This document summarizes Carolina Silveira's paper on youth as political actors in post-Arab Spring Tunisia. It discusses how youth are defined in Tunisia demographically, with 40% of the population under 25 years old. High youth unemployment, especially for educated youth, was a major factor driving the revolution. Since the revolution, most Tunisian youth still do not feel represented by politicians and many have become disengaged from voting due to distrust in the political system. Very few youth are directly involved in traditional politics as members of the National Constituent Assembly.
arab youth civic engagement & economic participation Jamaity
This document discusses youth challenges in social transformations in the Arab region. It notes that Arab countries have a large youth population, with around 25% of the population between ages 15-24. While this "youth bulge" was previously seen negatively, recent research views youth as assets rather than problems. The Arab Spring demonstrated that youth can be powerful agents of change. However, many Arab youth face inequities like poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and lack of education opportunities. They also lack a sense of dignity and social justice. These experiences with injustice can encourage civic engagement and participation. The document defines different levels of youth participation, from non-participation to tokenism to authentic engagement. For youth to truly drive change, activities
civic engagement of youth in the middle east and north africa an analysis of...Jamaity
The document analyzes the key drivers and outcomes of civic engagement among youth in the Middle East and North Africa based on existing survey data from seven countries in the region. It finds that socioeconomic status is a major predictor of civic participation levels, with less educated, unemployed, rural, and female youth being the least engaged. The study also examines theories that civic engagement leads to greater political voice, social capital, decreased likelihood of political violence, and improved employability, but finds mixed evidence for these relationships in the MENA context.
Social media have become essential infrastructure for public debates and the forming of political opinion. In established democracies, traditional media still play a significant role, even if their content is distributed through social media, while in many new democracies or transition countries, social media have become the dominant platform of political exchange. Facebook’s ‘Free Basics’ initiative for 42 developing countries is creating a social media monopoly in these countries. In some countries, people have come to understand Facebook as ‘the internet’, since most online interaction is mediated through Facebook.
The Role of Youths in Electoral Processes: An Appraisal of the Nigerian 2015 ...inventionjournals
Youths represent a significant proportion of the Nigerian Population, but in spite of this, their level of political participation and representation in the electoral process in the past has been very poor and often times undermined; being largely noticed at the level of electoral malpractices, voting irregularities and covert or overtthuggery in support of political office seekers who paradoxically have dominated the political arena to the point of total exclusion of the youths, yet all groups (youths inclusive) seek to influence dispensation of power. The research therefore sets out to analytically x-ray the issues and challenges that confronted youths in previous general elections viz a viz the tremendous effort made by youths in making the 2015 general elections a success, by particularly the use of social media as a propaganda machine and the dogged attitude displayed in the course of retrieving permanent voters card which is unparrarelled and unprecedented. The research implores the use of vivid descriptive scenarios to make sound and logical arguments on the plight and strive of youth in forestalling equity and fair play in our electoral process and also on the strides recorded thereof. Using variables such as lack of proper electoral education and sensitization in the past, religious, regional and sectional divide, poverty, deprivation, thuggery, social media, permanent voters card and so forth, the researchers conclude that youths have in the past been largely responsible for scuttling elections but were however instrumental to the success of the 2015 general elections. It therefore recommends amongst other things that, it is imperative to develop and enhance the capability of youths in the electoral process by creating a robust orientation programme and also engaging them to become financially and morally equip, so as to drastically reduce if not totally eradicate arm-twisting or manipulation of youths in the society.
Popular Participation & Decentralization in AfricaJamaity
At the end of World War II, all but three African nations (Ethiopia, Liberia and South
Africa) were ruled by some European State. Then the independence movement began:
first in North Africa with Libya (1951), and over the next five years, Egypt, the Sudan.
Tunisia and Morocco. The Sub-Saharan States soon followed, beginning with Ghana
(1957) and, by 1990, 42 other countries. Being newly independent and largely poor,
the thinking was that if a country could come up with a national plan for generating
and investing a sufficient amount of funds in a manner consistent with macro stability,
then that country would have met the pre-conditions for development. It would
be a “State” (central government) — led process whereby “the flexibility to implement
policies by technocrats was accorded price-of-place and accountability through checks
and balances was regarded as an encumbrance” (World Bank, WDR, 1997). It was not
an unreasonable strategy: national governments populated by good advisers and with
external technical and financial assistance would put the country on the sure path to
growth and development
This document discusses women empowerment and communication. It defines women empowerment as developing the confidence, abilities, and skills of women to make informed decisions and participate in economic and political processes. Communication technologies can empower women by providing access to information, resources, and networking opportunities. When used creatively, communication technologies allow women to disseminate information, overcome isolation, access new markets, and engage in lifelong learning. Empowering women through communication is important for social progress and development.
“Empowerment through information and communication technologies-women's persp...AMU
This document discusses the empowerment of women through information and communication technologies (ICTs) in India. It begins with an abstract and introduction discussing the importance of ICT access in promoting socioeconomic development and women's lives. It then provides background on government initiatives and legal frameworks in India related to gender equality and women's empowerment.
The main body discusses how ICTs like communication technologies and information networks can empower women by improving access to education, work opportunities, health services, and participation in decision making. It provides examples of specific ICT projects in India aimed at women. While ICTs provide opportunities, barriers like lack of technical skills and education in developing countries must still be addressed. Overall, the document argues that
Need of youth parliament a new public & advisory managementNaveen BR
This document discusses the need for a youth parliament in India to better represent and engage youth in decision making. It notes that while India has a large youth population, they have little representation in parliament. The document argues that a youth parliament, even in an advisory capacity, could help policymakers understand the needs and aspirations of youth. It also provides background context on definitions of youth, the size of the youth population globally, and current levels of youth political participation worldwide which are generally low compared to older populations.
arab youth civic engagement & economic participation Jamaity
This document discusses youth challenges in social transformations in the Arab region. It notes that Arab countries have a large youth population, with around 25% of the population between ages 15-24. While this "youth bulge" was previously seen negatively, recent research views youth as assets rather than problems. The Arab Spring demonstrated that youth can be powerful agents of change. However, many Arab youth face inequities like poverty, illiteracy, unemployment and lack of education opportunities. They also lack a sense of dignity and social justice. These experiences with injustice can encourage civic engagement and participation. The document defines different levels of youth participation, from non-participation to tokenism to authentic engagement. For youth to truly drive change, activities
civic engagement of youth in the middle east and north africa an analysis of...Jamaity
The document analyzes the key drivers and outcomes of civic engagement among youth in the Middle East and North Africa based on existing survey data from seven countries in the region. It finds that socioeconomic status is a major predictor of civic participation levels, with less educated, unemployed, rural, and female youth being the least engaged. The study also examines theories that civic engagement leads to greater political voice, social capital, decreased likelihood of political violence, and improved employability, but finds mixed evidence for these relationships in the MENA context.
Social media have become essential infrastructure for public debates and the forming of political opinion. In established democracies, traditional media still play a significant role, even if their content is distributed through social media, while in many new democracies or transition countries, social media have become the dominant platform of political exchange. Facebook’s ‘Free Basics’ initiative for 42 developing countries is creating a social media monopoly in these countries. In some countries, people have come to understand Facebook as ‘the internet’, since most online interaction is mediated through Facebook.
The Role of Youths in Electoral Processes: An Appraisal of the Nigerian 2015 ...inventionjournals
Youths represent a significant proportion of the Nigerian Population, but in spite of this, their level of political participation and representation in the electoral process in the past has been very poor and often times undermined; being largely noticed at the level of electoral malpractices, voting irregularities and covert or overtthuggery in support of political office seekers who paradoxically have dominated the political arena to the point of total exclusion of the youths, yet all groups (youths inclusive) seek to influence dispensation of power. The research therefore sets out to analytically x-ray the issues and challenges that confronted youths in previous general elections viz a viz the tremendous effort made by youths in making the 2015 general elections a success, by particularly the use of social media as a propaganda machine and the dogged attitude displayed in the course of retrieving permanent voters card which is unparrarelled and unprecedented. The research implores the use of vivid descriptive scenarios to make sound and logical arguments on the plight and strive of youth in forestalling equity and fair play in our electoral process and also on the strides recorded thereof. Using variables such as lack of proper electoral education and sensitization in the past, religious, regional and sectional divide, poverty, deprivation, thuggery, social media, permanent voters card and so forth, the researchers conclude that youths have in the past been largely responsible for scuttling elections but were however instrumental to the success of the 2015 general elections. It therefore recommends amongst other things that, it is imperative to develop and enhance the capability of youths in the electoral process by creating a robust orientation programme and also engaging them to become financially and morally equip, so as to drastically reduce if not totally eradicate arm-twisting or manipulation of youths in the society.
Popular Participation & Decentralization in AfricaJamaity
At the end of World War II, all but three African nations (Ethiopia, Liberia and South
Africa) were ruled by some European State. Then the independence movement began:
first in North Africa with Libya (1951), and over the next five years, Egypt, the Sudan.
Tunisia and Morocco. The Sub-Saharan States soon followed, beginning with Ghana
(1957) and, by 1990, 42 other countries. Being newly independent and largely poor,
the thinking was that if a country could come up with a national plan for generating
and investing a sufficient amount of funds in a manner consistent with macro stability,
then that country would have met the pre-conditions for development. It would
be a “State” (central government) — led process whereby “the flexibility to implement
policies by technocrats was accorded price-of-place and accountability through checks
and balances was regarded as an encumbrance” (World Bank, WDR, 1997). It was not
an unreasonable strategy: national governments populated by good advisers and with
external technical and financial assistance would put the country on the sure path to
growth and development
This document discusses women empowerment and communication. It defines women empowerment as developing the confidence, abilities, and skills of women to make informed decisions and participate in economic and political processes. Communication technologies can empower women by providing access to information, resources, and networking opportunities. When used creatively, communication technologies allow women to disseminate information, overcome isolation, access new markets, and engage in lifelong learning. Empowering women through communication is important for social progress and development.
“Empowerment through information and communication technologies-women's persp...AMU
This document discusses the empowerment of women through information and communication technologies (ICTs) in India. It begins with an abstract and introduction discussing the importance of ICT access in promoting socioeconomic development and women's lives. It then provides background on government initiatives and legal frameworks in India related to gender equality and women's empowerment.
