This document summarizes a presentation on how international migration from Bangladesh to the Middle East influences gender inequality through social remittances. It finds that male migrants experience conservative Islamic norms that encourage women to behave as "good Muslim women" by limiting mobility and access to resources. Upon returning, men transmit these norms through social remittances, reproducing patriarchal gender roles and inequality despite women's increased economic contributions through migration. While migration provides income, it may undermine women's empowerment by overlooking how cultural norms interact with economic factors to maintain women's subordination.

1. Migration, Muslim Women and Social
Reproduction of Gender Inequality
Presented by:
Ishret Binte Wahid
ishretwahid451@gmail.com
Mohammed Kamruzzaman
linktapan@hotmail.com
BRAC, Bangladesh
Gendered Dimensions of Migration: Material and Social
Outcomes of South-South Migration, Singapore
30 June – 2 July 2015
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2. Presentation overview
 Focus of the paper
 Conceptual framework
 Methodology
 International Migration from Bangladesh to Middle East:
socio-cultural significance from a historical perspective
 Material significance of International migration in
Bangladesh
 Beyond economic remittances: the social-cultural outcomes
or consequences from gender perspective
 Women’s International migration from Bangladesh:
ambiguity for ‘women’s empowerment’ discourse
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3. Focus of the paper
• The paper explores the relationship between international
migration and gender inequality;
• Taking the case of Bangladesh, it argues that international
migrants, mostly men experience with range of ‘Islamic’
norms and practices in the destinations;
• It explains how ‘social remittances’ encourage female
household members to be ‘good’ Muslim women along with
reproduction of gender inequality.
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4. Conceptual location
• This paper applies Levitt’s notion of
‘social remittances’ and the different
types of such remittances (e.g. Normative
structures, systems of practice and social
capital). (Levitt 1998a)
• It further connects such remittances to
‘transnational perspective of migration’
and religion. (Ibid)
• This paper recognizes gender equality in
terms of women’s equal access to and
control over resources including their
income, mobility and their productive and
reproductive roles.
• It also takes into account Kabeer’s notion
of ‘inclusive growth’ and its implications
in International migration. (Kabeer,
Mahmud and Tasneem 2011)
International
migration
Social
remittances
Construction
and
reconstruction
of gender
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5. Methodology
• The study used a distance proxy method in selecting the two districts
of Bangladesh; one is Dhaka, the capital of the city and the other is
Noakhali, far from the capital along with other socio-economic-cultural
characteristics.
• As part of qualitative methodology, a total of 15 case stories including
11 female and four male respondents and two focus group discussions,
one with male and the other with female were conducted to collect
primary data.
• The respondents were purposively selected and they were all returnee
migrants from Middle East and Gulf countries.
• The primary data was collected during the period of January to April
2015.
• A range of relevant literature including the government’s statistical
documents were reviewed as secondary data.
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6. The study area –
Dhaka and Noakhali
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7. International Migration from Bangladesh to Middle East: socio-cultural
significance from a historical perspective
• The patriarchal structure of Bangladesh creates gender division of
labour and also limits women’s access to resources, their mobility
and equal access to inheritances. (Parveen 2008)
• This local form of patriarchy is mixed up with Islam as religion which
gradually developed a sense of ummah led global citizenship.
(Kabeer 2012)
• A non-economic motivation works in choosing Middle East,
particularly Saudi Arabia connected to spiritual gain through
performing hajj there.
• Though the contemporary literature reveals the changes in the
social structures by female migrants in Bangladesh which are
limited and dominated by patriarchy. (Dannecker and Sieveking
2009)
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8. Material significance of International migration in
Bangladesh (Continued)
• Bangladesh is one of the South Asian countries, receives higher
attention to the discussion of ‘international migration’.
• Although international migration from this country happens across
the world, heavy attention has been made to the Middle East and
Gulf Countries along with Malaysia, and of poorer section,
recognised as ‘labour migration’.
• Labour migration is significant in the context of ‘poverty reduction
approach’ through remittances.
• The official data states that International migration from
Bangladesh started in 1976.
• As of May 2015, around 108,709 people have migrated in the
Middle East and Gulf Countries of which 28.46% have migrated to
Saudi Arabia.
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9. Material significance of International migration in
Bangladesh
• As of May, Bangladesh has received 137,545.64 Million USD as
remittances.
• In the year of 2013-14, the remittances contributed 10.99% percent
of GDP.
• The number of female migrants increased 18,045 to 76,007 in
between 2006 to 2014.
• There are several state and non-state agencies for supporting
international migration including a separate Ministry named
Ministry of Expatriates’ Welfare and Overseas Employment.
• There are several policy steps taken by the Govt. of Bangladesh, for
example – opening labour wing, G2G initiatives, smart card for
migrants, foreign employment policy, Wage Earners Welfare fund
etc.
