, was a
shattering blow to Maastricht
and IvMU. The softening of the
criteria for I IMU will completely
undermine the idea of a strong
"euro". This in turn could lead
t o c u r r e n c y t u r m o i l a n d
competitive devaluations".
I n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h i s
Merseyside argued, "The election
of Jospin in b'rance has not
fundamentally altered the
p r o s p e c t s f o r E M U . T h e
government is staffed with those
who believe that monetary union
must go ahead and the view of
t h e G o v e r n o r o f t h e B a n k o f
1 " r a n e e i s t h a t t h e r e i s n o
possibility of postponement.
There is great uncertainty
surrounding the project but the
underlying tendencies now point
i n t h e d i r e c t i o n o f i t s e v e n t u a l
c o m p l e t i o n - e v e n i f i t i s
postponed for a period. These
t e n d e n c i e s a r e r o o t e d i n t h e
competition of the major world
economic powers. The blocs that
have emerged in America, Japan
and l",urope push in the direction
o f f r e e t r a d e a r e a s a n d a
common currency is a necessity,
w i t h i n l u i r o p e f o r t h e
m u l t i n a t i o n a l s a n d fi n a n c i a l
institutions. Whilst in Lrance and
Germany there are political
ambitions of creating a united
luirope as a counterweight to
Germany, the most important
underlying issue initially is
economic monetary union. The
prospects of political union are a
far distant prospect and on the
basis of capitalism it is very hard
to see anything like this being
achieved. With monetary union
only one and half vears awav
there is likely to be a core of
countries who will jump onto the
train and the other countries will
not be far away. lA'en if the
convergence criteria was to be
s o f t e n e d t h i s w o u l d n o t
automatically undermine the
moves in this direction, though it
could bring deleterious effects
for luiropean capitalism in
future years. Neither will a
renewed recession, which could
c o i n c i d e w i t h t h e l a u n c h o f t h e
p r o j e c t , i n t h e w o r l d o r
I ' A t r o p e a n e c o n o m i e s
fundamentally undermine the
process".
On this issue the leadership
were hopelessly at sea, so much
so that they could marshal little-
support from the rank and file-
delegates, the majority of
speakers in the debate around
EMU opposed the leadership.
P e t e r T a a f f e a t t h e M a r c h
1 9 9 8 N a t i o n a l C o m m i t t e e
d e c l a r e d i t u n l i k e l y t h a t
monetary union would be
launched (Jan 1999) but if it is it
w i l l n o t g o t h r o u g h t o
completion |in 2002|. In fact he
was categorical "l^MU will blow
- take it down, write it down." In
J u n e 1 9 9 8 a C W I
statement/update on the world
economy was circulated, once
again predicting a 1929 crash.
Significantly nowhere in the
statement is there any mention
of the actual social and political
movements of the working class,
e.xcept that there will be the re-
emerging of an anti-capitalist
m o o d b u t t h e r e w e r e n o
p r e d i c t i o n s a b o u t t h e
impossibility of IvMU in 1999.
" N o w t h e E U c o u n t r i e s h a v e
decided to set up the world's
biggest peg on the basis of
s u p e r fi c i a l e c o n o m i c
convergence. The looming world
recession will put enormous
pressure on that peg....a new
world recession, political and
social unrest in ITirope itself will
t e n d t o b l o w t h e c o n t i n e n t ' s
currency union apart."
The Socialist repeated the
p o s i t i o n , " E M U c o u l d b e
shattered by massive currencv
turmoil even before the fixing of
exchange rates and interest rates
in January 1999. If that does not
happen, then in all probabilitv it
w i l l b r e a k d o w n u n d e r t h e
pressure of economic collapse,
currency turmoil and huge social
rev<jlts before the euro replaces
national currencies in Januarv
2002.".

the death of the single currency
single currency to stabilise
In other words the past
position of l'!MU not being
completed in 1999 has been
conveniently forgotten, and a
new prediction now takes its
place.
T h e a c t u a l f a c t s a r e t h a t I t
countries will take part in the
first stage of monetary union.
