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No choice or no chance? Decision-making and
narratives of migration among Eritrean and
Ethiopian adolescent girls in Khartoum
Dr. Katarzyna Grabska,
The Graduate Institute of International and
Development Studies, Geneva
Why migrating girls?
 Increasing numbers of girls migrating independently world-wide
But:
 Negative discourse about migration of girls below 18-years old
 International and national advocacy and policies describe often this type
of movement is exploitation, trafficking, and smuggling of young people;
girls seen as victims
As a result:
 Overlooking the own decision-making process and agency of children
and youth migration processes, as well as in understanding their specific
reasons for migration
 Problems with identifying children and young people’s own issues
related to migration and addressing their individual needs
 Girls’ agency as economic agents overlooked
Migration, adolescence, transitions:
Theoretical approach
 Migration of adolescent girls in the Global South through a
holistic approach that contextualises adolescents’ and
young women’s agency, choices and migration experiences
 Why adolescence?
Adolescence: it is a period of critical transitions when major life
decisions are taken, albeit in context specific ways
Intersections with different stages of life
Adolescence for girls usually viewed as sexual maturity and
marriage: but girls who migrate make economic and protection
choices
Adolescence and gender: a point of extreme gender differences –
how does migration impact this stage
 Youth transitions (Punch 2002) and migration: shifts in
social status and spatial shift
Fieldwork in Khartoum
Qualitative and ethnographic fieldwork in Khartoum: March 2014-
September 2015
Local partners: Ahfad University for Women; CEDEJ Khartoum
Migrant and refugee girls’ participation in fieldwork and their role
Methods
 Focus on Ethiopian and Eritrean adolescent migrant and refugee
girls: numbers and changing age dynamics of migratory flows
 Choice of respondents:
interviews with girls and young women who migrated for the
first time when they were between 13 and 21 years old;
interviews with those who migrated recently (within the past 2
years) and those who migrated earlier (some up to 25 years ago)
 Qualitative survey (48 ER, 16 ETH); Life histories (15, 10); Focus
groups discussions
 Interviews with family members in Khartoum, international and
local organisations, migrant groups
 Studying decision-making
Why migration to Sudan?
‘What eye refuses to see’ Gaim Kibreab
 Ethiopians:
as a destination, at times transit
close distance, long-standing historical connections
large migratory networks
informality of migration
 Eritreans:
different types of migration: old and new; destination versus
transit
networks, Sudan hosting Eritrean refugees since 1980s
relatively easy access: open border, refugee status
the vision of Sudan as a transit
the only place
Migration motivations and trajectories
Reasons for migration Eritreans (ER) Ethiopians (ETH)
Poverty 5 (er) 7 (eth)
Failed marriage 1 (er) 2 (eth)
Avoid getting married 1 (er) 3(eth)
Continue education 3 (er)
Wanting to help the family 7 (er) 12 (eth)
Death of one or both parents or sibling 9 (er) 2 (eth)
Desire for more freedom, including religious
persecution
1 (er)
Political situation: national service 8 (all Eritreans)
Conflict with parents/relatives/ due to boyfriend,
pregnancy
7 (er)
Following boyfriend-husband 6 (er)
Abused by parents/ relatives/husband 5 (er) 1(eth)
Other 2 (er), 3 (eth - war)
Parents’ divorce 1 (eth)
Supporting education of siblings 2 (eth)
Supporting a relative 1 (eth)
Following others who left to Sudan 2 (eth)
Bana, 21, from Eritrea,
in Khartoum since 3 years
In fact, when I decided to leave
Eritrea, I made a choice. I rejected the
current situation in which I was living
and lack of opportunities in Eritrea.
So, you can say, that when people are
leaving Eritrea they are making a
choice. They usually say, that they did
not have a chance (edil) in Eritrea,
that’s why they left….
We are here, we came here to change
our lives, and nothing has happened. I
am still a girl (guol), people still call
me menesay (sg. youth). I should be a
sabeyti by now (married woman). We
are missing our time here.
