Benjamin Motte-Baumvol's presentation on the coping strategies and residential choices of low income households in French periurban areas for the international workshop "Energy-related economic stress at the interface between transport poverty, fuel poverty and residential location", held at the University of Leeds, 20th – 21st May 2015.
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05 Motte-Baumvol - Escaping car dependence and transport costs in French periurban areas
1. Escaping car dependence and transport
costs in French periurban areas
Benjamin Motte-Baumvol – University of Burgundy
2. Introduction
• On the city outskirts, car mobility weights heavily on the budgets of
low-income households (Dodson and Sipe 2008)
• Transport costs may account for up to a quarter of households budget
in the outer suburbs of Paris (Berri 2007)
• In France, the suburbs host a growing proportion of low-income
households drawn by the attractive price of housing
(Cavailhès and Selod, 2003)
3. Introduction
• Policy-makers are therefore concerned about the future of these areas
as they continue to expand
• To identify sustainable and suitable measures, it is instructive to
observe how low-income households adapt to a highly car-dependent
environment
4. Introduction
Two main types of practice have been more closely examined:
• either households opt to stay, forgoing sustained mobility and a varied
range of activities
• or they choose to go and relocate in areas where travel costs are less of
a burden on their budgets
5. Introduction
These practices correspond to two complementary types of public policy:
• The first type relates to transport
• The second type relates to housing and to social housing in particular
6. Method
• Semi-directive interviews of low-income households (56 interviews)
• Paris region and Dijon metropolitan area (375 000 inhabitants)
• Suburban and urban locations
The originality of our work is to bring the perspective of households
who choose to leave the outer suburbs for urban locations
• Quantitative analysis of the population census (2010)
9. Current municipalities where were interviewed low-income households
with previous suburban locations in the Paris metropolitan area
10. Previous suburban locations of the low-income households interviewed
in urban locations in the Paris metropolitan area
11. Current municipalities where were interviewed low-income households
and their previous suburban locations in the Dijon metropolitan area
12. Results
Staying put at any cost:
• Household mobility declines as income declines (Pucher and Renne
2003 ; Orfeuil 2004 ; Wixey et al. 2005).
• In the outer suburbs, differences in mobility between the poorest and
the wealthiest households are even greater (Morency et al. 2011)
• Low mobility of low-income households does not mean they are
trapped within a limited living space
• By making the most of the local environment, they deploy a wide
range of alternative practices to car mobility
13. Results
Staying put at any cost:
• The system of alternatives is arranged around four pillars:
The first is to limit what are considered to be superfluous car journeys
The second is to mobilize local social networks
The third relates to public transport
The fourth pillar is increased patronage of local resources
14. Results
Staying put at any cost: discussion
• households manage to minimize their fuel spending while maintaining a
varied program of activities through local travel practices
• To promote such practices, government can envision two types of
measure:
actions in transport
improve local activities
15. Results
Staying put at any cost: discussion
• Actions in transport
Improving the public transport network coverage (costly)
A system of subsidies for car mobility (costly)
Travel Demand Management (Gärling and Schuitema 2007)
Combined with local car-pooling and car-sharing services
16. Results
Staying put at any cost: discussion
• Improve local activities
improve the local commercial supply
develop local e-shopping solution
17. Results
Moving out and moving on
• Because of transport costs, some low-income households leave the outermost
suburbs for municipalities with more shops, services and public transport
(Motte-Baumvol et al. 2010)
• The population census clearly identifies a growing propensity of low-income
households to leave the outer suburbs of French cities
• This trend is only a minor phenomenon that enables marginal regulation of the
number of low-income households in suburban areas
18. Results
Moving out and moving on
• Interviews showed that transport costs are never the first factor for leaving the
outer suburbs.
• Moving Is always compounded by changes in occupation and/or in private lives
such as divorce and separation, job postings, unemployment, etc
• Therefore single-parent families and the unemployed among the low-income
households are the most likely to leave a periurban area
19. Results
Moving out and moving on
• Single-parent families often move from outer suburbs to another location in
the outer suburbs
• These areas continue to be attractive because of housing costs
• These areas are often at the center of their social networks (family and
friends)
20. Results
Moving out and moving on
• Differently, unemployed move from the outer suburbs for a more central
location
• Attraction of housing prices is probably overshadowed by their knowledge and
experience of the local employment market and its opportunities.