G r o w t h , w h i c h w i l l
undoubtedly be affected by the
world crisis, is running at 2.5 per
cent through the RMU area.
Installed into government in
Britain, France, Germany are
formerly social democratic
parties - all committed to EMU.
I n B r i t a i n , t h e f o r e m o s t
proponent of EMU is the Trades
Union Congress (TUG).
G r e a t e r l i b e r a l i s a t i o n ,
mergers, further privatisation,
deregulation and attacks on the
working and middle classes will
accompany the completion of
the first stage of F^MU.
I'he practical effects of the
preparations for the euro have-
already been shown in the
restructuring of Siemens [AG],
w i t h 4 7 , 0 0 0 j o b s b e i n g
d e s t r o y e d , t h e l a r g e s t
restructuring in German history.
But again this is only the
beginning of the process,
The euro will force a two tier
European economy - the same as
w e s e e i n B r i t a i n a n d t h e U S A -
the process of mergers and
acquisitions in Germany is just
part of the catching up process
with the Anglo-Saxon model,
m o r e o f t h i s i s a b o u t t o c o m e
throughout monetary union.
Sitting back and waiting for
the collapse of the euro will do
nothing to assist the struggles of
the working class. Understanding
what the representatives of
capital are planning, and trying
to organise against this can
impact on the euro's future.
The only force likely to stop
the completion of l-'uropean
Monetary Union is the political,
social and economic struggle of
the working class on a ITiropean
wide basis, otherwise the euro
will be the common currency in
2 0 0 2 .
Finance capital is looking to
consolidate its power through
"democratic" means, giving an
illusion of power.
The state is to be maintained
in a new way, by cutting down
on expenditure, "decentralising"
and using new technologies
a v a i l a b l e f o r s u r v e i l l a n c e a n d
state suppression.
R e c e s s i o n , s l u m p o r
"depression" may wreck EMU,
but it is unlikely. There is no
financial transparency for the
capitalists and financiers to
predict what is going to happen,
so a considered judgement is
difficult if not impossible.
U n d e r l y i n g p r o c e s s e s
indicate the greed of finance will
cause a crisis, but that does not
l e a d t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f I C M U
collapsitig. Past examples of
fixed rate currencies and pegs are
n o t r e l e v a n t h e r e . W h a t w e h a v e
is an "architectural" restructuring
of the financial world system,
along the lines of the Bretton
Woods agreement.
This restructuring is part of
and flows from the changes in
the real economy towards
s e r v i c e - b a s e d i n d u s t r i e s , t h e
c h a n g e s i n i n f o r m a t i o n
technology and the political
agenda of the representatives of
capitalism.
Too much has already been
invested in EMU by the banks,
t h e m u l t i n a t i o n a l s a n d n a t i o n a l
governments to go back.
Additionally I'.MU is part of a
political strategy to attack the
living standards, especially the
social wage of the working class
and middle classes.
'i'he only way in which it
could be halted or stopped
w o u l d b e o n t i i e b a s i s o f
r e v o l u t i o n a r y u p h e a v a l s .
R e c e s s i o n , i f i t u n f o l d s , w i l l
d r i v e i n t h e d i r e c t i o n o f e v e n
greater concentrations of
industry and finance, and further
attacks on the working class.
On a world scale F.urope and
t h e U S , w i l l b e c r u c i a l t o
w h e t h e r o r n o t t h e w o r l d
economy falls into recession,
'i'he predictions of the IMF arc-
currently down from 4.5 per cent
to two per cent, and are likely to
fall further. But measures in the
US. and Europe could alter this,
especially if. as is currently
happening, interest rates tall,
t h u s h e l p i n g t o p o s t p o n e
recession. In sucli a situation the
possibilities of F.MU being fully
completed, in 2001. would also
be greatly enhanced.
Monetary union is not an
abstract economic issue, it has
enormous practical consequences
for British and Fluropean
politics.
In November 1998, the press
reported. Ken Jackson, the
leader of the iM'.F'.U electrical
and engineering union urged
Blair to abandon the pledge to
hold a referendum and instead
make joining FIMU an election
issue.