The main body discusses how ICTs like communication technologies and information networks can empower women by improving access to education, work opportunities, health services, and participation in decision making. It provides examples of specific ICT projects in India aimed at women. While ICTs provide opportunities, barriers like lack of technical skills and education in developing countries must still be addressed. Overall, the document argues that
Need of youth parliament a new public & advisory managementNaveen BR
This document discusses the need for a youth parliament in India to better represent and engage youth in decision making. It notes that while India has a large youth population, they have little representation in parliament. The document argues that a youth parliament, even in an advisory capacity, could help policymakers understand the needs and aspirations of youth. It also provides background context on definitions of youth, the size of the youth population globally, and current levels of youth political participation worldwide which are generally low compared to older populations.
The document discusses the Volunteer and Citizenship Program for Local Government Units in the Philippines. It aims to establish Volunteer and Citizenship Desks in local governments to better coordinate volunteers and promote citizenship. The program draws on theories of neorepublicanism and aims to give more citizens a voice in their communities. It also discusses using volunteerism to help the Philippines achieve its UN Millennium Development Goals by taking advantage of the large number of potential volunteers in the country.
Case 4 space 2.2. presentation layne robinson_commonwealth secretariat.pptxcase4space
This document discusses political and civic participation in youth development as measured by the Youth Development Index (YDI). It notes that youth participation in formal politics is declining globally except in new democracies, though youth are more engaged in civic affairs through alternative modes of participation and technology. Enhancing youth participation requires measures like civic education, quotas, and citizenship education. The YDI measures youth development across five domains using 18 indicators, though data gaps exist, particularly in political and civic participation. Gender gaps also differ between regions and more disaggregated data is needed. Sub-national data is important to avoid averages hiding variations, and challenges collecting such data include outdated sources and competing priorities.
Case 4 space 2.2. presentation perdita sonntag_unv.pptxcase4space
The document discusses volunteerism and volunteer infrastructure in Asia Pacific. It defines volunteerism as unpaid activities that benefit the public good. Volunteering represents an important form of youth civic participation. Volunteer infrastructure includes the systems and mechanisms needed to support volunteerism. Volunteer infrastructure in Asia Pacific is diverse and growing, encompassing policy frameworks, civil society networks, and informal volunteering. However, there is limited region-specific data on its impact. Challenges include recognition, engaging youth, research, and matching needs with demand. Opportunities exist in further research and supporting diverse volunteer infrastructure models.
African civil society forum - peace and security presentationCosty Costantinos
This document discusses gender considerations for civic engagement in peace and security efforts, using Darfur as a case study. It provides recommendations to enhance women's participation and leadership in peace processes. The recommendations include training and mentoring programs for women leaders in Darfur, addressing HIV/AIDS and protecting women in IDP camps, promoting women's citizenship and participation in conflict resolution, and developing gender-focused alternative conflict management strategies. The document also outlines program objectives and outputs to enhance women's decision-making at the national level through improved policy analysis and advocacy.
Research Inventy : International Journal of Engineering and Scienceresearchinventy
Research Inventy : International Journal of Engineering and Science is published by the group of young academic and industrial researchers with 12 Issues per year. It is an online as well as print version open access journal that provides rapid publication (monthly) of articles in all areas of the subject such as: civil, mechanical, chemical, electronic and computer engineering as well as production and information technology. The Journal welcomes the submission of manuscripts that meet the general criteria of significance and scientific excellence. Papers will be published by rapid process within 20 days after acceptance and peer review process takes only 7 days. All articles published in Research Inventy will be peer-reviewed.
Information Communication Technologies are not gendered biased.Its usage is equally effective for both males as well as females. its effectiveness and impact depend on how the person uses it. This particular ppt. tells its readers about the power of ICT and how women can use it for their empowerment while performing various roles which she performs during her life.
Rethinking Youth Economic Empowerment In Nigeria: Deepened Democratization, E...QUESTJOURNAL
ABSTRACT: Over the last few decades, the collapse of commodity prices and the attendant leaning of public resources ; incessant rise in births in the African continent leading to the expansion and geometrical growth of population; the growth of corruption within leadership of nations as a result of lessening sense of transparency and accountability have along with other factors jointly combined to impact negatively on the quality of today's youth and youthful populations in many African countries. In Nigeria, our main focus, the dominant majority of the youth population have been both targets and in some cases victims of maladministration of the nation's political and elite class. As targets of public officials and policy makers, several strategies have been worked out, a lot of resources expended all with a bid to checkmate the prolonged devastation that majorly confronted this vital group of a nation's population. In scripting this paper, consideration was given to data obtainable from seconadry literature compiled by other researchers and public sector documents from institutions of government at various levels -local, state and federal. The paper was concluded with a presentation of a series of program and policy level recommendations.
Case 4 space 1.2. presentation heike alefsen_undg.pptxcase4space
This document discusses civic/civil society space in Asia and the Pacific. It defines civic space and outlines key policy frameworks supporting it, including the UN Sustainable Development Goals. While civil society has grown and contributed to development gains, civic space is under threat in most Asian countries. Restrictive laws and policies have limited freedoms of assembly, association, and access to information and funding. Human rights defenders, especially women and youth, face risks including killings. The document examines drivers narrowing civic space and UN recommendations to protect and expand it through engagement, legal reforms, monitoring, and support.
The document discusses concepts related to women's empowerment through literacy and livelihood programs. It defines key terms like empowerment, literacy, and livelihood. It outlines 4 components of empowerment: cognitive, psychological, economic, and political. It discusses indicators of women's empowerment at the individual, community, and national levels. It also discusses the relationship between education, functional literacy, and women's empowerment. The objectives of the study are to review approaches to literacy programs that empower women in Andhra Pradesh and analyze their impact and lessons learned.
This document discusses participatory development communication from an African perspective. It defines participatory development communication as involving communities in change efforts through planning and using communication resources. Effectiveness depends on contextual factors like creating participatory environments, strengthening information flows, ensuring access for all, and using culturally appropriate and community-based approaches. Traditional media that incorporate local values are important for grassroots participation, especially when combined with other media like radio. Harnessing communities' communicating capacities through approaches like community radio can help address challenges in areas like health, governance, and local economic development.
ICT has made a huge contribution to women's empowerment. women living in remote and rural areas are also being benefitted by ICT and they are making their contribution to society-building and development of the country.
Morocco Program 2014-2015 - Academic Magazine (digital)Anass EL Yamani
This article analyzes the effect of government policies on female political participation in Morocco using Dahl's five criteria of democracy. While women have legal rights to participate, cultural and religious factors constrain effective participation. Quotas have increased the number of women in politics but they mainly occupy lower levels and decision-making positions remains low. Education initiatives have improved political knowledge but control of the political agenda remains limited due to their positions. Overall, government policies have made some progress but more is needed to achieve equality and overcome constraints to fully realize democratic participation for women.
This document summarizes the findings of a survey on Arab women's use of social media and its potential role in empowering women and increasing civic engagement. Some key findings:
1) Arab women make up only 1/3 of social media users in the Arab region, much lower than the global average of 50%. The largest barrier to women's social media use is societal and cultural constraints.
2) Men's and women's social media usage trends and purposes are largely similar, including networking, accessing information/jobs, and activism.
3) Most respondents felt social media could enhance women's participation in legal, political, economic and civic arenas, though its impact may be limited without broader gender equality and
Case 4 space 2.2. presentation aanas ali_amnesty international.pptxcase4space
This document discusses youth activism and human rights defenders (HRDs) in Asia. It defines HRDs as activists working to protect various rights like women's rights, environmental rights, and LGBTQ rights. Young HRDs face additional risks due to their age and other identities. The document outlines challenges faced by young HRDs, like lack of legitimacy, support, and effective tactics. It proposes opportunities to expand civil space for HRDs through recognition, empowerment, solidarity, and creating safe and enabling environments. Amnesty International supports HRDs through advocacy, capacity building, and direct action on cases of targeted activists.
Youth Active Citizenship Context Analysis 2013Geoff Hazell
This document provides a summary of trends, barriers, and strategies related to youth active citizenship based on an analysis by Oxfam International Youth Partnerships. It identifies five key global trends: 1) changing populations with the largest youth population in history, 2) globalization and complex issues requiring new approaches to citizenship, 3) increased connectivity through technology and education, 4) protests related to rising inequality and unemployment, and 5) Oxfam's focus on emerging economies and middle income countries where most people in poverty now live. The document aims to support options for evolving Oxfam's youth programs to engage young people as agents of change.
This manual was developed to equip young people with a better understanding of the peculiar issues faced by young women and girls, how gender constructs and gender inequality has contributed to this, and how young people can advocate for more equitable societies and gender just communities and institutions. Young people will also be equipped to develop change pathways for tackling gender discrimination including applying a gender analysis in all their advocacy initiatives and leveraging movements and collective efforts for gender justice.
Empowering Youth through Volunteerism: The Importance of Global Motivating Fa...iosrjce
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
Women in Africa Leveraging ICT in Closing the Gender Gap through Ethics and V...ijtsrd
Significant shreds of evidence from literature revealed that women constitute half of the world’s human capital. Shreds of evidence also show that women have the potentials to redress gender gaps if empowered through Information and Communication Technology ICT , favourable laws, ethics, and values. Despite these important virtues, numerous investigations have shown significant gender gaps in internet use 23 , literacy rate 48.6 , pay gap 22 , political ambition, educational outcomes, etc., resulting majorly from restrictions placed by customary laws, ethics, and values that failed to incorporate no gender sensitive ICT policies in Africa. This study highlights the strategy to leverage the economic empowerment of women in Africa through ICT adoption, and favourable ICT policies, culture, ethics, and values. The Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology UTAUT was adopted as the conceptual framework. In this study, the authors explored a narrative review methodology of related research findings from peer reviewed articles to draw holistic findings that revealed significant information on strategies for leveraging ICT in closing the gender gap. Results show that gender gaps may result from women diverting time for circular works, due to unfavorable customary laws, ethics, and values, to meet family responsibilities or having less control over finances, which negatively impact their affordability of ICTs. Results also show that empowering women in ICT may advance sustainable goals, leverage their literacy abilities for ICT adoption leverage ICT in closing gaps in gender discrepancy in sociability capital resources. Dr. Felix. C. Aguboshim | Ifeyinwa Nkemdilim, Obiokafor | Irene Nkechi, Onwuka "Women in Africa: Leveraging ICT in Closing the Gender Gap through Ethics and Values" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-4 | Issue-6 , October 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd35721.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/computer-science/other/35721/women-in-africa-leveraging-ict-in-closing-the-gender-gap-through-ethics-and-values/dr-felix-c-aguboshim
The Anna Lindh Report 2014 : Intercultural Trends and Social Changes in the E...Jamaity
The Euro-Mediterranean region is experiencing the
most challenging and hazardous situation of the last two
decades. Twenty years ago, in the aftermath of the Oslo
Peace Accord, which was intended to solve the most
FRPSOH[FRQÀLFWRIWKHUHJLRQWKH(XURSHDQ8QLRQPRVW
of the Mediterranean Arab countries, Turkey and Israel
jointly launched the Barcelona Process. It was the most
ambitious multilateral project of cooperation the region
had ever known, ultimately aimed at creating a shared
space of peace, stability and prosperity.
