Colombia has long experienced acute forms of political violence in and at the periphery of its major cities. Humanitarian agencies have also for decades protected civilians in order to minimize suffering
within armed conflicts. Yet in recent years, humanitarian organizations have started to engage in settings that are neither war nor peace.
These environments feature complex forms of politically- and economically-motivated violence. The city of Medellin (Colombia), in particular, is the paradigmatic example of such an environment where different types of violence come together in complex ways.
The document analyzes the evolution of homicides in Venezuela between 1985 and 2010 and proposes three phases:
1) 1985-1993: Characterized by the 1989 looting crisis and 1992 coups, homicide rates rose from 8 to 20 per 100,000 inhabitants.
2) 1994-1998: A period of recovery with stable institutions and politics, homicide rates remained around 20.
3) 1999-2010: Beginning with Chavez's government, institutional destruction caused rates to increase from 20 to 57, reflecting transformations in social and political institutions.
This document is a dissertation submitted by Sheila Aikman towards a BA/BSc degree at the University of East Anglia in January 2015. It examines whether state institutions in Mexico reinforce violence with violence, using an intersectional analysis. The dissertation will focus on incidents of violence in the states of Guerrero and Chihuahua to analyze if the state has amplified violence through both actions and inactions. It will consider how the war on drugs has militarized communities and prioritized combating cartels over other issues, exacerbating hardships for marginalized groups.
This document presents a project proposal to study patterns of governance in the peripheries of metropolitan cities. It will focus on how key institutions and the growing social diversity shape resident subjectivities and social relations. The proposal outlines the research questions and problems. In recent decades, peripheries have seen rising incomes but also growth in informal economic activity and state/non-state violence. The proposal aims to explore how these changes influence resident attitudes, practices, and identities through ethnographic research in a working-class neighborhood of São Paulo.
A systematic study of comparative government the world over points out that, there are, undeniably, four basic elements of the State, namely; population; territory; government and sovereignty which constitute the subject of this article.
This document provides historical background on the State of Colombia and three non-state actors that operated within its territory: FARC, ELN, and AUC. It discusses how FARC emerged in response to lack of representation of rural communities and grew substantially in the late 20th century by leveraging the illegal drug trade, particularly the taxation of coca production. The document aims to examine through regression analysis whether policies under President Uribe from 2002-2008 contributed to the significant decline in strength of these three groups during that period.
This document summarizes a study that compares two marginalized neighborhoods in Abuja, Nigeria - Dutse Apo, a non-violent neighborhood, and Durumi II, a violent neighborhood. The study examines the social mechanisms that support or mitigate violence prevention and control in these neighborhoods. Through interviews and focus groups, the researcher found that social institutions like social control, social capital, neighborhood leadership, socio-political interactions, and sense of community and belonging were important factors influencing violence. While the neighborhoods had similar socioeconomic characteristics, differences in these social institutions helped explain why one neighborhood experienced more violence than the other. The study contributes to understanding how local social contexts and mechanisms impact violence prevention beyond just national policies and histories.
A review of the five territories on the national activity mapSUN&FZ Associates
The document discusses civil society and its role in Pakistan. It argues that most civil society leaders promoted by the media are sponsored by international donors and do not genuinely represent people. It says Pakistan lacks true civil society leaders who work independently to serve people. The document also analyzes Pakistan's national activity map consisting of social, political, economic, diplomatic and military territories. It argues leadership failures in these territories have led to social unrest in the country.
The document analyzes the evolution of homicides in Venezuela between 1985 and 2010 and proposes three phases:
1) 1985-1993: Characterized by the 1989 looting crisis and 1992 coups, homicide rates rose from 8 to 20 per 100,000 inhabitants.
2) 1994-1998: A period of recovery with stable institutions and politics, homicide rates remained around 20.
3) 1999-2010: Beginning with Chavez's government, institutional destruction caused rates to increase from 20 to 57, reflecting transformations in social and political institutions.
This document is a dissertation submitted by Sheila Aikman towards a BA/BSc degree at the University of East Anglia in January 2015. It examines whether state institutions in Mexico reinforce violence with violence, using an intersectional analysis. The dissertation will focus on incidents of violence in the states of Guerrero and Chihuahua to analyze if the state has amplified violence through both actions and inactions. It will consider how the war on drugs has militarized communities and prioritized combating cartels over other issues, exacerbating hardships for marginalized groups.
This document presents a project proposal to study patterns of governance in the peripheries of metropolitan cities. It will focus on how key institutions and the growing social diversity shape resident subjectivities and social relations. The proposal outlines the research questions and problems. In recent decades, peripheries have seen rising incomes but also growth in informal economic activity and state/non-state violence. The proposal aims to explore how these changes influence resident attitudes, practices, and identities through ethnographic research in a working-class neighborhood of São Paulo.
A systematic study of comparative government the world over points out that, there are, undeniably, four basic elements of the State, namely; population; territory; government and sovereignty which constitute the subject of this article.
This document provides historical background on the State of Colombia and three non-state actors that operated within its territory: FARC, ELN, and AUC. It discusses how FARC emerged in response to lack of representation of rural communities and grew substantially in the late 20th century by leveraging the illegal drug trade, particularly the taxation of coca production. The document aims to examine through regression analysis whether policies under President Uribe from 2002-2008 contributed to the significant decline in strength of these three groups during that period.
This document summarizes a study that compares two marginalized neighborhoods in Abuja, Nigeria - Dutse Apo, a non-violent neighborhood, and Durumi II, a violent neighborhood. The study examines the social mechanisms that support or mitigate violence prevention and control in these neighborhoods. Through interviews and focus groups, the researcher found that social institutions like social control, social capital, neighborhood leadership, socio-political interactions, and sense of community and belonging were important factors influencing violence. While the neighborhoods had similar socioeconomic characteristics, differences in these social institutions helped explain why one neighborhood experienced more violence than the other. The study contributes to understanding how local social contexts and mechanisms impact violence prevention beyond just national policies and histories.