21. Results
Moving out and moving on
• Access to social housing is a significant factor in explaining why people move
out from periurban areas
• Whether from government or from private firms, housing support makes
possible for low-income households to move to places they could not have
afforded otherwise
22. Results
Moving out and moving on : discussion
• This kind of policy shouldn’t be systemitized unless housing characteristics
correspond to people’s values
• Because some ties continue to hold there, many low-income households have
opted for social housing in areas that are near their previous location
• Social housing in central areas do not match the expectations of these
households
• Promote construction of social housing in small centers in the outer suburbs
might be a good compromise between households aspiration and reducing
their vulnerability to car dependence
23. Conclusion
• No single solution to facilitate mobility of low-income households in
periurban areas
• Housing policy is a way to reduce household vulnerability to the rising
cost of petroleum in the outer suburbs
• Housing policy reduce (but do not eliminate) the need to implement
policies which facilitate day-to-day mobility
• The latter have lower initial investment costs, but very high operating
costs in these dispersed and hard-to-manage areas
Editor's Notes
My presentation is about a research project conducted from 2010 to 2012.
The project was mainly about the relationship between daily mobility and residential mobility in periurban areas, in a context of rising gasoline prices
Two very different cities have been observed Paris and Dijon.
I led this project with Leslie Belton-Chevalier from the French National Research Institute on Transports.
Periurban areas are car dependent, and owning a car and using a car are expensive. Transport costs may account for up to a quarter of low income households budget in the outer suburbs of Paris, as shown by Berri results in 2007.
Comparatively this budget is smaller in the central part of the Paris region. Transport is less than 10 % of low-income households living in the city of Paris.
These results do not apply for smaller cities like Dijon, where distances and travel times are much smaller.
But this context is of particular concern because the increase of low-income households is regular in peri-urban areas
Before going further, we need to clarify two points. Who are the low –income households and what are the periurban-areas we are talking about ?
Low-income households are not poor households . The income per consumption unit is above the poverty line but does not exceed the median. Households we studied have at least one worker, employed or unemployed.
Periurban areas corresponds to a spatial category used by the French National Statistics Institute (INSEE). This spatial category is very difficult to define but corresponds mainly to low density areas, away from the center and dependent on the center in terms of jobs.
Policy makers are concerned about the future of periurban areas because of their car dependency.
But for now, each period of tension in gasoline prices led to the discussion or the introduction of compensatory financial support for low income households.
To contribute to this debate, our work proposed to study low-income households in periurban areas wich mean a highly car dependent environment .
From the observation of their practices, our objective is to derive actions to help them and many more in case of higher gasoline prices over a long period.
Two main types of practice have been more closely examined:
either households opt to stay, forgoing sustained mobility and a varied range of activities
or they choose to go and relocate in areas where travel costs are less of a burden on their budgets
These practices correspond to two complementary types of public policy:
The first type relates to transport
The second type relates to housing and to social housing in particular
This research is based on a qualitative survey with semi-directive interviews and a bivariate analysis of the National Census.
For the survey 56 interviews were conducted. Half of them in Dijon and Half in Paris. But why so many interviews ?
Because two separate groups of individuals were interviewed in Paris and Dijon.
The first group consists of low-income househods living in periurban areas.
The second group consists of households that have left the periurban areas to live in a more dense area, generally in a more central location.
Individuals in this group are not easy to find because of their very specific characteristics and because they are spatially dispersed.
Therefore, we used the services of a company that organizes focus groups and product testing. Their files and phone calls were used to select thirty people who have been interviewed thereafter.
For the first group of respondant, to give contrast to our study, we interviewed households in the most car-dependent areas.
The surveyed areas are also those recording lower levels of income.
In the Paris region the interviews were conducted in the east, in ten different municipalities.
In the Dijon region only two municipalities were surveyed.
The recruitment of respondents was easier in Dijon because of contacts made previously by university students.
This maps is about the actual locations of the households who opt to move out from an periurban area
This locations are much more dispersed than for the first group
This reflects the greater difficulty to recruit individuals for the second group.
This map is about the previous location of the households who move out from a periurban area.
The locations are also much more dispersed than for the first group
Finaly the same map for Dijon with actual and previous location of the households interviewed. Previous locations are in a light grey and actual location are in black.
As previously announced, our results are divided in two parts.
This is the first part about people who stays put at any cost.
This is our control group, the one on which we know the most things particularly because of previous studies.
The study of the second group, the people who moved out, is the most original contribution of this work, since this group has been little studied.