In the days prior to this the
CBI employers' federation and
the Chamber of Commerce both
came out enthusiastically backing
EMU. The TUC leaders almost
to a person enthusiastically
support joining ICMU. I'op
foreign industrialists arc-
warming up the debate by
asserting that jobs may be lost if
Britain does not join.
T h e S o c i a l D e m o c r a t s
throughout Europe are openly
urging Blair to announce a target
date for joining. Mandelson and
Brown are softening up the
ground for Blair, the Chancellor
will spend millions selling the
euro and indirectly this will play
a part in re-electing Labour.
What will be the impact on
the Tories? Such a campaign in
an election will split them down
the middle and could result in
further electoral isolation.
Such issues are not abstruse,
they raise practical consequences
issues.
How will parties respond to
this? What will be the impact on
the political alliances between
L a b o u r a n d t h e L i b e r a l s . - I l o w
will it impact throughout
r-Airope?
Furthermore, what strategy
should workers adopt in relation
to Fluropean wide alliances
(already top trade union leaders
are talking about pay bargaining
on a I'Airopean basis). I low can
working class resistance be
organised on a F'.uropean basisr
To o m u c h h a s
already been
invested in EMU by
the banks, the
m u l t i n a t i o n a l s a n d
n a t i o n a l
governments to go
back. Additionally
EMU is part of a
political strategy to
attack the living
standards, especially
the social wage of
the working class
a n d m i d d l e
classes.Kosova and
t h e L e f t

Nato bombings of Yugoslavia
T h e B r i t i s h f a r l e f t a n d N a t o ' s
P a t r i c k S c o t t
To support any
Imperialist military
campaign however
ostensibly
h u m a n i t a r i a n t h e
objectives can be
likened to selling
o n e ' s s o u l t o t h e
devil. Whatever the
short term gains the
final price to pay is
o n e o f e t e r n a l
s e r v i t u d e a n d
d a m n a t i o n .
Atthemostbasicandelementary level the left or
to be more precise those
s e c t i o n s o f t h e l e f t w h o
have not capitulated to the
pressure of British Imperialism
have mobilised around the single-
demand of opposition to the
Nato bombings.
.ccordingly the Committee
for Beace in the Balkans which is
led by Tony Benn and other left
L a b o u r M P s b e c a m e t h e m a i n
national body campaigning against
the bombings. Rightly or wrongly
the (Committee as a single-issue
campaign has effectively abstained
on a position for or against
K o s o v a r s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n .
l.ike any Imperialist military
campaign the bombings have-
e x p o s e d a n e w l a y e r o f
capitulationists and outright
c a r e e r i s t s i n B r i t a i n a n d
elsewhere. Ken Livingstone in
Britain and the leadership of the
German C>re-en Party are- two clear
examples.
In both cases their rightward
m a r c h t o t h e N a t o t u n e r e fl e c t s
political pressures to remain or
become- well-oiled cogs in the
m a c h i n e r j ' o f b o u r g e o i s
g o v e r n m e n t .
In Germany the Greens are
n o w p a r t o f t h e p o l i t i c a l
mainstream as junior partners in
the- SPD-led government and
clearly wish to remain there. In
Britain many may have been
surprised by I avingstone's
attempt to use the- bombings as a
pretext to attempt to finally climb
a b o a r d t h e N e w I . a b o u r
bandwagon (though whether Blair
w i l l a l l o w h i m o n i s a n o t h e r
matter).
I l o w e v e r e v e n b e f o r e t h e
bombings Livingstone was on
record as de-scribing himself as
being in 90% agreement with
Tony Blair, the- bombings were to
clearly form part of that 90%.
Many of the- arguments used
to justify intervention into the
Balkans have- clearly racist
overtones. Namely that the
various ethnic groups in the
region (like- the- Protestants and
Catholics in the- six counties) have
an irrational hatred of each other
therefore it is the- job of Nato to
impose order.
O n t h e - s a m e b a s i s o n e c o u l d
argue that World Wars I and II
happened because of the irrational
h a t r e d t h a t t h e v a r i o u s n a t i o n a l
groups within I-'urope had for
each other, such an argument is
clearly preposterous.