A review of the five territories on the national activity mapSUN&FZ Associates
The document discusses civil society and its role in Pakistan. It argues that most civil society leaders promoted by the media are sponsored by international donors and do not genuinely represent people. It says Pakistan lacks true civil society leaders who work independently to serve people. The document also analyzes Pakistan's national activity map consisting of social, political, economic, diplomatic and military territories. It argues leadership failures in these territories have led to social unrest in the country.
Con sus instituciones democráticas y los altos niveles de violencia contemporánea, Colombia representa una anomalía en América Latina. Usando un enfoque de historia contemporánea, este artículo examina la administración del Presidente Virgilio Barco (1986-1990), tanto en términos de sus reformas democráticas e institucionales y su política de seguridad nacional. Se analiza cómo el gobierno logró implementar estas reformas, a pesar de niveles de violencia sin precedentes.
Sostiene que a pesar de numerosas opiniones negativas sobre la presidencia, tanto en el tiempo y desde entonces, ésta debe ser vista de una manera más positiva desde una perspectiva contemporánea.
Globalisation has contributed to green crime becoming a global issue for two reasons. First, environmental destruction in one area impacts all life worldwide as the planet is an interconnected ecosystem. Second, green crime is often committed by powerful transnational corporations working with governments to harm the environment for profit. These manufactured risks threaten the planet through issues like greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. However, policing green crime is difficult as international laws are weak or non-existent due to lack of agreement between nations. Radical criminologists argue for an expanded definition of green crime that considers any environmental harm a crime, while critics say this is a subjective rather than objective view. Green criminology recognizes the importance of environmental issues but is accused of bias in focusing on
This document provides an overview and analysis of the causes of organized crime-related violence in Mexico. It identifies three primary root causes: 1) Increased drug presence in Mexico due to its role in trafficking Colombian cocaine to the US; 2) Government policies that inadvertently increased competition amongst cartels and violence; 3) Socioeconomic issues in Mexico like poverty and lack of opportunities that push many into organized crime. It then analyzes why current hardline Mexican government policies have been unsuccessful, contrasting them with Colombia's approach. While capturing cartel leaders, current policies have failed to reduce violence and a unified long-term strategy is needed to address the root structural issues driving citizens into organized crime.
The document discusses four "Master Narratives" or broad strategic directions for responding to Mexico's escalating drug war:
1) "Mexico Can Do It" - Address domestic failures through reforms like fighting corruption, economic development, and law enforcement while reducing cartel opportunities.
2) "Sharper Knives" - Take a tougher direct approach against cartels through targeted killings, military escalation, and intelligence operations.
3) "Boots On The Ground" - Have the U.S. take a greater role through expanded law enforcement support, precision operations, and potentially deploying troops along the border.
4) The document does not provide a summary for the fourth Master Narrative.
This document discusses the origins and development of punishment as part of criminal law theory. It covers how punishment originated from social organization and religion in prehistoric times and evolved with the development of cities and more complex social hierarchies. Different types of punishments were used in early civilizations, including capital punishment, mutilation, exile, and flogging. Punishment was seen as a means of purification and imposing discipline. The document provides historical context on how punishment became formally integrated into criminal law and legal systems over time.
This dissertation explores how the fear of deportation impacts the lives of noncitizen immigrants and their ability to integrate into their communities. The study aims to understand how vulnerability to deportation affects an individual immigrant's life and degree of integration. Qualitative data was collected through focus groups and interviews with noncitizen immigrants. The findings reveal that the fear of deportation causes emotional and psychological distress for immigrants. This distress creates barriers to integration and leads immigrants to have negative perceptions of their reception in the United States. The fear of deportation constitutes a form of "legal violence" perpetuated by harsh immigration laws. The vulnerability to deportation and associated fear impedes both individual integration and community cohesion.
Organized crime has existed for many years and provides illegal or regulated goods and services. Globalization has increased organized crime by removing borders and increasing wealth inequality. It has made money laundering easier through open markets and tax havens. Organized crime threatens democracy by limiting freedom through violence, corruption and fear. When crime groups fully control a region, they often do so through collusion with the government, undermining the rule of law. Strategies to confront organized crime must be international in scope to address its global nature.
Citizens participation and local democracy in zimbabwean local government systemDr Lendy Spires
Citizen participation and local democracy are important concepts in local government. This document discusses ways citizens can participate in Zimbabwe's local government system, including through local elections, participatory budgeting, consultative forums, civil society organizations, and formal structures like village development committees. Meaningful citizen involvement, such as having a say in decisions and access to resources, is necessary for an effective democratic local government that represents community needs.
1) The document discusses the evolution of the humanitarian enterprise over the past 10 years, lessons learned from civil-military interaction during crises in Haiti, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, and what to expect for humanitarian action between now and 2020.
2) It notes major quantitative and qualitative changes to the humanitarian field, including more funding, workers, and media attention, but also greater politicization and the blending of humanitarian and political/military agendas.
3) The response to the 2010 Haiti earthquake showed the importance of military logistics support but also coordination challenges when the military takes a leading role, while the response to Pakistan floods demonstrated more positive civil-military cooperation.
1) Colonialism in Mexico established unequal power relations through European legal and political systems that promoted Spanish domination, disrupting indigenous practices and marginalizing indigenous people. Colonial legal frameworks prioritized Spanish needs and conceptualized power as command-obedience relationships centered on coercion and violence.
2) Mapmaking and fixing property boundaries under colonial rule legitimized Spanish claims over indigenous lands, dismissing indigenous understandings of space as fluid and historically-rooted. These practices reduced indigenous agency and control over territorial discourse.