None of the three goals have been attained. There have
of course been positive developments. Among them,
the most important is probably the awakening of the
civil society in the last years and its renewed capacity
to become a player for social change in the region.
Since 2010, we have observed converging demands
of freedom, dignity and social justice that constitute a
powerful and exciting reality. As a matter of fact, there
are new and stimulating reasons for hope, but there are
also perturbing causes for concern. On both shores of
the Mediterranean.
The document discusses the Volunteer and Citizenship Program for Local Government Units in the Philippines. It aims to establish Volunteer and Citizenship Desks in local governments to better coordinate volunteers and promote citizenship. The program draws on theories of neorepublicanism and aims to give more citizens a voice in their communities. It also discusses using volunteerism to help the Philippines achieve its UN Millennium Development Goals by taking advantage of the large number of potential volunteers in the country.
Case 4 space 2.2. presentation layne robinson_commonwealth secretariat.pptxcase4space
This document discusses political and civic participation in youth development as measured by the Youth Development Index (YDI). It notes that youth participation in formal politics is declining globally except in new democracies, though youth are more engaged in civic affairs through alternative modes of participation and technology. Enhancing youth participation requires measures like civic education, quotas, and citizenship education. The YDI measures youth development across five domains using 18 indicators, though data gaps exist, particularly in political and civic participation. Gender gaps also differ between regions and more disaggregated data is needed. Sub-national data is important to avoid averages hiding variations, and challenges collecting such data include outdated sources and competing priorities.
Case 4 space 2.2. presentation perdita sonntag_unv.pptxcase4space
The document discusses volunteerism and volunteer infrastructure in Asia Pacific. It defines volunteerism as unpaid activities that benefit the public good. Volunteering represents an important form of youth civic participation. Volunteer infrastructure includes the systems and mechanisms needed to support volunteerism. Volunteer infrastructure in Asia Pacific is diverse and growing, encompassing policy frameworks, civil society networks, and informal volunteering. However, there is limited region-specific data on its impact. Challenges include recognition, engaging youth, research, and matching needs with demand. Opportunities exist in further research and supporting diverse volunteer infrastructure models.
African civil society forum - peace and security presentationCosty Costantinos
This document discusses gender considerations for civic engagement in peace and security efforts, using Darfur as a case study. It provides recommendations to enhance women's participation and leadership in peace processes. The recommendations include training and mentoring programs for women leaders in Darfur, addressing HIV/AIDS and protecting women in IDP camps, promoting women's citizenship and participation in conflict resolution, and developing gender-focused alternative conflict management strategies. The document also outlines program objectives and outputs to enhance women's decision-making at the national level through improved policy analysis and advocacy.
Research Inventy : International Journal of Engineering and Scienceresearchinventy
Research Inventy : International Journal of Engineering and Science is published by the group of young academic and industrial researchers with 12 Issues per year. It is an online as well as print version open access journal that provides rapid publication (monthly) of articles in all areas of the subject such as: civil, mechanical, chemical, electronic and computer engineering as well as production and information technology. The Journal welcomes the submission of manuscripts that meet the general criteria of significance and scientific excellence. Papers will be published by rapid process within 20 days after acceptance and peer review process takes only 7 days. All articles published in Research Inventy will be peer-reviewed.
Information Communication Technologies are not gendered biased.Its usage is equally effective for both males as well as females. its effectiveness and impact depend on how the person uses it. This particular ppt. tells its readers about the power of ICT and how women can use it for their empowerment while performing various roles which she performs during her life.
Rethinking Youth Economic Empowerment In Nigeria: Deepened Democratization, E...QUESTJOURNAL
ABSTRACT: Over the last few decades, the collapse of commodity prices and the attendant leaning of public resources ; incessant rise in births in the African continent leading to the expansion and geometrical growth of population; the growth of corruption within leadership of nations as a result of lessening sense of transparency and accountability have along with other factors jointly combined to impact negatively on the quality of today's youth and youthful populations in many African countries. In Nigeria, our main focus, the dominant majority of the youth population have been both targets and in some cases victims of maladministration of the nation's political and elite class. As targets of public officials and policy makers, several strategies have been worked out, a lot of resources expended all with a bid to checkmate the prolonged devastation that majorly confronted this vital group of a nation's population. In scripting this paper, consideration was given to data obtainable from seconadry literature compiled by other researchers and public sector documents from institutions of government at various levels -local, state and federal. The paper was concluded with a presentation of a series of program and policy level recommendations.
Case 4 space 1.2. presentation heike alefsen_undg.pptxcase4space
This document discusses civic/civil society space in Asia and the Pacific. It defines civic space and outlines key policy frameworks supporting it, including the UN Sustainable Development Goals. While civil society has grown and contributed to development gains, civic space is under threat in most Asian countries. Restrictive laws and policies have limited freedoms of assembly, association, and access to information and funding. Human rights defenders, especially women and youth, face risks including killings. The document examines drivers narrowing civic space and UN recommendations to protect and expand it through engagement, legal reforms, monitoring, and support.
The document discusses concepts related to women's empowerment through literacy and livelihood programs. It defines key terms like empowerment, literacy, and livelihood. It outlines 4 components of empowerment: cognitive, psychological, economic, and political. It discusses indicators of women's empowerment at the individual, community, and national levels. It also discusses the relationship between education, functional literacy, and women's empowerment. The objectives of the study are to review approaches to literacy programs that empower women in Andhra Pradesh and analyze their impact and lessons learned.
This document discusses participatory development communication from an African perspective. It defines participatory development communication as involving communities in change efforts through planning and using communication resources. Effectiveness depends on contextual factors like creating participatory environments, strengthening information flows, ensuring access for all, and using culturally appropriate and community-based approaches. Traditional media that incorporate local values are important for grassroots participation, especially when combined with other media like radio. Harnessing communities' communicating capacities through approaches like community radio can help address challenges in areas like health, governance, and local economic development.
ICT has made a huge contribution to women's empowerment. women living in remote and rural areas are also being benefitted by ICT and they are making their contribution to society-building and development of the country.
Morocco Program 2014-2015 - Academic Magazine (digital)Anass EL Yamani
This article analyzes the effect of government policies on female political participation in Morocco using Dahl's five criteria of democracy. While women have legal rights to participate, cultural and religious factors constrain effective participation. Quotas have increased the number of women in politics but they mainly occupy lower levels and decision-making positions remains low. Education initiatives have improved political knowledge but control of the political agenda remains limited due to their positions. Overall, government policies have made some progress but more is needed to achieve equality and overcome constraints to fully realize democratic participation for women.
This document summarizes the findings of a survey on Arab women's use of social media and its potential role in empowering women and increasing civic engagement. Some key findings:
1) Arab women make up only 1/3 of social media users in the Arab region, much lower than the global average of 50%. The largest barrier to women's social media use is societal and cultural constraints.
2) Men's and women's social media usage trends and purposes are largely similar, including networking, accessing information/jobs, and activism.
3) Most respondents felt social media could enhance women's participation in legal, political, economic and civic arenas, though its impact may be limited without broader gender equality and
Case 4 space 2.2. presentation aanas ali_amnesty international.pptxcase4space
This document discusses youth activism and human rights defenders (HRDs) in Asia. It defines HRDs as activists working to protect various rights like women's rights, environmental rights, and LGBTQ rights. Young HRDs face additional risks due to their age and other identities. The document outlines challenges faced by young HRDs, like lack of legitimacy, support, and effective tactics. It proposes opportunities to expand civil space for HRDs through recognition, empowerment, solidarity, and creating safe and enabling environments. Amnesty International supports HRDs through advocacy, capacity building, and direct action on cases of targeted activists.
Youth Active Citizenship Context Analysis 2013Geoff Hazell
This document provides a summary of trends, barriers, and strategies related to youth active citizenship based on an analysis by Oxfam International Youth Partnerships. It identifies five key global trends: 1) changing populations with the largest youth population in history, 2) globalization and complex issues requiring new approaches to citizenship, 3) increased connectivity through technology and education, 4) protests related to rising inequality and unemployment, and 5) Oxfam's focus on emerging economies and middle income countries where most people in poverty now live. The document aims to support options for evolving Oxfam's youth programs to engage young people as agents of change.
This manual was developed to equip young people with a better understanding of the peculiar issues faced by young women and girls, how gender constructs and gender inequality has contributed to this, and how young people can advocate for more equitable societies and gender just communities and institutions. Young people will also be equipped to develop change pathways for tackling gender discrimination including applying a gender analysis in all their advocacy initiatives and leveraging movements and collective efforts for gender justice.
Empowering Youth through Volunteerism: The Importance of Global Motivating Fa...iosrjce
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
Women in Africa Leveraging ICT in Closing the Gender Gap through Ethics and V...ijtsrd
Significant shreds of evidence from literature revealed that women constitute half of the world’s human capital. Shreds of evidence also show that women have the potentials to redress gender gaps if empowered through Information and Communication Technology ICT , favourable laws, ethics, and values. Despite these important virtues, numerous investigations have shown significant gender gaps in internet use 23 , literacy rate 48.6 , pay gap 22 , political ambition, educational outcomes, etc., resulting majorly from restrictions placed by customary laws, ethics, and values that failed to incorporate no gender sensitive ICT policies in Africa. This study highlights the strategy to leverage the economic empowerment of women in Africa through ICT adoption, and favourable ICT policies, culture, ethics, and values. The Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology UTAUT was adopted as the conceptual framework. In this study, the authors explored a narrative review methodology of related research findings from peer reviewed articles to draw holistic findings that revealed significant information on strategies for leveraging ICT in closing the gender gap. Results show that gender gaps may result from women diverting time for circular works, due to unfavorable customary laws, ethics, and values, to meet family responsibilities or having less control over finances, which negatively impact their affordability of ICTs. Results also show that empowering women in ICT may advance sustainable goals, leverage their literacy abilities for ICT adoption leverage ICT in closing gaps in gender discrepancy in sociability capital resources. Dr. Felix. C. Aguboshim | Ifeyinwa Nkemdilim, Obiokafor | Irene Nkechi, Onwuka "Women in Africa: Leveraging ICT in Closing the Gender Gap through Ethics and Values" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-4 | Issue-6 , October 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd35721.pdf Paper Url: https://www.ijtsrd.com/computer-science/other/35721/women-in-africa-leveraging-ict-in-closing-the-gender-gap-through-ethics-and-values/dr-felix-c-aguboshim
The Anna Lindh Report 2014 : Intercultural Trends and Social Changes in the E...Jamaity
The Euro-Mediterranean region is experiencing the
most challenging and hazardous situation of the last two
decades. Twenty years ago, in the aftermath of the Oslo
Peace Accord, which was intended to solve the most
FRPSOH[FRQÀLFWRIWKHUHJLRQWKH(XURSHDQ8QLRQPRVW
of the Mediterranean Arab countries, Turkey and Israel
jointly launched the Barcelona Process. It was the most
ambitious multilateral project of cooperation the region
had ever known, ultimately aimed at creating a shared
space of peace, stability and prosperity.
