Doing Better for Families? The role of family policy in demographic change
1. Doing Better for Families? The role of family policy in demographic change - 21 march 2011 Olivier Thévenon OECD, Social Policy Division www.oecd.org/els/social/family/ European Economic and Social Committee
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3. Key work, family and child outcomes Source: OECD (2011), Doing Better for Families , OECD, Paris.
4. But women work part-time more frequently (2008) Source: OECD Family Database
5. Gender gap in employment rates remain large Source: OECD Family Database
9. In-kind spending for families have almost doubled since 1990. Source: OECD (2011), Doing Better for Families , OECD, Paris.
10. Various profiles of spending over childhood Source: OECD (2011), Doing Better for Families , OECD, Paris.
11. Variable Parental Leave Policies 1. Numbers refer to the total of weeks of parental leave that women can take after maternity leave Source: OECD (2011), Doing Better for Families , OECD, Paris.
14. Proportion of children aged 6 to 11 years attending OSCH services , 2008 Source: OECD Family Database
15. Family Policy Patterns in OECD countries Source: Thévenon (2011), « Family Policies in OECD countries: A Comparative Analysis », Population and Development Review , 37(1):57-87.
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Editor's Notes
Family policy has to be multi-faceted to achieve a range of interdependent objectives.
no country significantly outperforms or underperforms the others in all outcome areas. Nordic countries generally have significantly better family outcomes than the OECD average. France and the Netherlands also record relatively good performances.
19 out of the 34 OECD countries have father-specific leave entitlements (paternity or parental leave quotas), but the number of weeks is limited.
The issue of « optimal » design of leave, childcare support, financial support is guided by the question: how to combine good outcomes for children, parental employment, fertility and gender equity. To think about “optimal” combination about leave (parental care) entitlements and the provision of formal care services, one need to know whether parental (maternal) employment is good/bad for children. The small negative associations of early maternal employment with children’s outcomes are largely observed among children in intact families or in families with parents with high levels of education. Children in these families are more likely to have parents who engage in stimulating parenting activies, hence they have more to lose when parents are in paid work than children from less advantaged backgrounds
OSH widely available in some OECD countries (Australia, Denmark, Estonia, Hungary and Sweden). Returns from work after childcare are often low in the UK, Germany, or Denmark. They are comparatively high in Sweden or France, and in Hungary.
Economic development however partially explain cross-country differences in fertility trends since countries with comparable levels of GDP per capita often achieve different fertility levels.
in most countries, public spending on family benefits and education is concentrated on the phase of school education rather than during early childhood.