3) Colonial legacies of legal fixation, mapped boundaries, and individualized property concepts continue to shape contemporary Mexican politics, communities, and border imaginations through their impacts on issues like ejido land rights and migration
This document provides a preliminary inventory of tactics civilians use to survive violence during armed conflicts. It is divided into three sections: physical safety, sustenance, and services. The physical safety section details various formal and informal engagement strategies civilians use to accommodate or avoid threatening powers, including persuasion, deals, disengagement, and avoidance. It also covers information gathering, assessment, and protection tactics used by communities to avoid violence. The overall aim is to document self-protection methods civilians have developed and rely on when formal protections break down during mass violence.
BUS3041 Week 2 Discussion $6.00By the due date assigned respond milissaccm
BUS3041 Week 2 Discussion $6.00
By the due date assigned respond to the assigned discussion questions and submit your responses to the appropriate topic in this Discussion Area.
Respond to the assigned questions using the lessons and vocabulary found in the reading.
Support your answers with examples and research and cite your research using the APA format.
Start reviewing and responding to the postings of your classmates as early in the week as possible.
Internal Business Communication
For this week's discussion assignment, find an internal communication document (this could be e-mail, newsletter, or other internal means of communicating with staff) that you have seen either in your current organization or another organization that you are familiar with.
Based on your analysis of the chosen business document, complete the following tasks:
Post the document as an attachment.
Provide a one paragraph summary at the beginning of your initial post detailing who the intended audience is for this document as well as what the intended message is.
Then, choose one of the following bullet points.
Rewrite the document in your own words using the different concepts that you learned about written communication in Week 1 and Week 2 of the course. Post your rewritten document to the discussion as well. Provide a one paragraph summary note that details at least two principles or concepts (with research citation support) that you used for re-writing the document
Assess any problems that you see in the business document, using research to support your conclusions. Compose a succinct paragraphing detailing the importance of effective written communication both as an individual and as a team member. For example:
What are the advantages to good communication?
Why are there so many communication problems within an organization when it is such an important aspect of a successful organization?
The Complexities of "Feminicide"
on the Border
Rosa Linda Fregoso
The campaign to end the killing of women in Ciudad Juarez took the name "N
una mas." Ni una mds en Ciudad judrez. Not one more murdered woman in Ciu•
dad J ~arez. Mothers and grandmothers, women's rights and human rights groups,
and friends from both sides of the border joined in a movement of denunciation,.
demanding an end to the most sordid and barbarous series of gender killings in,
Mexico's history. By mid-2002, there were 282 victims of feminicide1 ~n this city
across the border from El Paso, Texas, and 450 disappeared womenJ2 Between,
1985 and 1992, by contrast, 37 women were murdered in CiudadJuarez. "Ni una
mas" stages women's visibility and invisibility in the nation as well as a confronta
tion with the historical and social trauma in the region.
The politics of gender extermination in this region took the form of the appar
ently random yet seemingly systematic appearance of brutally murdered women's
bodies and the equally horrific disappearance of many more. What is now under
s ...
A Crucible Of Conflict Third Generation Gang Studies RevisitedJoe Andelija
This document summarizes the evolution of street gangs into more sophisticated criminal organizations. It defines three generations of gangs: 1) traditional turf gangs, 2) market-oriented drug gangs, and 3) politically-motivated gangs that operate globally and engage in mercenary activities. Key points:
- Third generation gangs (3GEN) have evolved from local criminal groups to transnational networks capable of challenging state authority. They occupy "failed communities" with eroded governance.
- Gangs like MS-13 and M-18 originated in the US but have expanded across Central America through deportation. They increasingly work with drug cartels and leverage prison networks to coordinate activities across borders.
A Conflict Analysis of Gang Violence in El Salvador.pdfRhonda Cetnar
1) Gangs in El Salvador pose a major security threat, with homicide rates ranging from 40-70 per 10,000 from 1999-2009. Gang membership has risen regionally and nationally, with an estimated 10,500 gang members operating in El Salvador alone.
2) Weak institutions and zero-tolerance policies have exacerbated gang violence. Underfunded rehabilitation programs and a focus on law enforcement over prevention have also contributed to the conflict.
3) Identities around class, age, gender and gang affiliation impact grievances and resilience. Lower socioeconomic status encourages civilian gang membership for social legitimacy, despite targeting the same classes.
This document summarizes an article about the relationship between militant activism and media representations of violence during anti-corporate globalization protests in Genoa, Italy in 2001. The summary is:
[1] Young militant activists engaged in "performative violence" against symbols of global capitalism in order to generate radical identities and communicate political messages, while dominant media framed this as random senseless violence.
[2] At the Genoa protests, activists organized into diverse tactics groups including White Overalls, COBAS March, Gandhian Bloc, and the Black Bloc anarchists.
[3] The author argues that performative violence by militants was aimed at media attention, but police could then
This document provides an overview of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) process for child soldiers in Colombia, with a focus on the experiences of girl soldiers. It discusses the history of armed conflict in Colombia and the ongoing peace talks. It then examines the DDR process and argues that the current approach does not adequately address gender differences. The document outlines some of the reasons girls join armed groups and their experiences during conflict. It notes challenges they face in reintegrating into society and argues the state must take action to promote gender equality and prevent future recruitment.
Left realism developed in response to the influence of right realism on crime policy. It views crime as a real problem that disproportionately affects disadvantaged groups. Left realists believe the main causes of crime are relative deprivation, subcultures that form in response to deprivation, and marginalization. They argue that crime can only be addressed by tackling its deeper structural roots in inequality and lack of opportunity, in addition to improving community policing.
Genocide and massacre can be difficult to distinguish, but intent is key. Genocide involves a coordinated plan to destroy foundations of a national group's life to annihilate the group itself. Massacre typically involves excessive violence carried out under military orders. Propaganda has long been used to incite violence against target groups. The crime of incitement to genocide can be prosecuted even without actual genocide occurring, as it demonstrates the potential to spur violence. Premeditation is also a crucial element of genocide, as it requires advance planning and intent to destroy a group in whole or in part. The distinction between hate speech and direct incitement is important under international law.