None of the three goals have been attained. There have
of course been positive developments. Among them,
the most important is probably the awakening of the
civil society in the last years and its renewed capacity
to become a player for social change in the region.
Since 2010, we have observed converging demands
of freedom, dignity and social justice that constitute a
powerful and exciting reality. As a matter of fact, there
are new and stimulating reasons for hope, but there are
also perturbing causes for concern. On both shores of
the Mediterranean.
Osf 40under40 workshop on immigration report40under40
The European Young Leaders discussed developing a new narrative on immigration in Europe. Kirsten suggested a United Colors of Europe advertising campaign directed by Oliviero Toscani to promote an inclusive continent without discrimination. Farid argued the debate needs more business leader involvement on platforms beyond just politicians. Sarah highlighted breaking inferiority/superiority complexes by countering media perceptions with hard facts. Javier recommended collecting trustworthy immigration data and educating Europeans on the realities of immigration through diversity management and cultural mediation.
Women of Egyptian revolution- Credemus Associates-Jamila Boughelaf
Women played a crucial role in the Egyptian revolution through both their physical participation in protests and their use of social media. While women faced obstacles like gender discrimination and lack of political representation, many emerged as leaders of the revolution by organizing demonstrations online and in person. Social media helped spread awareness of the movement and connect women internally and internationally, though post-revolution women's voices have receded. Ongoing challenges include increasing women's political participation and challenging social norms, but new technologies and united activism can help advance women's rights and role in society.
This document summarizes a study on young Arab women journalists and their use of social media for activism during the Arab Spring. It finds that social media allowed women to mobilize support, document human rights abuses, and raise awareness of women's issues. However, the future progress of women's rights depends on stability in their countries and overcoming challenges like sexual harassment, political Islam, and prioritizing other issues over women's concerns. While social media helped activism, real-world change requires continued efforts by women themselves.
This document provides a literature review on the role of social media during conflicts. It discusses how social media was used during the Arab Spring uprisings to spread information and build online communities. Previous research found that social media helped magnify protester voices and assist in overcoming barriers, but the will of protesters was most important. The document then examines how social media impacted citizen journalism and the ability to share perspectives outside of mainstream media narratives. It reviews literature on both the positive and negative impacts social media can have on social movements. Overall, the literature establishes that social media is an important tool but not the sole reason for protests, and that face-to-face interaction remains very important.
Education in North Africa- Hammamet Conference Jamaity
The situation in each country of North Africa is
unique, but nonetheless has much in common
with its neighbours. What is clear, looking at
Great Britain and its own educational reforms of
recent decades, is that we too have much in
common with North Africa – more, perhaps
than we realize, disguised by differences of
history, development and wealth. The
massification of Higher Education, the relentless
quest for quality with limited means, the
development of sophisticated techniques for
orientating students to careers and the job
market, life-long learning, the teaching of
reading skills, the design of innovative
inspection regimes, the teaching of English to
non-native speakers – all these are potential
overlaps.
This document discusses the political and social power of mass media. It defines mass media and explores its role in informing the public and shaping societal agendas. Examples are given of how social media helped organize protests that led to regime changes. Al Jazeera is presented as a case study due to its influential coverage of Arab uprisings. The concluding question posed is what or who shapes the media's own agenda if it shapes the public's.
The document is a quarterly newsletter from Euphrates outlining their monthly campaigns for community chapters from April to September 2015. The campaigns provide ideas for chapters to inform, inspire and transform their communities through activities related to themes such as history of the Middle East, empowering youth, and international peace day. Chapters are encouraged to share photos and updates of their events.
Urbanization and the Politics of Identity in Buea A Sociological Perspectiveijtsrd
Urbanization plays a distinct and important role in producing political relationships. Identity politics which is strongly linked to sense of belonging is an important dimension of political relationships in urban areas. This study examines the relationship between urbanization and the politics of identity in Buea. The research is a descriptive documentary research with data collected from secondary sources former studies and reports, newspapers, archival records and internet publications with few interviews. Data collection procedures included reading and note taking. Data was analyzed using thematic content analysis whereby concepts and ideas were grouped together under umbrella key words to appreciate the trends in them. The Instrumentalist Theory of Ethnicity was the framework that guided the study. The themes were geared towards outlining how ethnicity has been a tool of political control. Data was gathered from the different epochs that have marked urbanization in Buea, from the Native Authority to the present Buea Rural Council, demonstrating how this has influenced relationships between natives and non natives. Results show that, starting as a colonial town, and most especially with her changing status as the capital successively of German Cameroon, British Southern Cameroons, and West Cameroon, coupled with the fact that she has had to harbour several institutions, Buea has experienced rapid urbanization. It also reveals that, just as colonialism is responsible for rapid urbanization in Buea, it has constructed differences between “us” and the “other” aimed at protecting indigenous minorities. In essence, the thesis demonstrates how the transition of Buea from a rural to an urban settlement has led to several types of relations across identity division, especially between insiders and outsiders as well as among native segments as each strives to dominate the political milieu. Although the non natives are in a demographic majority, they occupy a minority position within the Council. Most especially, the recruitment policy of the Councilfavours natives, to the detriment of non natives. Land restitution and re alienation has ushered in a paradigm shift from tensions between natives and non natives to an era of peaceful co existence. Fanny Jose Mbua "Urbanization and the Politics of Identity in Buea: A Sociological Perspective" Published in International Journal of Trend in Scientific Research and Development (ijtsrd), ISSN: 2456-6470, Volume-4 | Issue-5 , August 2020, URL: https://www.ijtsrd.com/papers/ijtsrd33078.pdf Paper Url :https://www.ijtsrd.com/humanities-and-the-arts/education/33078/urbanization-and-the-politics-of-identity-in-buea-a-sociological-perspective/fanny-jose-mbua
1) Young people are defined differently in different societies but are generally considered those aged 15-29. They are shaping a new set of values focused on personal growth, independence, tolerance, and environmental issues rather than materialism.
2) Research shows young people have little interest in traditional politics and political parties. They display cynicism and distrust towards politicians.
3) Barriers like not recognizing education as active work and delays in independence prevent young people from becoming active citizens earlier in life, turning them towards private concerns over communal ones.
The arab spring and its implications for nigerian national securityOnyinye Chime
Abstract
Demographic changes, growing unemployment, social media penetration, an interplay of religion and politics
provided the combustible mix for the Arab Spring. The Arab Spring has helped generate awareness about quality
of governance, legitimacy and relationship between state and society but is muted as it relates to its effects on
national security in Nigeria. Indeed, from a historical perspective, a direct effect of the Arab Spring on Nigerian
National Security is not obvious. The paper argues that the challenges facing national security in Nigeria is
independent of the Arab Spring but identifies some ripples from the Arab Spring that could create anxious
moments for national security planners in Nigeria.
This document summarizes a presentation by Isabelle Younane from the organization UNA-UK about their campaign to reform the selection process for the UN Secretary-General.
The key points are:
1) UNA-UK advocates for more transparency and public participation in choosing the UN Secretary-General, who is currently selected through opaque negotiations between UN member states.
2) Their "1 For 7 Billion" campaign seeks to find and promote the best candidate for UN leader based on open nominations and a public vote.
3) Reforms to the selection process could help make the UN Secretary-General role more representative and effective, according to UNA-UK.
This dissertation examines the role of new communication technologies and Tunisian activists in shaping the outcome of Tunisia's transition following the 2010-2011 revolution. It explores how activists utilized online platforms like blogs and social media to publicize grievances against the former regime and influence international coverage of the revolution. The study aims to determine if activists have gained political empowerment through these technologies, and if this empowerment is sustainable in Tunisia's current political context. Interviews are conducted with activists to understand their roles, visibility, popularity and credibility in the post-revolution period. The research also analyzes control over information and the "market for loyalties" using Monroe Price's theoretical framework to assess activists' ongoing authority and ability to engage in
Political Myths of the African Great Lakes Regionijtsrd
This document discusses political myths in the African Great Lakes region, which includes the Democratic Republic of Congo, Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi. It begins by reviewing definitions of political myth from various scholars and perspectives. It then discusses the development and role of political myths in the region throughout history, from the pre-colonial period to today. The main points are that political myths are used by politicians and rebels to gain and maintain power, and serve the interests of those holding political and economic power more than the states and nations themselves. Myths help justify failures and inequalities in poorer nations. Understanding political myths is important for comprehending politics and conflicts in the region.
Apathetic Millennials The Personal Politics Of Todays Young PeopleMartha Brown
This document discusses political participation among Filipino millennials. It argues that millennials are often accused of political apathy, but their politics takes different forms than previous generations due to changing social and economic conditions. While some millennials actively protested the burial of the former dictator Ferdinand Marcos, others supported his son's campaign, showing complex and nuanced political engagements. Younger Filipinos are finding new ways of participating through volunteering, advocacy, and digital activism, rather than traditional forms like voting. Understanding how youth politics is evolving can provide insights into the millennial generation.
The document discusses how social networking sites and social media are being used for political purposes, such as political organization and engagement among young citizens. It also examines how terrorist groups like ISIS utilize various social media platforms for spreading propaganda, recruitment, and communication. The rise of social media presents both opportunities and challenges for political participation but also enables threats like terrorism to spread their influence more widely.
The document discusses the Rwandan genocide of 1994. It provides background on the ethnic tensions between Hutus and Tutsis that were exacerbated by Belgian colonialism. Over 500,000 people were killed during the 100-day genocide. The UN failed to prevent the genocide despite warnings. Issues of truth, justice, and reconciliation in post-genocide Rwanda are also examined.
Similar to youth, revolt, recognition the young generation during and after the “arab spring” (20)
Ce Toolkit est le fruit d’un travail collaboratif, qui a integré la plupart des parties prenantes. Il s’agit d’un ensemble d’outils au
profit des acteurs.trices des coalitions pour les aider dans l’identification et la formulation de projet de développement humain
à fort impact.