There is nothing natural or
i n e v i t a b l e a b o u t e t h n i c h a t r e d
either in the- Balkans or anywhere
else. The- experience of class
struggle- in the 20* Ce-ntuiv'
s h o u l d d e m o n s t r a t e t h a t i n
periods of extreme economic and
social crisis where the left cannot
provide a coherent alternative
then the political initiative almost
inevitably falls to the right, and
with the right comes xenophobia
and racism in all its forms.
W l i i l s t n a t i o n a l i s t t e n s i o n s
began to re-emerge significantly
within Yugoslavia in the 1980s of
w h i c h t h e a b o l i t i o n o f K o s o v a r
autonomy by Serbia was a major
aspect Yugoslavia still arguably
remained a viable entitj' as a state.
However the watershed was very
probably the imposition of an
IMF austerity package by the
federal government in 1990.
This package led to a drastic
d e c l i n e i n r e a l i n c o m e s a n d t h e
a b s e n c e o f a n y c o h e r e n t
opposition from the left, indeed
the absence of any real left meant
that the political initiative drained
a w a y f r o m t h e f e d e r a l
g o v e r n m e n t t o w a r d s t h e
nationalist demagogues namely
Milosevic in Serbia and Tudjman
in Croatia.
In other words the primarv
source of the break-up of
Yugoslavia lies not within
Yugoslavia itself but in the US
l e d e c o n o m i c n e o - l i b e r a l
offensive to open up the post-
capitalist economies of the
f o r m e r F a s t e r n b l o c t o t h e
rigours of the global capitalist
economy. This is more than
simply a question of restoring
capitalism to these societies.
I t i s a b o u t r e s t o r i n g
capitalism not on a Keynesian
w e l f a r i s t m o d e l b u t o n t h e b a s i s
of total economic deregulation
Chilean style. As the example of
t h e f o r m e r U S S R h a s
demonstrated, things do not get
worse before they get better,
they get worse before thev get
e v e n w o r s e .
The irony is that whilst there
a r c t h o s e o n t h e l e f t i n t h e N a t o
c o u n t r i e s w h o h a v e f a l l e n i n
behind their respective ruling
classes there has been a minority
but not insignificant trend within
bourgeois opinion that has
opposed the Nato campaign.
E v e n w i t h i n t h e t w o c e n t r a l
protagonists — Britain and the
US — politicians such as Tory
MP Alan Clarke and Republican
S e n a t o r P a t B u c h a n a n h a v e
opposed the bombings from a
b o u r g e o i s i s o l a t i o n i s t
perspective, neither of the two
c o u l d b e d e s c r i b e d a s
representing liberal bourgeois
opinion by any stretch of the
imagination.
On the left an equally
curious irony is the sudden
f r i e n d s h i p t h a t S t a l i n i s t s
throughout the world have
developed for Yugoslavia. The
irony being that at Yalta in 1945
Stalin agreed with Churchill and
Roosevelt that Yugoslavia would
fall within the Western sphere as
part of the post-war carve up of
Europe.
The subsequent seizure of
state power and overthrow of
capitalist property relations by
the Yugoslav Communist Party
under Tito took place in direct
v i o l a t i o n o f S t a l i n ' s o r d e r s a n d
was a major factor in the Tito-
Stalin split. One could therefore
t c n u o u s l y a r g u e t h a t i n
a t t e m p t i n g t o s u b j u g a t e
Yugoslavia that the Nato powers
are merely carrying out the
posthumous wishes of Joseph
S t a l i n !
Itisacommonmisconception that the
R a m b o u i l l e t a c c o r d s w e r e
c o n c e r n e d s o l e l y w i t h
restoration of autonomy to
K o s o v a w i t h i n S e r b i a .
In fact the central sticking
point was US insistence that anv
peacekeeping force inside
K o s o v a h a d t o b e a N a t o f o r c e .
T h a t i s n o t a U N o r o t h e r f o r c e
acceptable to all sides but a Nato
and therefore US led force.

Socialist Democracy (Britain) issue 7

Socialist Democracy (Britain) issue 7

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Socialist Democracy (Britain) issue 7