Here are explanations of the crime depicted in the video clip using different sociological theories:
Functionalism: The crime fulfills the important function of venting social tensions and frustrations, maintaining social equilibrium.
Sub-cultural theory: The youth have developed a subcultural set of values that glorify violence, risk-taking and criminal acts. Their behavior is a way of attaining status within their peer group.
Labelling theory: Through the negative labeling and stigmatization of being arrested, the youth have internalized a criminal identity and see this type of behavior as expected of them based on how others define them.
Marxism: The youth are acting out due to their marginalized class position in society
Assess the relationship between social class and crimecapesociology
This document discusses sociological theories on the relationship between social class and crime. It summarizes the theory of W.J. Chambliss and M. Mankoff that there is a systematic bias in favor of the ruling class in criminal justice systems, with those higher in social class being less likely to be arrested, prosecuted, convicted, and imprisoned for criminal acts. Chambliss argues specifically that power and ability to influence determine who gets arrested, and that organized crime is committed by the economic and political elite. Marxists like Chambliss see crime as a natural product of capitalism that generates greed and self-interest across all classes. The document also discusses theories that selective enforcement of laws serves to maintain ruling
Assess the relationship between social class and crimecapesociology
Chambliss argues that crime occurs across all social classes, but the types of crimes and law enforcement differ. Those with wealth and power face less risk of arrest and prosecution for their crimes. Official crime statistics may misrepresent crime as a lower-class issue due to selective enforcement that favors the ruling class. Marxist theorists like Chambliss see crime as generated by the capitalist system through greed, self-interest, and hostility. Different social classes commit different crimes using the means available to their class position.
Con sus instituciones democráticas y los altos niveles de violencia contemporánea, Colombia representa una anomalía en América Latina. Usando un enfoque de historia contemporánea, este artículo examina la administración del Presidente Virgilio Barco (1986-1990), tanto en términos de sus reformas democráticas e institucionales y su política de seguridad nacional. Se analiza cómo el gobierno logró implementar estas reformas, a pesar de niveles de violencia sin precedentes.
Sostiene que a pesar de numerosas opiniones negativas sobre la presidencia, tanto en el tiempo y desde entonces, ésta debe ser vista de una manera más positiva desde una perspectiva contemporánea.
Globalisation has contributed to green crime becoming a global issue for two reasons. First, environmental destruction in one area impacts all life worldwide as the planet is an interconnected ecosystem. Second, green crime is often committed by powerful transnational corporations working with governments to harm the environment for profit. These manufactured risks threaten the planet through issues like greenhouse gas emissions and climate change. However, policing green crime is difficult as international laws are weak or non-existent due to lack of agreement between nations. Radical criminologists argue for an expanded definition of green crime that considers any environmental harm a crime, while critics say this is a subjective rather than objective view. Green criminology recognizes the importance of environmental issues but is accused of bias in focusing on
This document provides an overview and analysis of the causes of organized crime-related violence in Mexico. It identifies three primary root causes: 1) Increased drug presence in Mexico due to its role in trafficking Colombian cocaine to the US; 2) Government policies that inadvertently increased competition amongst cartels and violence; 3) Socioeconomic issues in Mexico like poverty and lack of opportunities that push many into organized crime. It then analyzes why current hardline Mexican government policies have been unsuccessful, contrasting them with Colombia's approach. While capturing cartel leaders, current policies have failed to reduce violence and a unified long-term strategy is needed to address the root structural issues driving citizens into organized crime.
The document discusses four "Master Narratives" or broad strategic directions for responding to Mexico's escalating drug war:
1) "Mexico Can Do It" - Address domestic failures through reforms like fighting corruption, economic development, and law enforcement while reducing cartel opportunities.
2) "Sharper Knives" - Take a tougher direct approach against cartels through targeted killings, military escalation, and intelligence operations.
3) "Boots On The Ground" - Have the U.S. take a greater role through expanded law enforcement support, precision operations, and potentially deploying troops along the border.
4) The document does not provide a summary for the fourth Master Narrative.
This document discusses the origins and development of punishment as part of criminal law theory. It covers how punishment originated from social organization and religion in prehistoric times and evolved with the development of cities and more complex social hierarchies. Different types of punishments were used in early civilizations, including capital punishment, mutilation, exile, and flogging. Punishment was seen as a means of purification and imposing discipline. The document provides historical context on how punishment became formally integrated into criminal law and legal systems over time.
This dissertation explores how the fear of deportation impacts the lives of noncitizen immigrants and their ability to integrate into their communities. The study aims to understand how vulnerability to deportation affects an individual immigrant's life and degree of integration. Qualitative data was collected through focus groups and interviews with noncitizen immigrants. The findings reveal that the fear of deportation causes emotional and psychological distress for immigrants. This distress creates barriers to integration and leads immigrants to have negative perceptions of their reception in the United States. The fear of deportation constitutes a form of "legal violence" perpetuated by harsh immigration laws. The vulnerability to deportation and associated fear impedes both individual integration and community cohesion.
Organized crime has existed for many years and provides illegal or regulated goods and services. Globalization has increased organized crime by removing borders and increasing wealth inequality. It has made money laundering easier through open markets and tax havens. Organized crime threatens democracy by limiting freedom through violence, corruption and fear. When crime groups fully control a region, they often do so through collusion with the government, undermining the rule of law. Strategies to confront organized crime must be international in scope to address its global nature.
Citizens participation and local democracy in zimbabwean local government systemDr Lendy Spires
Citizen participation and local democracy are important concepts in local government. This document discusses ways citizens can participate in Zimbabwe's local government system, including through local elections, participatory budgeting, consultative forums, civil society organizations, and formal structures like village development committees. Meaningful citizen involvement, such as having a say in decisions and access to resources, is necessary for an effective democratic local government that represents community needs.