Ce Toolkit est le fruit d’un travail collaboratif, qui a integré la plupart des parties prenantes. Il s’agit d’un ensemble d’outils au
profit des acteurs.trices des coalitions pour les aider dans l’identification et la formulation de projet de développement humain
à fort impact.
porté par des individus déterminés à défendre des causes qui leur tiennent à cœur. Que ce soit pour l’égalité des droits, la justice sociale, ou la protection de l’environnement, les activistes consacrent leur énergie, leur temps et souvent leur propre bien-être à la réalisation de leur vision d’un monde meilleur.
porté par des individus déterminés à défendre des causes qui leur tiennent à cœur. Que ce soit pour l’égalité des droits, la justice sociale, ou la protection de l’environnement, les activistes consacrent leur énergie, leur temps et souvent leur propre bien-être à la réalisation de leur vision d’un monde meilleur
Le guide de plaidoyer, est un document né d’une collaboration entre l’association JAMAITY et son partenaire la fondation CIDEAL dans le cadre du projet « Renforcement des capacités des réseaux, plateformes et autres collectifs pour la promotion des Droits Humains et des Libertés Fondamentales en Tunisie par la formation, l'échange d'expériences et la dynamisation» financé par la coopération Espagnole en Tunisie.
GUIDE ON MAIN FUNDING OPPORTUNITIES FOR STARTUPS AND NON PROFIT ORGANIZATIONS...Jamaity
In Tunisia, Community-Based Organizations, grassroots organizations, and social impact businesses have contributed to a variety of initiatives aimed at advancing human rights and incorporating the Humanitarian-Peace-Development nexus. They play a significant role in fostering peace in the country, but face at the same time numerous challenges and constantly changing circumstances.
Financial viability is one of these challenges threatened by the lack of fundraising expertise, and access to available opportunities.
This guide aims to inform community-based organizations, grassroots organizations, and social impact businesses about available funding and technical opportunities and equip them with data and tools to better secure funds.
2021 CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANIZATION SUSTAINABILITY INDEX (ENG)Jamaity
In 2021, countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) began to chart their path toward recovery from the myriad impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the process of recovery—social, economic, and political proved to be both gradual and halting. Over the course of the year, CSOs in the region faced not only the ongoing impact of the pandemic, but also political unrest and financial uncertainty, yet continued to adapt to the difficult and shifting environment. The 2021 CSO Sustainability Index for MENA, which reports on the state of CSO sectors
in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen, outlines CSOs’ successes and obstacles in carrying out their missions.
L’intervention de l’UICN a également permis d’accompagner les partenaires dans la mise en oeuvre
de leurs Plans d’Actions Stratégiques.
Les résultats et réalisations présentés dans ce rapport donnent une photographie de la dynamique
de l’UICN dans la région et de sa contribution à la conservation, gestion durable du capital naturel et
aux objectifs du développement durable.
Le guide de plaidoyer, est un document né d’une collaboration entre l’association JAMAITY et son partenaire la fondation
CIDEAL dans le cadre du projet « Renforcement des capacités des réseaux, plateformes et autres collectifs pour la promotion
des Droits Humains et des Libertés Fondamentales en Tunisie par la formation, l'échange d'expériences et la dynamisation»
financé par la coopération Espagnole en Tunisie.
Ce guide vise à renforcer les connaissances des coalitions ciblées par le projet en plaidoyer ainsi de leur fournir des outils
et des moyens pratiques pour leur faciliter la mise en oeuvre des actions de plaidoyer efficaces.
Étant donné que le plaidoyer constitue l’une des grandes missions des coalitions dans leur travail quotidien, l’équipe du
projet a pensé à créer ce document d’une manière simple et pratique, permettant aux membres d’enrichir leurs bases de
connaissance mais aussi pouvoir pratiquer et appliquer ce qui est mentionner dans leurs activités ainsi que leur vie
associative quotidienne.
La levée des fonds ou la recherche de financements dénommé en anglais « Fundraising » consiste en un processus de
collecte de contributions sous forme d’argent ou d’autres ressources en sollicitant des dons à des particuliers, des entreprises,
des fondations caritatives ou des agences gouvernementales.
La levée des fonds est l’une des pièces les plus importantes du puzzle organisationnel, en effet en l’absence de financement,
une organisation ne pourra pas servir efficacement la cause qu’elle défend et répondre aux besoins de la communauté et
elle serait amenée à terme à disparaître.
La levée de fonds est une démarche stratégique à long terme laquelle engage l’ensemble de l’organisation, administrateurs,
permanents et bénévoles autour d’un projet.
En substance, le fundraising n’est pas une finalité en soi mais plutôt un moyen pour concrétiser des idées/ actions.
تسلط هذه الدراسة الضوء على الحق في السكن في تونس من خلال النظر في واقع وظروف عيش
المهاجرين من جنوب الصحراء في تونس. تعتمد الدراسة على مقاربة أنثروبولوجية وتستقي معطيات
الميدانية من جملة من المقابلات شبه المهيكلة مع عدد من المهاجرين المقيمين في احياء تونس
العاصمة، ما ساعد على استخلاص مادة كيفية للإجابة على الأسئلة التي تضعها الدراسة.
وتنظر الدراسة الى ديناميكيات السكن الخاصة بالمهاجرين سعيا الى مناقشة حدود وصولهم إلى هذا
الحق على مستويات مختلفة )سياسية، مؤسساتية، اجتماعية، شخصية، إلخ(، من خلال تحليل سرديات
فردية لفهم ظروف السكن وعوامل اختياره، بما في ذلك المحيط العمراني المباشر للمسكن. وتعتمد
الدراسة أساسا على مقاطعة مسارات البحث عن مسكن والولوج الى هذا الحق مع مسارات الهجرة
والعلاقة بين المهاجر والمجتمع المحلي، وصولا الى تقاطع الهامش الذي يشغله المهاجرون مع
الهوامش الاجتماعية المحلية والدور الذي تلعبه شبكات الأمان المجتمعي.
يمهد هذا العمل الى نشر نسخة أشمل للدراسة والتي ستجمع عملا ميدانيا موسعا )ولايتي صفاقس
ومدنين الى جانب تونس الكبرى(، ويضع في مرحلة اولى جملة من التوصيات كما يلي:
إطلاق حملة لتسوية الوضعيات الإدارية للمهاجرين المتواجدين في تونس
ادماج المهاجرين في السياسات العمومية واشراكهم في التخطيط لها وتنفيذها
الدفع نحو مزيد من المساءلة وتحمل المسؤولية في ما يتعلق بدور المنظمات الأممية في
حماية واسناد اللاجئين وطالبي اللجوء والمهاجرين
تحسين وتعميم آليات وبرامج ادارة المساعدات المالية التي تقدمها المنظمات الإنسانية
دعم المبادرات المجتمعية في الأحياء المستهدفة
تحسيس الرأي العام لتعزيز التضامن مع وبين التونسيين والمهاجرين واللاجئين وطالبي اللجوء
مراجعة القانون رقم 7 المؤرخ في 8 مارس 1968 والمتعلق بوضع الأجانب في تونس )قانون
تصريح الإقامة( لجعله متوافقًا مع المعاهدات الدولية
إعادة النظر في شروط إيواء الأجنبي واجبارية اعلام أقسام الشرطة بذلك
دعم واسناد دور جمعيات المجتمع المدني في توفير المرافقة القانونية للمهاجرين بما في ذلك
الأطر المتعلق بحقهم في السكن ومرافقة توقيع العقود )فحص البنود التعاقدية مع صاحب
المسكن( والمبادرة باقتراح نموذج عقد موحد خاص باللاجئين والمهاجرين
تسهيل اجراء ات منح تصريح الإقامة وإزالة العقوبات المتعلقة بانقضاء مدتها
ضمان الوصول إلى العدالة فيما يتعلق بالحق في السكن في حالة التجاوز
مراعاة الوضع الهش للمهاجرين في كافة برامج وزارة الشؤون الاجتماعية
مراجعة محتوى البرامج التعليمية لجعلها أكثر شمولية واحترامًا للمهاجرين
دعم عمل منظمات المجتمع المدني على تسليط الضوء على مسألة الوصول إلى العدالة فيما
يتعلق بالحق في السكن للمهاجرين وإدراج هذه النقطة ضمن أوليات ومخاوف المنظمات عند
اصدار تقاريره
La présente étude a été conduite par Maram Tebbini pour le FTDES, membre du Arab Hub for Social Protection, et ce dans le cadre du projet de recherche « Social Protection in (post)Covid MENA ».
Il s’agit de la première partie d’un travail plus élaboré qui couvrira d’autres villes Tunisiennes à paraître en septembre 2022.
Rattaché au principe de la dignité, avoir droit à un logement signifie protéger la dignité et l’intégrité physique et psychique de l’individu. Ce droit implique l’accès à un logement sécurisé, habitable, doté de services nécessaires et situé à proximité des possibilités d’emploi, des services de santé, des écoles, des moyens de transports, etc. Le logement doit aussi être adapté à l’expression de l’identité culturelle des habitants. Ces conditions sont pourtant difficilement réunies même pour une bonne partie de Tunisiens marginalisés. La situation empire clairement pour d’autres groupes marginalisés, à savoir les migrants « subsahariens ». La visée de cette étude serait de décrire et de discuter les conditions de l’habitat de ces derniers.
Ce Toolkit est le fruit d’un travail collaboratif, qui a integré la plupart des parties prenantes. Il s’agit d’un ensemble d’outils au
profit des acteurs.trices des coalitions pour les aider dans l’identification et la formulation de projet de développement humain à fort impact.
Pourquoi:
Pour innover dans l’identification
des actions
• Pour faciliter les choses aux acteurs.
trices de la société civile
• Pour développer des projets basés
sur les besoins spécifiques des citoyens.nes
• Pour la mise en oeuvre des projets à fort impact
Quoi:
Une démarche innovative et
participative en quatre étapes
• Un ensemble d’outils adaptés et
inspirés par les approches de
l’innovation
• Un toolkit avec des résultats
tangibles
Comment: Des outils guidés étape par étape
afin d’aboutir à un résultat concret
dans le process d’identification et
de formulation des projets
Bulletin 200 days after Article 80-Concentration of powers (2).pdfJamaity
Two hundred days after the triggering of Article 80 by the President of the Republic Kais Saied, the hypotheses raised by the two previous bulletins -issued respectively 50 and 100 days after the onset of the state of exception- namely that of a “break in continuity”1, an “erosion of the rule of law and a threat to freedoms”2 are becoming more and more confirmed every day.
The authoritarian nature of the practice of power introduced by the President, who, since the so-called Decree 117, has had all the executive and legislative powers in his hands, is becoming established.