Migration motivations:
beyond human rights and poverty discourse
 Eritrea: political circumstances, national service, but also
aspirations, ‘no choice’ versus ‘no chance’
 Ethiopia: poverty in rural areas, but complexity of household
circumstances, local gender norms combined with labour
opportunities for girls
 Gender order and gender norms
 Family circumstances
 Decisions to leave: ‘thin agency’ (Klocker 2007)
 On their own
 Beyond brokers
 New ‘culture of migration’
Policy relevance
 Complexity of decision-making process – beyond victims, yet within
constraining gendered structures of globalised markets
 ‘thin agency’ yet a creative force for change
 In places of destination and of origin: Need to look at the specifics of
girls’ decision-making and adapt strategies that will ease girls’
experiences at home
 In places of origin: Providing meaningfull livelihood options for girls to
fulfil their roles as daughters and individual aspirations, but also to
imporve their status as girls within their communities
 Once in places of destination: provide access to services (health and
psychological) and education that can be combined with work
 Campaigns against violence against girls: for men and women

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Decision-making amid constraints: Agency among migrant adolescent girls in Khartoum

  • 1. No choice or no chance? Decision-making and narratives of migration among Eritrean and Ethiopian adolescent girls in Khartoum Dr. Katarzyna Grabska, The Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, Geneva
  • 2. Why migrating girls?  Increasing numbers of girls migrating independently world-wide But:  Negative discourse about migration of girls below 18-years old  International and national advocacy and policies describe often this type of movement is exploitation, trafficking, and smuggling of young people; girls seen as victims As a result:  Overlooking the own decision-making process and agency of children and youth migration processes, as well as in understanding their specific reasons for migration  Problems with identifying children and young people’s own issues related to migration and addressing their individual needs  Girls’ agency as economic agents overlooked
  • 3. Migration, adolescence, transitions: Theoretical approach  Migration of adolescent girls in the Global South through a holistic approach that contextualises adolescents’ and young women’s agency, choices and migration experiences  Why adolescence? Adolescence: it is a period of critical transitions when major life decisions are taken, albeit in context specific ways Intersections with different stages of life Adolescence for girls usually viewed as sexual maturity and marriage: but girls who migrate make economic and protection choices Adolescence and gender: a point of extreme gender differences – how does migration impact this stage  Youth transitions (Punch 2002) and migration: shifts in social status and spatial shift
  • 4. Fieldwork in Khartoum Qualitative and ethnographic fieldwork in Khartoum: March 2014- September 2015 Local partners: Ahfad University for Women; CEDEJ Khartoum Migrant and refugee girls’ participation in fieldwork and their role
  • 5. Methods  Focus on Ethiopian and Eritrean adolescent migrant and refugee girls: numbers and changing age dynamics of migratory flows  Choice of respondents: interviews with girls and young women who migrated for the first time when they were between 13 and 21 years old; interviews with those who migrated recently (within the past 2 years) and those who migrated earlier (some up to 25 years ago)  Qualitative survey (48 ER, 16 ETH); Life histories (15, 10); Focus groups discussions  Interviews with family members in Khartoum, international and local organisations, migrant groups  Studying decision-making
  • 6. Why migration to Sudan? ‘What eye refuses to see’ Gaim Kibreab  Ethiopians: as a destination, at times transit close distance, long-standing historical connections large migratory networks informality of migration  Eritreans: different types of migration: old and new; destination versus transit networks, Sudan hosting Eritrean refugees since 1980s relatively easy access: open border, refugee status the vision of Sudan as a transit the only place
  • 8. Reasons for migration Eritreans (ER) Ethiopians (ETH) Poverty 5 (er) 7 (eth) Failed marriage 1 (er) 2 (eth) Avoid getting married 1 (er) 3(eth) Continue education 3 (er) Wanting to help the family 7 (er) 12 (eth) Death of one or both parents or sibling 9 (er) 2 (eth) Desire for more freedom, including religious persecution 1 (er) Political situation: national service 8 (all Eritreans) Conflict with parents/relatives/ due to boyfriend, pregnancy 7 (er) Following boyfriend-husband 6 (er) Abused by parents/ relatives/husband 5 (er) 1(eth) Other 2 (er), 3 (eth - war) Parents’ divorce 1 (eth) Supporting education of siblings 2 (eth) Supporting a relative 1 (eth) Following others who left to Sudan 2 (eth)
  • 9. Bana, 21, from Eritrea, in Khartoum since 3 years In fact, when I decided to leave Eritrea, I made a choice. I rejected the current situation in which I was living and lack of opportunities in Eritrea. So, you can say, that when people are leaving Eritrea they are making a choice. They usually say, that they did not have a chance (edil) in Eritrea, that’s why they left…. We are here, we came here to change our lives, and nothing has happened. I am still a girl (guol), people still call me menesay (sg. youth). I should be a sabeyti by now (married woman). We are missing our time here.
  • 10. Migration motivations: beyond human rights and poverty discourse  Eritrea: political circumstances, national service, but also aspirations, ‘no choice’ versus ‘no chance’  Ethiopia: poverty in rural areas, but complexity of household circumstances, local gender norms combined with labour opportunities for girls  Gender order and gender norms  Family circumstances  Decisions to leave: ‘thin agency’ (Klocker 2007)  On their own  Beyond brokers  New ‘culture of migration’
  • 11. Policy relevance  Complexity of decision-making process – beyond victims, yet within constraining gendered structures of globalised markets  ‘thin agency’ yet a creative force for change  In places of destination and of origin: Need to look at the specifics of girls’ decision-making and adapt strategies that will ease girls’ experiences at home  In places of origin: Providing meaningfull livelihood options for girls to fulfil their roles as daughters and individual aspirations, but also to imporve their status as girls within their communities  Once in places of destination: provide access to services (health and psychological) and education that can be combined with work  Campaigns against violence against girls: for men and women