1) The document discusses the evolution of the humanitarian enterprise over the past 10 years, lessons learned from civil-military interaction during crises in Haiti, Pakistan, and Afghanistan, and what to expect for humanitarian action between now and 2020.
2) It notes major quantitative and qualitative changes to the humanitarian field, including more funding, workers, and media attention, but also greater politicization and the blending of humanitarian and political/military agendas.
3) The response to the 2010 Haiti earthquake showed the importance of military logistics support but also coordination challenges when the military takes a leading role, while the response to Pakistan floods demonstrated more positive civil-military cooperation.
1) Colonialism in Mexico established unequal power relations through European legal and political systems that promoted Spanish domination, disrupting indigenous practices and marginalizing indigenous people. Colonial legal frameworks prioritized Spanish needs and conceptualized power as command-obedience relationships centered on coercion and violence.
2) Mapmaking and fixing property boundaries under colonial rule legitimized Spanish claims over indigenous lands, dismissing indigenous understandings of space as fluid and historically-rooted. These practices reduced indigenous agency and control over territorial discourse.
3) Colonial legacies of legal fixation, mapped boundaries, and individualized property concepts continue to shape contemporary Mexican politics, communities, and border imaginations through their impacts on issues like ejido land rights and migration
This document provides a preliminary inventory of tactics civilians use to survive violence during armed conflicts. It is divided into three sections: physical safety, sustenance, and services. The physical safety section details various formal and informal engagement strategies civilians use to accommodate or avoid threatening powers, including persuasion, deals, disengagement, and avoidance. It also covers information gathering, assessment, and protection tactics used by communities to avoid violence. The overall aim is to document self-protection methods civilians have developed and rely on when formal protections break down during mass violence.
BUS3041 Week 2 Discussion $6.00By the due date assigned respond milissaccm
BUS3041 Week 2 Discussion $6.00
By the due date assigned respond to the assigned discussion questions and submit your responses to the appropriate topic in this Discussion Area.
Respond to the assigned questions using the lessons and vocabulary found in the reading.
Support your answers with examples and research and cite your research using the APA format.
Start reviewing and responding to the postings of your classmates as early in the week as possible.
Internal Business Communication
For this week's discussion assignment, find an internal communication document (this could be e-mail, newsletter, or other internal means of communicating with staff) that you have seen either in your current organization or another organization that you are familiar with.
Based on your analysis of the chosen business document, complete the following tasks:
Post the document as an attachment.
Provide a one paragraph summary at the beginning of your initial post detailing who the intended audience is for this document as well as what the intended message is.
Then, choose one of the following bullet points.
Rewrite the document in your own words using the different concepts that you learned about written communication in Week 1 and Week 2 of the course. Post your rewritten document to the discussion as well. Provide a one paragraph summary note that details at least two principles or concepts (with research citation support) that you used for re-writing the document
Assess any problems that you see in the business document, using research to support your conclusions. Compose a succinct paragraphing detailing the importance of effective written communication both as an individual and as a team member. For example:
What are the advantages to good communication?
Why are there so many communication problems within an organization when it is such an important aspect of a successful organization?
The Complexities of "Feminicide"
on the Border
Rosa Linda Fregoso
The campaign to end the killing of women in Ciudad Juarez took the name "N
una mas." Ni una mds en Ciudad judrez. Not one more murdered woman in Ciu•
dad J ~arez. Mothers and grandmothers, women's rights and human rights groups,
and friends from both sides of the border joined in a movement of denunciation,.
demanding an end to the most sordid and barbarous series of gender killings in,
Mexico's history. By mid-2002, there were 282 victims of feminicide1 ~n this city
across the border from El Paso, Texas, and 450 disappeared womenJ2 Between,
1985 and 1992, by contrast, 37 women were murdered in CiudadJuarez. "Ni una
mas" stages women's visibility and invisibility in the nation as well as a confronta
tion with the historical and social trauma in the region.
The politics of gender extermination in this region took the form of the appar
ently random yet seemingly systematic appearance of brutally murdered women's
bodies and the equally horrific disappearance of many more. What is now under
s ...
A Crucible Of Conflict Third Generation Gang Studies RevisitedJoe Andelija
This document summarizes the evolution of street gangs into more sophisticated criminal organizations. It defines three generations of gangs: 1) traditional turf gangs, 2) market-oriented drug gangs, and 3) politically-motivated gangs that operate globally and engage in mercenary activities. Key points:
- Third generation gangs (3GEN) have evolved from local criminal groups to transnational networks capable of challenging state authority. They occupy "failed communities" with eroded governance.
- Gangs like MS-13 and M-18 originated in the US but have expanded across Central America through deportation. They increasingly work with drug cartels and leverage prison networks to coordinate activities across borders.
A Conflict Analysis of Gang Violence in El Salvador.pdfRhonda Cetnar
1) Gangs in El Salvador pose a major security threat, with homicide rates ranging from 40-70 per 10,000 from 1999-2009. Gang membership has risen regionally and nationally, with an estimated 10,500 gang members operating in El Salvador alone.
2) Weak institutions and zero-tolerance policies have exacerbated gang violence. Underfunded rehabilitation programs and a focus on law enforcement over prevention have also contributed to the conflict.
3) Identities around class, age, gender and gang affiliation impact grievances and resilience. Lower socioeconomic status encourages civilian gang membership for social legitimacy, despite targeting the same classes.
This document summarizes an article about the relationship between militant activism and media representations of violence during anti-corporate globalization protests in Genoa, Italy in 2001. The summary is:
[1] Young militant activists engaged in "performative violence" against symbols of global capitalism in order to generate radical identities and communicate political messages, while dominant media framed this as random senseless violence.