The Covid-19 pandemic & the evolution of migration intentions among Tunisian ...Jamaity
This study was carried out as part of the participation of the Tunisian Forum for Economic and Social Rights (FTDES) in the research project "Social Protection in (post) Covid MENA" as member of the "Arab Hub for Social Protection" Consortium.
تنطلق هذه الدراسة من جملة من الاستفهامات النظرية والميدانية التي لا نروم الإجابة عليها بقدر ما نروم استحثاث التفكير فيها. أمّا هويّتها التحرّرية المواطنية وخلفيتها الحقوقية باعتبار الإطار الجمعياتي الذي أنجزت فيه فانّه يجعل الغاية كذلك من هذا البحث هو تزويد القارئ عموما والفاعلين الاجتماعيين بشكل خاص بأليّات تفكير مختلفة ليكونوا خاصة أكثر وعيا بالقضايا وأكثر نجاعة في طرحها واستشراف نتائجها
تهدف هذه الدراسة أساسا الى
تحديد كيفية تفاعل الأسر مع الجائحة من حيث أشكال التأقلم واستراتيجيات المقاومة والصمود
تحديد مدى تأثير الجائحة على الأفراد داخل الأسرة وخارجها وخاصة في مستوى الرضا العام
دراسة مستويات تطوّر النوايا الهجرية في ظل الجائحة
دراسة مستويات تغيّر المشاريع الهجرية ومساهمة الأسر فيها وامكانيات تحقيقها مستقبلا
Normal life came to an abrupt halt in the first quarter of 2020 as the COVID-19 virus spread around the globe. Confronted by myriad unprecedented challenges, including political and economic unrest, the closure of civic space, and a decline in financial viability, CSOs in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) demonstrated remarkable resilience. They reacted quickly to the constantly changing circumstances by providing critical services, thereby demonstrating their value to the societies in which they are based. In addition, CSOs increasingly adopted new technologies, allowing them to develop new ways of working, providing services to their constituents, and increasing their own capacities. The pandemic thus served as a litmus test, both exposing CSOs’ vulnerabilities and highlighting their resilience. This year’s CSO Sustainability Index for MENA, which reports on the state of CSO sectors in Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia, and Yemen, describes both these opportunities and challenges.
Diaspora organizations and their humanitarian response in tunisiaJamaity
How has the Tunisian diaspora responded when COVID-19 hit their country of origin? How did they support and engage with families, communities back in Tunisia? And did they coordinate with the wider humanitarian system when delivering humanitarian aid?
DEMAC has conducted a Real-time review between July and September 2021, providing a rapid analysis of the humanitarian response of Tunisian diaspora organizations to the fourth and most severe wave of the COVID-19 pandemic.
Deconstruire le mythe de la surete en TunisieJamaity
Le droit d’asile constitue un droit fondamental consacré tant par la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union
européenne15 que par le droit italien.
Cependant, force est de constater la multiplication des obstacles pour limiter l’accès aux procédures d’asile.
Le concept de « pays d’origine sûr » permet ainsi de déclarer irrecevable une demande d’asile et de renvoyer le demandeur vers l’Etat concerné, sous prétexte que ce pays est sûr pour lui. Or, la Tunisie ne peut être
considérée comme absolument « sûr » pour toutes et tous ses ressortissants. Ce concept est donc incompatible avec le droit d’asile et les garanties à fournir à la population migrante.
L’utilisation de la notion de « sûreté » pour justifier la mise en place d’une procédure accélérée d’examen d’une demande d’asile implique non seulement un abaissement des garanties procédurales indispensables pour
assurer la qualité de cet examen, mais méconnait également la réalité de la situation particulière de nombreux tunisiens demandeurs d’asile.
En outre, l'instrumentalisation de ce concept permet une certaine standardisation des rapatriements vers la Tunisie – 1.997 Tunisiens en 2020 et 1.655 jusqu'à mi-novembre 2021 – qui reste le pays vers lequel l'Italie effectue le plus d'opérations de rapatriement.
Les organisations signataires entendent souligner la gravité de la situation vécue par de nombreux tunisien.ne.s victimes de violations graves de droits humains et appellent le gouvernement italien à renoncer à la notion de « pays d’origine sûr » qui vide le droit d’asile de sa substance.
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youth, revolt, recognition the young generation during and after the “arab spring”
1. MIB-Edited Volume
Berlin 2015
Youth, Revolt, Recognition
The Young Generation during and after the “Arab Spring”
Edited by Isabel Schäfer
Youth as Political Actors after the “Arab Spring”: The Case of Tunisia
by Carolina Silveira
3. Table of Contents
Introduction
- Isabel Schäfer 1
Part I – Theoretical Perspectives 5
On the Concept of Youth – Some Reflections on Theory
- Valeska Henze 5
Part II – Youth and Politics in the Southern and Eastern
Mediterranean 17
Youth as Political Actors after the “Arab Spring”: The Case of
Tunisia
- Carolina Silveira 17
From The Core To The Fringe? The Political Role of Libyan
Youth During And After The Revolution
- Anna Lührmann 27
The Attractiveness of Political Islam for Youth in North Africa
- Charlotte Biegler-König 35
The Role of Artistic Protest Movements in the Egyptian
Revolution
- Daniel Farrell 45
The „Gezi Generation“: Youth, Polarization and the „New
Turkey“
- Gözde Böcü 52
Part III – Youth, Migration and the Socio-Economic Dimension
62
Reconfiguration of Tunisian Migration Politics after the
'Arab Spring' - The Role of Young Civil Society Movements
- Inken Bartels 62
Migration and Youth - A Moroccan Perspective
- Bachir Hamdouch 80
Youth Unemployment in the Southern Mediterranean:
Demographic Pressure, Human Development and Policies
- Wai Mun Hong 86
Authors 107
4. Youth, Revolt, Recognition. The Young Generation during and after the „Arab Spring“.
Berlin 2015: Mediterranean Institute Berlin (MIB)/Humboldt University Berlin, edited volume by Isabel Schäfer.
17
Part II – Youth and Politics in the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean
Youth as Political Actors after the “Arab Spring”: The Case of Tunisia
Carolina Silveira
Introduction
The series of demonstrations now commonly known as the “Arab Spring” ignited the Arab world in
2010/2011, and saw young people taking to the streets to protest against their corrupt government
system hoping to make a change. The initial spark that aroused this wave of protests took place in
Tunisia, as a humble fruit vendor set himself ablaze after being humiliated, beaten and robbed by
police officers. The protests in Tunisia, which have since been dubbed the “Tunisian Revolution”,
expanded across the Middle East in a domino effect that attracted attention the world over, largely
thanks to young bloggers who organized demonstrations, filmed events as they happened, and
distributed information online. There is no denying the widespread attention garnered by the Arab
spring demonstrations, but we must now consider the results and political changes achieved since
these events. The focus of this paper lies on youth political involvement in Tunisia, with the aim of
providing an understanding of the ways in which young people have tried to gain influence, both
through traditional politics, as well as through alternative methods of political engagement, such as
civil society groups and social networking sites. The demographics in Tunisian society will be
considered as a starting point, followed by an investigation of youth political representation.
Before delving into an analysis of young people as political actors, it is important to define ‘youth’
and to look at the demographics that shape society in Arab world, and more specifically, in Tunisia. In
the context of the Arab spring, however, this task is not as straightforward as it might seem. In
‘Problematizing Arab Youth’, Emma Murphy points out that little attention has been given by
scholars to the difficulties of identifying ‘on whom the term [youth] might legitimately be conferred
or what constitutes the set of interests and identities which enable ‘youths’ to cohere into a distinct
sub-set’.36
However, focusing on how we frame the youth segment is essential if we are to
understand ‘who they were, what it was they wanted or their significance as a rising social and
political force’37
in Tunisia. Although often described as a youth led movement, many who were
deeply engaged in the protests may have fallen outside of the ‘youth’ age bracket, which according
to UNESCO (the United Nations’ educational, scientific and cultural organization), lies between the
ages of 15 and 24. This strict classification becomes more complex with UNESCO’s additional
understanding of ‘youth’ as a ‘period of transition from the dependence of childhood to adulthood’s
independence and awareness of our interdependence as members of a community.’38
Taking the
latter definition as a point of analysis, ‘youth’ becomes a fluid segment rather than a fixed age group.
This conceptualization serves the purposes of this paper well, as many involved in the Arab Spring
demonstrations may have fallen outwith the 15 to 24 age bracket, but found themselves in a period
36
Emma C. Murphy, "Problematizing Arab Youth: Generational Narratives of Systemic Failure."
Mediterranean Politics 17, no. 1 (2012): p. 2.
37
Ibid.
38
UNESCO (2014): "Youth-Definition." Accessed March 9, 2014. http://www.unesco.org/new/en/social-and-human-
sciences/themes/youth/youth-definition/.
5. Youth, Revolt, Recognition. The Young Generation during and after the „Arab Spring“.
Berlin 2015: Mediterranean Institute Berlin (MIB)/Humboldt University Berlin, edited volume by Isabel Schäfer.
18
of transition between dependency and adulthood. It is important to keep in mind, however, that the
statistics used throughout this paper come from secondary sources, and therefore reflect age
categories of ‘youth’ as used in each particular research cited; the general idea of ‘youth’ will
nonetheless retain its broader meaning.
Conceptualising Tunisia’s youth
The ‘youth’ segment, particularly in the context of the Arab world, can be analysed in a variety of
ways, as Murphy explains. She proposes four different approaches to conceptualising the Arab youth:
1) as a demographic ‘bulge’; 2) as a human resources issue; 3) as a stage of transition into adulthood;
and 4) as a constructed identity.39
Looking firstly at the so-called demographic bulge, there is no
denying that the Arab world is home to an overwhelmingly young population, with 65% of all
residents in this region being under 25 in 2012.40
However, some demographic differences can be
identified between the various countries in the Arab region. Tunisia’s demographics skew towards an
intermediate age structure, with 40% percent of the population being under-25.41
This strongly
contrasts with countries like Yemen, where the percentage of under-25s is closer to 70%.42
When we
consider the demographics in Western countries, however, even Tunisia’s intermediate age structure
appears strikingly young. Taking some European countries as examples, the under-25 population in
2014 lies at 29% in the UK, 23% in Germany, 24% in Italy, and 24% Greece.