What we know about the first group : low-income households have a lower mobility than the well-off households. This differences are even greater in the periurban areas, as showed by Morency work for example. We have also found the same result from the HTS Paris in a previous work.
With a reduced mobility, our low-income households are not trapped.
They make the most of the local environment and also regularly travel beyond proximity, but with a lower frequency than well-off households .
To travel with modest financial resources, the low-income households rely on a system of alternative to car mobility.
This system is arranged around four pilars
The first pilar is to limit car journeys (number and distances traveled). The low-income households regroup journeys and choose closer destinations.
The second pilar mobilize the social network, for example to escort children, to shop or to carpool. Also to spend evenings, drink or dinner together.
The third pillar is to use public transport if possible. Especially to go to work.
Often in periurban areas, public transportation only permits to go to work in the morning and return from work in the evening.
The fourth pillar is to make the most of local resources, for shopping, leisure and working.
This four pillars are complementary and are conditions for low-income households to live in peri-urban areas.
In conclusion for this first part.
Households manage to minimize their fuel spending while maintaining a diversed program of activities through local travel practices
To promote such practices, local government can envision two types of actions :
actions in transport
Or improve local activities
What may be the actions within transportation
-Improving the public transport network coverage (costly)
-A system of subsidies for car mobility (costly)
-Travel Demand Management, combined with local car-pooling and car-sharing services
Even if they concern only a limited population, such mobility solutions might also be additional alternatives for low-income households. Because these households have shown their propensity to seize varied opportunities to make savings in their transport budgets . While no single comprehensive solution seems capable of solving the problem.
The second type of actions to help people who stays put is about improving local activities
First the local government may help to improve local stores.
Second online shopping should be use as an oppurtinity to improve local activities.
E-shopping is based mostly on home delivery, but you have also delivery in pick-up points which can become local point of attraction and services where you can find grocery, bank or post services and return items bought online.
The second group we’ve studied are the low-income households who have decided to move out from a periurban area.
In this work we try to go beyond the results published in 2010.
Thus, we repeated the bivariate analyzes from the 2007 Census, which confirm the 2010 results, therefor obtained from the 1999 census.
This means that low-income households have a higher propensity to leave the most car dependent suburban areas.
It is important to point out that this trend is only a minor phenomenon that enables marginal regulation of the number of low-income households in periurban areas.
We considered and even tried doing a multivariate analysis, but census data are not well suited, and there are colinearity problems between factors that can not be solved.
Thus, our quantitative results are not a clear demonstration of the existence of the phenomenon we are studying. Our results are rather converging evidence of the existence of this phenomenon.
The qualitative results point in the same direction as the quantitative results, but also give nuance to them.
Interviews showed that transport costs are never the first factor for leaving a periurban area.
Moving Is always compounded by changes in occupation and in private lives such as divorce and separation, job postings or unemployment.
Therefore single-parent families and the unemployed among the low-income households are the most likely to move out from a periurban area.
Quantitative analysis from the census allow to know that moving out from a periurban area doesn’t mean to leave all periurban areas.
Single-parent families are overepresented within the households moving from a periurban area to another one.
There are at least two main reasons for that
First, periurban areas continue to be attractive because of cheaper housing costs
Second, periurban areas are at the center of their social network
Differently from the single parents, unemployed are overepresented within the households moving to a central location with more job opportunities.
Attraction of cheaper housing prices is probably overshadowed by their knowledge and experience of the local employment market.
One last factor is related to moving out from a periurban location and from periurban areas in general. This factor is social housing.
Access to social housing is a significant factor in explaining why people move out from periurban areas. Social housing are over represented as a destination for low-income households moving out from a periurban location, compared to low-income households moving out from elsewhere.
Social housing makes possible for low-income households to move to places they could not have afforded otherwise.
Now we can discuss our results for the second group.
Social housing can be used as a way to solve a large part of transport stress in periurban areas.
Especially as many low-income households have opted for social housing in a new location near their previous location.
Locations where social housing is easier and less expensive to built.
But This kind of policy shouldn’t be systemitized unless housing characteristics correspond to people’s values because moving out doesn’t fit for everyone.
The last slide with the general conclusion :
There is no single solution to deal with transport stress in periurban areas
Housing policy is a way to reduce household vulnerability to the prices of gasoline in periurban areas
Housing policy reduce (but do not eliminate) the need to implement policies which facilitate day-to-day mobility
The latter have lower initial investment costs, but very high operating costs in these dispersed and hard-to-manage areas
Thank you for your attention.