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10. Beyond Economic remittances: the social-cultural
consequences from gender perspective (Continued)
1. Cultural identity and its implications to Muslim-hood (sense of ‘good’
Muslim) in a patriarchal context:
 Religious norms and values are the most common type of social
remittances which create contextualized identities for both men and
women.
 The migrants have experienced a range of such remittances which
influence their sense of responsibility to be ‘good’ Muslim.
 The following statements of Tanu Begum, who worked as domestic
labour migrant in Saudi Arabia shows how religion construct cultural
identities-
“I hadn’t faced any kind of problem there by the grace of Allah. Arabian people are good.
Their wage-scale is good, behavior is also good. I went there with a visa of 2 years. In
Bangladesh, some people know them as good people some as bad. I went there and saw
everyone is good people. They follow the Holy Quran, message from Allah and the Prophet
Muhammad. To see the hands or legs of a woman by an unknown man was illegal to them”
(interview, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 21 January 2015).
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11. Beyond Economic remittances: the social-cultural
consequences from gender perspective (Continued)
2. Women’s access to and control over economic resources—
 The female respondents reported of having neither access to nor
control over the resources.
 They claimed their husbands controlling those resources including
their income and making decisions about those.
 The following reflections associated to how social remittances
influence women’s access to and control over economic resources
including economic remittances came from focus group discussion-
“When I came back I gave all money to my husband. He started a business. I do not spend
the money; he does it.” (FGD, Noakhali, Bangladesh, 7 February 2015).
“I brought some money and gave it to my husband. My husband took that money but I do not
know what he did with it.” (FGD, Noakhali, Bangladesh, 7 February 2015).
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12. Beyond Economic remittances: the social-cultural
consequences from gender perspective (Continued)
3. Reproduction of women’s purity in line with limiting mobility for
purdah:
 The sense of ‘purity’ strongly works for girls and women that in
turns produces social rules – what they can do and what they
cannot do, specially in terms of having interactions with men and
boys who are not family members.
 The female migrants have been used to with such norms and
replicates the same in the origin.
 The following statements of Kona and Alimuzzaman give a sense of
such replication-
“Women of that country don’t talk to men and they maintain burkha. I also wish to wear
burkha. Still do it when get out of house, I wear long scarf. I haven’t changed almost anything
since came back …”(interview, Noakhali, Bangladesh, 14 March 2015).
“My daughters weren't used to wear burkha but they do now. They also perform their
prayers regularly” (interview, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 21 January 2015).
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13. Beyond Economic remittances: the social-cultural
consequences from gender perspective
4. Shaping gender roles and responsibilities in household level:
 Social remittances transmitted to the origin influences the
construction of gender roles and responsibilities and expectations
surrounding those.
 It has a strong connection to the politics of sexuality, specially that
of women in terms of intra-household relationships.
 The following statements of Anwara makes this argument evident-
“The people surrounding me asked questions. They wanted to know, why I was sent
back to home or did the owner harass me sexually or not etc. People here say that,
women go abroad to be used sexually by men employers. After I came back my
husband was not happy. He used to beaten me up because I was unable to send any
money to him. He said I am a bad woman and he does not want to live with me. After
that I am staying at my father’s house” (interview, Noakhali, Bangladesh, 17 January
2015).
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14. The construction social remittance led gender
inequality: The case of Amina
Amina went to Jordan as a domestic worker and stayed for
two years and five months there. She did the same kind of
domestic works that she did before the migration. Her
husband was in Kuwait. When she got back, they got
divorced. After her divorce (five years ago), she married off
her daughter at the age of 15. She perceived the marriage as
the best mean to ensure safety to her daughter. She said, “I
was divorced. Who would look after my daughter? It was safe
to marry her off.” She also got married second time one year
ago. She hardly interacts with her community people. She
changed her after accommodation getting married second
time. She seemed to be much devoted for her family’s
obligations (interview, Dhaka, Bangladesh, 26 April 2015)
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15. Women’s International migration from Bangladesh: ambiguity for
‘women’s empowerment’ discourse
• Many literatures have drawn a generalized conclusion
associated to women’s empowerment due to their
increased participation in formal labour force;
• It is critical to consider the culturally constructed gender
notions and identities while claiming so.
• The data reveals that women’s economic contributions in a
religion mixed patriarchal structure very often interact with
particular norms and values which reinforces gender
inequality.
• The focuses on accessing economic resources only is also
well reflected in the current Foreign Employment Policy of
Bangladesh, which overlooks the idea of inclusive growth.
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16. 16
This screenshot from a national daily gives evidence that the recent G2G initiative
between Bangladesh Govt. and Saudi Arabia has been less successful in terms of
the number of responses received from potential women migrant.