[2] At the Genoa protests, activists organized into diverse tactics groups including White Overalls, COBAS March, Gandhian Bloc, and the Black Bloc anarchists.
[3] The author argues that performative violence by militants was aimed at media attention, but police could then
This document provides an overview of the disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DDR) process for child soldiers in Colombia, with a focus on the experiences of girl soldiers. It discusses the history of armed conflict in Colombia and the ongoing peace talks. It then examines the DDR process and argues that the current approach does not adequately address gender differences. The document outlines some of the reasons girls join armed groups and their experiences during conflict. It notes challenges they face in reintegrating into society and argues the state must take action to promote gender equality and prevent future recruitment.
Left realism developed in response to the influence of right realism on crime policy. It views crime as a real problem that disproportionately affects disadvantaged groups. Left realists believe the main causes of crime are relative deprivation, subcultures that form in response to deprivation, and marginalization. They argue that crime can only be addressed by tackling its deeper structural roots in inequality and lack of opportunity, in addition to improving community policing.
Genocide and massacre can be difficult to distinguish, but intent is key. Genocide involves a coordinated plan to destroy foundations of a national group's life to annihilate the group itself. Massacre typically involves excessive violence carried out under military orders. Propaganda has long been used to incite violence against target groups. The crime of incitement to genocide can be prosecuted even without actual genocide occurring, as it demonstrates the potential to spur violence. Premeditation is also a crucial element of genocide, as it requires advance planning and intent to destroy a group in whole or in part. The distinction between hate speech and direct incitement is important under international law.
Here are explanations of the crime depicted in the video clip using different sociological theories:
Functionalism: The crime fulfills the important function of venting social tensions and frustrations, maintaining social equilibrium.
Sub-cultural theory: The youth have developed a subcultural set of values that glorify violence, risk-taking and criminal acts. Their behavior is a way of attaining status within their peer group.
Labelling theory: Through the negative labeling and stigmatization of being arrested, the youth have internalized a criminal identity and see this type of behavior as expected of them based on how others define them.
Marxism: The youth are acting out due to their marginalized class position in society
Assess the relationship between social class and crimecapesociology
This document discusses sociological theories on the relationship between social class and crime. It summarizes the theory of W.J. Chambliss and M. Mankoff that there is a systematic bias in favor of the ruling class in criminal justice systems, with those higher in social class being less likely to be arrested, prosecuted, convicted, and imprisoned for criminal acts. Chambliss argues specifically that power and ability to influence determine who gets arrested, and that organized crime is committed by the economic and political elite. Marxists like Chambliss see crime as a natural product of capitalism that generates greed and self-interest across all classes. The document also discusses theories that selective enforcement of laws serves to maintain ruling
Assess the relationship between social class and crimecapesociology
Chambliss argues that crime occurs across all social classes, but the types of crimes and law enforcement differ. Those with wealth and power face less risk of arrest and prosecution for their crimes. Official crime statistics may misrepresent crime as a lower-class issue due to selective enforcement that favors the ruling class. Marxist theorists like Chambliss see crime as generated by the capitalist system through greed, self-interest, and hostility. Different social classes commit different crimes using the means available to their class position.
This document discusses civil society and governance in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It begins with introducing the concepts of civil society and defining it as the sphere between the state, family, and market that includes organizations like NGOs, community groups, and unions. It then provides background on DRC's political context, emerging from dictatorship in the 1990s. The document goes on to further define civil society and governance, discussing how civil society can influence governance through collective action and advocacy. It aims to analyze the Congolese civil society environment and challenges, and make recommendations to strengthen its role in governance.
Violence and Popular CultureViolence exists and has existed in a.docxdickonsondorris
Violence and Popular Culture
Violence exists and has existed in all societies. In contemporary North American society, we also see violence frequently in media--from news to films to video games. These representations have been blamed for creating a culture of fear and inspiring real violence, particularly among youth.
Media analysts argue that the question of media and violence must shift from a focus on violence in media to a focus on violence in our broader society. They argue that we need to make interconnections between class, gender, race and inequality in the debate on violence. This can be a difficult shift to make because contemporary media is rife with overt and subtle instances of violence. Violence is portrayed in the news, music videos, reality TV crime shows, films and video games.
In the wake of the tragic shooting in Newtown, Connecticut, media pundits discussed (Opens new window) whether video game consumption was producing violent people. While this is an interesting question, in this module we do not focus on whether violent images produce violent people. Nor do we examine whether media imagery has become increasingly violent. As one scholar (Opens new window)puts it,
Violence has always figured prominently in storytelling. Violent imagery has been around since hunters began scratching accounts of their exploits on the walls of caves. . . . Artifacts of Egyptian, Sumerian, Minoan, and Babylonian peoples all depict violent events, as do classical works of the ancient Greeks written 3,000 years ago. . . . The books of the Old Testament, written during the same period, are filled with accounts of genocide, war, human sacrifice, and, of course, various plagues. And as Mel Gibson so eloquently reminded moviegoers with his hugely successful film, The Passion of the Christ (2004), the biggest story of the New Testament culminates in rioting, ritual torture, and public execution. Perhaps more to the point, these grizzly stories have been repeated for centuries to children and adults alike as important works of history and religion. (Trend, The Myth of Media Violence 12-13)
This is not to deny that exposure to violent images may contribute toward violent behaviour.(Opens new window) But in a sociology course like this one, our job is to examine the role popular culture's representation of violence plays in the maintenance of cultural hegemony.
Video
Watch Mean World Syndrome (2010). (Opens new window)According to the documentary, what are some of the myths associated with media violence? What does George Gerbner say is the reason why violence pervades the media? How does popular culture use representations of violence to perpetuate racist myths? What is "mean world syndrome" anyway?