A youthful demographic can have an undeniable impact on society and politics, particularly with
regard to human resources.43
Unemployment rates, for example, are often higher in countries with
such a large proportion of young people. Considering that under-25s are a segment of the population
less likely to have significant work experience, and taking into account the sparse employment
opportunities even for the highly qualified, some assert that ‘the spark that ignited the uprising was
not a cry for democracy but a demand for jobs.’44
Unemployment statistics certainly corroborate this
theory, with unemployment standing at 30% among 15 to 24 year olds in Tunisia in 2010.45
For the
highly skilled youth, i.e. those with higher education, the rates were at a staggering 61%.46
The increasing enrolment demand on all education sectors has also posed a problem for young
people, leaving many without the skills or qualifications necessary to compete in the job market. The
struggle to find employment or to receive an appropriate education in order to develop their skills,
leads to a generation that feels excluded and marginalized from society, unable to contribute to the
working community and often lacking future prospects. Young people are thus prevented from
39
Murphy, “Problematizing Arab Youth”, 7.
40
Floris, Sylvie. "Youth, those Anti-Heroes of the Arab Spring." IEMed Mediterranean Yearbook (2012): 2. Accessed March 8, 2014.
http://www.iemed.org/observatori-en/arees-danalisi/arxius-adjunts/anuari/med.2012/Floris_en.pdf.
41
Index Mundi. "Tunisia Demographics Profile." Accessed March 9, 2014.
http://www.indexmundi.com/tunisia/demographics_profile.html.
42
Inter Press Service News. "Young Yemen Multiplies Without Growth." Accessed March 9, 2014.
http://www.ipsnews.net/2013/06/young-yemen-multiplies-without-growth/
43
Murphy, “Problematizing Arab Youth”, 7.
44
El-Khawas, Mohamed A. "Tunisia’s Jasmine Revolution: Causes and Impact." Mediterranean Quarterly 23, no. 4 (2012): 8.
45
IIham Haouas, Edward Sayre, and Mahmoud Yagoubi. "Youth unemployment in Tunisia: Characteristics and policy responses." Topics
in Middle Eastern and African Economies 14 (2012): 404.
46
Ibid.
6. Youth, Revolt, Recognition. The Young Generation during and after the „Arab Spring“.
Berlin 2015: Mediterranean Institute Berlin (MIB)/Humboldt University Berlin, edited volume by Isabel Schäfer.
19
entering the transitional phase into adulthood, as they cannot marry or even move out of their
parents’ home without a fixed income.47
This brings us to the final categorization of the Arab youth as an independent, constructed identity.
Floris asserts that the youth in the Tunisian society ‘were in a position of “sub-citizens,” which
explains why the first word to be chanted at demonstrations was “dignity”’.48
The feeling of
disaffection within this large youth segment was undoubtedly aggravated by the failure of the
government to appropriately deal with the difficulties they faced. This failure can be largely affiliated
to state corruption, repression, lack of investment in the underdeveloped central and western
regions of the country, and an education system that did not provide young people with the skills
required for the few employment opportunities available.49
Three years after the revolution,
Tunisia’s unemployment rate has risen to 42% among young people,50
indicating that the socio-
economic problems facing them still remain. Although the circumstances that led to the Arab Spring
cannot be simplified into one single issue, it is clear that the youth, frustrated with the difficulties
directly affecting them and desiring a change from this ‘sub-citizen’ existence, were at the heart of
the movement.
Youth representation in Tunisian politics
The following section considers the extent to which the youth in Tunisia achieved the changes that
they strove for. When regarding the level of satisfaction with politics, one of the first questions to ask
is whether young people feel represented by the politicians in power, or simply whether they are
being heard. In this regard, it seems that not much has changed. According to a poll conducted by
the Al Jazeera Studies Centre in 2013, 81% of young people (17-31) do not feel represented by the
Constituent Assembly, and only 14% claim that the revolution has been a success.51
Tunisia Live, a
news website created by a group of young Tunisians in the aftermath of the Tunisian Revolution,
reported that in the 2011 parliamentary elections, only 17% of Tunisia’s youth (aged 18 to 25)
registered to vote.52
Alarmingly, out of those who did vote in the 2011 election, 14% said they would
not vote again.53
Sarah Dickson’s article on voter trend in Tunisia deals with the puzzling question of
why some young people ‘seem to have “given up” on the effectiveness of voting’,54
despite
expressing an interest in political change. The interviews she conducted reveal a wide array of
political opinions, but one unifying trend: although most young people were uninvolved in politics
before the revolution, they have now become extremely interested in political developments.55
47
Murphy, “Problematizing Arab Youth”, 10.
48
Floris, “Youth, those Anti-Heroes of the Arab Spring”, 2.
49
"Youth and the Tunisian Revolution." Conflict prevention and peace forum (2011): 12. Accessed March 9, 2014.
http://webarchive.ssrc.org/pdfs/Alcinda_Honwana,_Youth_and_the_Tunisian_Revolution,_September_2011-
CPPF_policy%20paper.pdf
50
Ulandssekretariatet. "Tunisia - Labour Market Profile 2013." Accessed March 9, 2014.
http://www.ulandssekretariatet.dk/sites/default/files/uploads/public/PDF/LMP/tunisia_2013_final_web.pdf.
51
World Bulletin. "Arab youth feel alienated from politics." Accessed March 9, 2014.
http://www.worldbulletin.net/?aType=haber&ArticleID=114200.
52
Tunisia Live. "Tunisian Youth: Between Political Exclusion and Civic Engagement." Accessed March 9, 2014. http://www.tunisia-
live.net/2013/06/14/tunisian-youth-between-political-exclusion-and-civic-engagement/#sthash.8tWkIcpI.dpuf.
53
Dickson, Sarah. "To Vote or Not to Vote: Youth Political Agency in Post-Revolutionary Tunisia." Independent Study Project (ISP)
Collection 4, no. 1 (2013): 8.
54
Dickson, "To Vote or Not to Vote", 2.
55
Dickson, "To Vote or Not to Vote", 13.
7. Youth, Revolt, Recognition. The Young Generation during and after the „Arab Spring“.
Berlin 2015: Mediterranean Institute Berlin (MIB)/Humboldt University Berlin, edited volume by Isabel Schäfer.
20
The disengagement from voting among the youth can be attributed to many factors, one of which is
the persisting distrust of political parties and the political system in general.56
Many were dissatisfied
with the election results of 2011, and complained that the new government showed similar problems
to the regime under Ben Ali. The fact that around a quarter of National Constituent Assembly (NCA)
members switched party affiliations since they were elected only serves to worsen the situation.57
Furthermore, a consensus on what a democracy entails is still lacking in Tunisia; according to
Dickson, a period of ‘political learning’ is required in order to transition to a long-lasting democratic
system, but young Tunisians have not yet developed a ‘collective sense of democratic values.’58
Some
young people even question how they can feel represented when many parties are still led by
significantly older politicians.59
Beji Caid Essebsi, leader of the secular party Nidaa Tounes is 88 years
old, much older than the Tunisian life expectancy of 74, and was elected President in December
2014.60
Youth involvement in traditional politics
Since much of the youth in Tunisia disapprove of the politicians in power, it is interesting to analyse
the involvement of young people in traditional politics, i.e. as active policy makers. The National
Constituent Assembly (NCA) is taken as an example here, as it was the first legislative body drafting
policies and the new constitution after the Tunisian revolution. Out of 217 members of the NCA, 9
were under 30 (4%), while the vast majority were over 50 (76%).61
These numbers are not entirely
surprising, since an analysis of age structure of constituent representatives in many Western
countries might reveal similarly low numbers of young people. What makes these figures a cause for
concern is the aforementioned demographic youth ‘bulge. Considering that such a large proportion
of the population is under 30, and this segment of society is arguably suffering the most from the
current economical and political climate, it is worrisome that they only represent 4% of the NCA.
However, many young people show no interest in being politicians themselves, or even being
affiliated with political parties. From those who did join a party after the revolution, many withdrew
after elections because they were disappointed with the strategies of these parties and the lack of
cohesion and collaboration of ideas, especially between the younger and the older members. Young
people interviewed by Tunisia Live claimed that belonging to a political party means committing to
speak in the name of the party, which takes away the freedom to act or express personal opinions.62
Few young people hold decision-making positions due to lack of political experience; and yet they are
consistently denied opportunities to gain this experience. The new institution responsible for
organizing and supervising the elections, Instance Supérieure Indépendante pour les Eléctions (ISIE),
has been described as the authority responsible for ‘ensuring democratic, free, pluralistic, fair and
56
Dickson, "To Vote or Not to Vote", 5.
57
Tunisia Live. "'Political Tourism' in the NCA: No Passport Necessary." Accessed March 9, 2014. http://www.tunisia-
live.net/2013/07/03/political-tourism-all-the-rage-in-the-nca/
58
Dickson, "To Vote or Not to Vote", 10.
59
Tunisia Live. "Tunisian Youth: Between Political Exclusion and Civic Engagement." Accessed March 9, 2014. http://www.tunisia-
live.net/2013/06/14/tunisian-youth-between-political-exclusion-and-civic-engagement/#sthash.8tWkIcpI.dpuf
60
Washington Post. "An interview with Tunisia’s Beji Caid Essebsi". Accessed March 9, 2014.
http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/an-interview-with-tunisias-beji-caid-essebsi-leading-voice-of-the-secular-
opposition/2013/12/12/f40f6690-6344-11e3-aa81-e1dab1360323_story.html.
61
Marsad. "L'Assemblée." Accessed March 9, 2014. http://www.marsad.tn/fr/assemblee.
62
Tunisia Live. "Tunisian Youth: Between Political Exclusion and Civic Engagement." Accessed March 9, 2014. http://www.tunisia-
live.net/2013/06/14/tunisian-youth-between-political-exclusion-and-civic-engagement/#sthash.8tWkIcpI.dpuf
8. Youth, Revolt, Recognition. The Young Generation during and after the „Arab Spring“.
Berlin 2015: Mediterranean Institute Berlin (MIB)/Humboldt University Berlin, edited volume by Isabel Schäfer.
21
transparent elections’.63
However, this important political body has established a minimum age of 35
and at least 10 years of experience as prerequisites for membership, making young people
automatically ineligible to apply for a position.