Law-and-order ideology
Law-and-order ideology has been chronically present in public, media, and political discourse, but it has assumed an even larger role in recent years. Particular media portrayals of criminal justice interact with ...
CHAPTER FOUR Explaining Organized Crime Abadinsky, OrgJinElias52
CHAPTER FOUR
Explaining Organized Crime
Abadinsky, Organized Crime 10th ed.
According to the theory of "Ethnic Succession,"
organized crime in the United States has been a social
mobility vehicle for disadvantaged segments of the
population. With social and economic success, these
formerly disadvantaged exit crime in favor of
conventional lives. This affects the American Mafia that
now has difficulty attracting prospective members from
traditional "mob neighborhoods."
This chapter examines relevant theories in the fields of
sociology, psychology, and biology.
2
ORGANIZED CRIME THEORIES
Organized crime has been subjected to only limited
attempts at explanation--explanations beyond immoral
people in pursuit of personal gain.
The sociological literature on organized crime is sparse.
Psychology provides even less, but offers some insights.
Biology, in particular neurology, offers an
understanding of problematic behavior.
3
THE STRAIN OF ANOMIE
Building on Durkheim's concept of anomie, R.K.
Merton set forth a social and cultural explanation for
deviant behavior in the U.S.
He theorized that organized crime is a normal response
to "strain" between societal goals and the means
available to the individual to achieve those goals.
He argued that American fixation on economic
success--"pathological materialism"--causes some
individuals to innovate the means to achieve the goal.
4
THE SOCIOLOGY OF ORGANIZED CRIME
THE STRAIN OF ANOMIE (CONT.)
In the 19th century and later, immigrants' lacked access
to acceptable means for achieving societal goals.
But why do middle-class youngsters with access, and
some wealthy and powerful individuals, participate in
organized crime?
And why do some persons suffering from anomie not
turn to organized crime?
E. Sutherland provides an answer in differential
association theory.
5
DIFFERENTIAL ASSOCIATION
According to Sutherland, all behavior--lawful and
criminal--is learned.
The principal part of learning occurs within intimate
personal groups.
What is learned depends on the intensity, frequency,
and duration of the association.
When these variables are sufficient, and the
associations are criminal, the individual learns the
techniques of committing crime.
6
DIFFERENTIAL ASSOCIATON (CONT.)
Enclaves where criminal subcultures flourish foster
education in the techniques of sophisticated
criminality.
Instead of conforming to conventional norms, some
persons, through differential association, organize their
behavior according to the norms of a criminal group.
In enclaves with OC traditions, persons exhibiting
criminal norms are integrated in the community,
exposing young people to learning those norms.
7
SUBCULTURES
AND SOCIAL DISORGANIZATION
Culture is a source of patterning of human conduct.
It is the sum of patterns of social relationships and
shared meanings. ...
Global Affairs Ch - 1 @freshman_course.pptxGadisaKanchora
Nationalism led to the emergence of nation-states in the 19th century as revolutions and wars caused the collapse of old empires. A nation is a cultural community with a shared identity and practices, while a state is a political organization that pursues goals. The combination of a nation and state formed the concept of the nation-state. International relations involve interactions between various actors including states, international organizations, corporations and individuals. The levels of analysis in IR include the individual, state, and international system, with the system level focusing on the distribution of power between states. The international system can be unipolar, bipolar, or multipolar depending on how power is distributed.
This document is a dissertation submitted by Mohammed Abdalla to Middlesex University in partial fulfillment of an MA in International Relations in 2015. The dissertation examines the link between organized crime and terrorism, using the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) as a case study. The introduction provides background on FARC and outlines the research questions that will be addressed. The literature review will explore the main forms of organized crime associated with terrorism, including narcoterrorism, kidnapping for ransom, and money laundering, and how FARC has utilized these activities. Subsequent chapters will analyze state and non-state relationships regarding organized crime and terrorism and discuss conclusions and recommendations.
This document discusses various perspectives on socio-economic offenses and economic crimes. It provides definitions and theories related to economic crimes, organized crime, white-collar crime, and corruption. Some key points include:
- Economic crimes are illegal acts committed for financial gain, such as theft, fraud, and tax evasion. Motives can include pure economic gain or other personal interests.
- Leading theories of economic crime include the neoclassical approach that views criminal decisions as rational choices based on risk/reward calculations, and illegal enterprise theory that sees criminal organizations operating like legal businesses.
- Organized crime refers to criminal groups that operate over long periods for material benefits through serious criminal acts like drug trafficking. Leading theories are
This article examines the challenge that corruption poses to democracy. The author defines corruption as a government official using their position of authority to serve their personal interests rather than the public interest. This undermines democratic legitimacy by weakening the idea that government is accountable to citizens. The article argues that curbing corruption through accountability mechanisms is necessary to preserve democracy, as corruption can delegitimize democratic regimes and contribute to their failure.
Weber 2016_Notes from the Field-Rebuilding Lives Among Memories of ViolenceSanne Weber
This document summarizes research conducted in two villages in Colombia that were sites of violence during the country's long internal armed conflict. It describes how the villages were forcibly taken over by paramilitary forces in 1997, forcing residents to flee and become displaced. After the paramilitary group demobilized in 2006, villagers began returning to their land to rebuild. The document examines visible remnants of past violence, such as a house that was formerly a paramilitary base but has since been renovated, and non-functioning water tanks built by paramilitaries. It also describes challenges villagers face in rebuilding their lives and communities amid memories and structural impacts of the violence.
El documento resume los posibles beneficios económicos que obtendría Colombia con la paz. Entre ellos se encuentran un mayor crecimiento económico, mejor distribución de la tierra, menor victimización, menores costos asociados al conflicto, y un sistema financiero más inclusivo. Sin embargo, señala que todavía no se ha logrado una paz permanente en todas las regiones del país.