In the run-up to the legislative and presidential elections of 2014, some changes in favour of younger
people can be observed in the political system. Around 40% of newly registered voters were between
the ages of 18 and 30.64
Furthermore, due to amendments in the law regarding legislative elections,
every electoral list must now contain at least one candidate under the age of 30 among the top 3
candidates on the list.65
But despite the encouraging number of registered young voters, getting
young people to turn up on voting day still poses a challenge. Many remain disconnected from the
political process, blaming their reluctance to vote on the lack of reliable information and a distrust of
political parties.66
To counter this perception, Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) have been working
tirelessly to improve youth participation in Tunisian politics. According to Mohamed Madhkour, the
liaison between the ISIE and Civil Society Organisations, ‘young people in CSOs are a primary reason
why [ISIE] received the [large] number of [voter] registrations from younger age groups.’67
Civil Society Organisations in Tunisia
Frustrated with institutionalized political participation, there is a growing sentiment among the youth
of Tunisia pointing to the idea that to really incite change, the best course of action is to work with
civil society rather than to engage in traditional politics, with many now undertaking more informal
paths towards building their nation’s future. Tunisia has experienced a sudden wave of new youth-
led civil society organizations (CSOs) since the Revolution, including non-governmental organizations
(NGOs), faith based organizations and more. Although CSOs existed under the Ben Ali regime, the
restrictions on such groups made it very difficult for them to operate. These laws were reformed by
the interim government after the revolution, providing CSOs and their donors and funders with
freedom from ‘oppressive legal impediments’.68
These organizations have become an important part
of the democratization process and have shaped political culture. The participation of civil society in
the political process is generally seen as necessary and legitimate among democracy advocates. CSOs
can generally take on two prevailing roles: Creating dialogue, and/or providing services. In the case of
Tunisia, many CSOs tend to act as lobbyists, watchdogs against corruption, or educators of citizens’
rights.
The organization ‘I Watch Tunisia’ for instance has been successful in exerting some influence in
political decision-making. They have monitored the progress of the NCA on the Tunisian constitution,
creating a website where people can voice their opinion, and vote on each article of the constitution.
63
The International Republican Institute. “Tunisia Elections Dispatch.” Accessed September 26, 2014.
http://www.iri.org/sites/default/files/2014%20July%2029%20Tunisia%20Elections%20Dispatch%20No.%201-
Voter%20Registration_0.pdf.
64
Kiran Alvi. “Will Tunisia's youth head to the ballots?”. Accessed September 26, 2014.
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2014/09/will-tunisia-youth-head-ballots-20149231189278322.html.
65
Jasmine Foundation. “Discussions on New Election Law Top Political and Media Agenda.” Accessed September 26, 2014.
http://www.jasmine-foundation.org/en/?p=892.
66
Kiran Alvi. “Will Tunisia's youth head to the ballots?”. Accessed September 26, 2014.
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2014/09/will-tunisia-youth-head-ballots-20149231189278322.html.
67
Ibid.
68
Shelley Deane, "Transforming Tunisia: The Role of Civil Society in Tunisia’s Transition." International Alert (2013): 12. Accessed
March 9, 2014. http://www.international-alert.org/sites/default/files/publications/Tunisia2013EN.pdf
9. Youth, Revolt, Recognition. The Young Generation during and after the „Arab Spring“.
Berlin 2015: Mediterranean Institute Berlin (MIB)/Humboldt University Berlin, edited volume by Isabel Schäfer.
22
Shortly after Tunisia’s NCA was elected, ‘I Watch Tunisia’ also held a ‘mock’ assembly, i.e. a simulated
version of the NCA, in which 217 youths from throughout Tunisia proposed legislation for their
country’s future. These suggestions were then brought before real NCA members as
recommendations during a press conference. Some of the proposed legislations even caught the
interest of the NCA members, who chose 3 of the recommendations for further development.69
Moreover, ‘I Watch Tunisia’ hosted the International Anti-Corruption conference (IACC) in 2014, the
first to be held in the Arab World. Mouheb Garoui, president of ‘I Watch’, talks about the importance
of the event:
‘This is an honour for the Tunisian civil society working on transparency and fighting corruption. It’s a
kind of official recognition of the role of youth in this transitional period.’70
For many young people, CSOs allow more political freedom as they do not involve partisan alliance,
which in turn makes it easier to create dialogue between holders of opposing political ideologies.
This is particularly important since much of the political scene in Tunisia is dominated by the conflict
between secular and religious parties.71
In the context of the 2014 elections, CSOs have played a significant role in engaging the youth of
Tunisia. More than 2,500 volunteers from 140 CSOs worked together with the ISIE to increase voter
registration, with the majority of volunteers being under the age of 30.72
The CSOs Swaty and I watch
Tunisia organised events targeted at young people in a bid to ‘take registration papers to
them…rather than wait for them to come to us’.73
Other CSOs aimed to help already registered
young voters to make informed decisions on voting day. JID Tunisie (Independent Young Democrats
of Tunisia) targeted the undecided or less politically active youth, helping them to find a political
party that fits their interests. Al Bawsala, an organisation composed entirely of Tunisian activists
under 30, has posted online the profiles of politicians running in the elections in order to help young
people make more informed decisions.
However, there are limits on the extent to which CSOs are able to assist in achieving democratic
change. The role of religion as a threat to this transition is an issue raised by some scholars: ‘for every
organisation in favour of democratization, there is likely to be another in favour of more conservative
social values’.74
Money can also be an issue for the sustained work of these organizations. Some rely
on foreign funding, but this can raise questions over motivation and expectation. Foreign funding of
CSOs can ‘narrow the space for independent civil society’, as it sometimes undermines home-grown
initiatives.75
A further limitation lies in the fact that the work of CSOs has not expanded in rural areas
to the same extent that it has in urban regions of the country. Nonetheless, it seems that the rise in
69
Tunisia Live. "Tunisian Youth: Between Political Exclusion and Civic Engagement." Accessed March 9, 2014. http://www.tunisia-
live.net/2013/06/14/tunisian-youth-between-political-exclusion-and-civic-engagement/#sthash.8tWkIcpI.dpuf
70
The Tunis Times. "I Watch to host the International Anti-Corruption Conference (IACC) 2014." Accessed March 9, 2014.
http://www.thetunistimes.com/2013/10/i-watch-to-host-the-international-anti-corruption-conference-iacc-2014-2014/.
71
Reuters. "Tunisian secular parties merge to face Islamists." Accessed March 9, 2014. http://www.reuters.com/article/2012/02/11/us-
tunisia-parties-idUSTRE81A0LP20120211
72
Kiran Alvi. “Will Tunisia's youth head to the ballots?”. Accessed September 26, 2014.
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/middleeast/2014/09/will-tunisia-youth-head-ballots-20149231189278322.html
73
Ibid.
74
Deane, "Transforming Tunisia: The Role of Civil Society in Tunisia’s Transition", 21.
75
Deane, "Transforming Tunisia: The Role of Civil Society in Tunisia’s Transition", 13.
10. Youth, Revolt, Recognition. The Young Generation during and after the „Arab Spring“.
Berlin 2015: Mediterranean Institute Berlin (MIB)/Humboldt University Berlin, edited volume by Isabel Schäfer.
23
Civil Society Organizations has been a positive outcome from the revolution by allowing young
people to become more engaged in politics.
Social networking sites
Another relevant element of youth politics in Tunisia has been the Internet, or more specifically,
social networking sites (SNS). It is commonly known that young activists successfully used social
media to organize the protests in 2010/2011. But does the Internet play a political role in Tunisia
today? Many would argue that social networking websites are indeed a major forum through which
the youth can be politically involved. The study conducted by Dickson shows that many young people
feel they are able to keep politically informed through Facebook: ‘When asked how they are involved
in politics, many reported that they post political statuses on Facebook to express their opinions.’76
Furthermore, according to her study, the youth seemed ‘excited and proud to be able to keep up
with politics and share their opinions with others [online].’77
Another study by Breuer and Groshek
showed similarly positive findings. They claim that SNS are perceived by young people as a reliable
source of political information and a safe forum for exchanging opinions.78
The Internet has also
taken on the role of ‘uncensored news agency’ allowing for free and more importantly – independent
– news feeds.79
Furthermore, it can be a way for the Tunisian diaspora to be involved in the
developments in their country.80
Poell and Darmoni point out for example, that the use of Twitter
during the revolution was of ‘crucial importance for the transnational communication process’81
, as it
allowed those in Tunisia to reach diaspora networks, fostering quick diffusion of news.
Conclusion
In conclusion, despite the difficulties still facing the youth of Tunisia, and their disillusionment with
election results after the Tunisian Revolution, it seems that the fall of Ben Ali brought about a change
in attitude among young people. Youth engagement in Tunisian politics ranged from little to no
involvement before the revolution due to Ben Ali’s restrictive governance. The old system held
control over almost every aspect of social society, including the media, CSOs, political parties and
education. For many, taking a neutral stance seemed like the only viable option under the old
regime.82
In the aftermath of the revolution, drastic changes took place with regard to the
involvement of Tunisia’s youth in political movements. Most young people now express a real
interest in the political developments of their country. How they find agency, however, can differ
from person to person. Social media continues to play an important role in this population segment,
just as it did during the protests. Facebook for example, has become a vital way to freely voice
opinions on political issues. Furthermore, many young people seem to be drawn towards Civil Society
Organisations rather than traditional political channels due to lingering problems of cohesion within
76
Dickson, "To Vote or Not to Vote", 13.
77
Ibid.
78
Anita Breuer, and Jacob Groshek. "Online Media and Offline Empowerment in Post-Rebellion Tunisia: An Analysis of Internet Use
During Democratic Transition." Journal of Information Technology & Politics 11, no. 1 (2013): 40.
79
Al Jazeera. "Tunisia: A media led revolution?" Accessed March 9, 2014.
http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/opinion/2011/01/2011116142317498666.html.
80
European Journal of Media Studies. "Twitter as a multilingual space: The articulation of the Tunisian revolution through #sidibouzid."
Accessed March 9, 2014. http://www.necsus-ejms.org/twitter-as-a-multilingual-space-the-articulation-of-the-tunisian-revolution-
through-sidibouzid-by-thomas-poell-and-kaouthar-darmoni/.
81
Ibid.
82
Dickson, "To Vote or Not to Vote", 14.
11. Youth, Revolt, Recognition. The Young Generation during and after the „Arab Spring“.
Berlin 2015: Mediterranean Institute Berlin (MIB)/Humboldt University Berlin, edited volume by Isabel Schäfer.
24
party lines, distrust of the political system, restrictive age requirements, and a lack of information. As
some scholars have observed, Tunisia is in a political learning process necessary for democratic
transition. It remains to be seen how the situation will develop in the coming years, and whether this
new attitude to politics will be enough to create lasting change.
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Abbreviations List
CSO Civil Society Organisation
IACC International Anti-Corruption conference
NCA National Constituent Assembly
NGO Non-Governmental Organisation
13. Youth, Revolt, Recognition. The Young Generation during and after the „Arab Spring“.
Berlin 2015: Mediterranean Institute Berlin (MIB)/Humboldt University Berlin, edited volume by Isabel Schäfer.
26
SNS Social Networking Sites
ISIE Instance Supérieure Indépendante pour les Eléctions/Independent High Authority for Elections