El documento analiza el impacto del conflicto armado en los municipios de Colombia entre 2000 y 2012. Muestra que el conflicto ha sido persistente en el 4% de los municipios y que se interrumpió pero regresó con mayor intensidad en otro 4%. Solo el 11% de los municipios lograron erradicar completamente la violencia del conflicto armado, la mayoría cerca a núcleos urbanos y en la región Andina.
Este artículo desarrolla un modelo de Solow-Swan modifcado para incluir las consecuencias del conflicto armado y el crimen organizado en el ingreso de una economía. Utilizando un panel de datos a nivel departamental para Colombia en el periodo 1988 - 2009 se estima la ecuación estructural que se deduce del modelo teórico por efectos fijos y se encuentra que la elasticidad el logaritmo del PIB departamental con respecto al conflicto armado y el crimen organizado es del -0.04 y -0.36 respectivamente. Finalmente no se encuentra cambio en estos estimativos en el periodo del gobierno de Alvaro Uribe (2003-2009)
relativo al periodo anterior (1988-2002).
Tras casi 30 años de haberse iniciado proceso de descentralización, los esfuerzos de fortalecimiento institucional de la Constitución política de 1991 y sucesivas reformas administrativas locales y nacionales, la institucionalidad económica local continúa siendo precaria y poniendo obstáculos, en algunos casos infranqueables, al desarrollo social y económico de las regiones en el país.
We present a detailed, high-frequency data set on the civil conflict in Colombia during the period 1988–2002. We briefly introduce the Colombian case and the methodological issues that hinder data collection in civil wars, before presenting the pattern over time of conflict actions and intensity for all sides involved in the confrontation. We also describe the pattern of victimisation by group and the victimisation of civilians out of clashes.
Publicado en la revista Criminalidad.
Desde comienzos de los años noventa, en las ciudades de Colombia se han llevado a cabo programas dirigidos a reducir el uso de las armas de fuego basados en el control policial, para hacer cumplir la regulación en programas con alto contenido pedagógico y en iniciativas de acción popular para la modificación de la normatividad. Estas medidas han sido reconocidas como uno de los pilares que han conducido al mejoramiento de las condiciones de seguridad en las grandes ciudades del país. En el presente documento se consideran las características de un plan desarme integral, acompañado de una revisión de las características de los programas de desarme que han tenido más impacto en el país.
El documento analiza los lugares y horarios en que ocurren la mayoría de los homicidios en Santiago de Cali en los años 2003-2004 y 2006. Se encontró que el 56% de los hechos ocurren en los barrios Siloé, El Retiro, Alfonso López y Mojica. Asimismo, el 61% de los homicidios ocurren entre las 6pm y 6am, siendo las 8-9pm y 9-10pm los horarios con mayor frecuencia. El mes con más homicidios fue noviembre y el día más violento del año fue el domingo.
Publicado en la revista Análisis Político
Los dos primeros textos realizan una descripción del tipo de artículos publicados en la revista Análisis Político, sus contextos y metodologías. El tercer texto refl exiona sobre el papel de los estudios políticos y de violencia en Colombia, en defensa de la tarea desempeñada por el IEPRI y sus publicaciones en ese campo.
Este documento presenta la revista Controversia número 192, publicada por el Centro de Investigación y Educación Popular (Cinep). Incluye artículos sobre temas como la política de Seguridad Democrática, la violencia en la región de Arauca, la interacción entre territorialidades y conflicto armado en Urabá, la relación entre problema agrario, economía cocalera y conflicto, y estudios regionales sobre Montes de María. El documento también presenta al comité editorial y científico de la revista, así como los colaboradores del número 192.
Este documento tiene tres objetivos: 1) explorar los datos sobre la violencia relacionada con armas de fuego en Colombia en las últimas tres décadas para visibilizar su impacto; 2) presentar la dinámica reciente y el marco normativo del control de armas en el país; y 3) exponer los desafíos y debates sobre el control de armas, incluyendo cómo el marco actual dificulta la implementación de planes de desarme que han demostrado reducir la violencia. Analiza la alta dimensión de la violencia armada en Colombia y sus ci
Este artículo analiza la violencia contra el sindicalismo en Colombia entre 1986 y 2011. Examina las diferentes formas que ha tomado esta violencia a lo largo del tiempo, incluyendo asesinatos, amenazas, estigmatización y persecución judicial. También explora los actores involucrados, como paramilitares, fuerzas estatales, empresas y terratenientes. El autor concluye que a pesar de algunos avances, la violencia contra sindicalistas sigue siendo un problema grave en Colombia.
En Colombia, el fenómeno de las barras de fútbol se ha configurado como un objeto de estudio de las ciencias sociales de manera muy reciente; en efecto, este solo ha sido abordado desde hace poco más de una década. Este hecho contrasta con las experiencias de países como Inglaterra, donde el fenómeno se estudia desde la década del setenta, o con la experiencia de países latinoamericanos como Chile o Argentina, en los cuales dichas barras han sido objeto de atención desde muchos años atrás.
El presente documento es un estudio sobre los parches barristas de la localidad de Kennedy. En primer lugar se presenta un mapeo de éstos y se identifican y describen algunas de sus características, haciendo énfasis en sus formas de organización. No obstante, el énfasis del trabajo es el análisis del conflicto y el conflicto violento entre barras, así como el desarrollo de algunas ideas preliminares para intervenciones que busquen su transformación.
This paper explores how commodity price shocks in the international market affect armed conflict. Using a new dataset on civil war in Colombia, we find that exogenous price shocks in the coffee and oil markets affect conflict in opposite directions, and through separate channels. A sharp fall in coffee prices during the late 1990s increased violence dispro-portionately in coffee-intensive unicipalities, by lowering wages and the opportunity cost of recruitment into armed groups. In contrast, a rise in oil prices increased conflict in the oil region, by expanding local government budgets and raising potential gains from rapacity and predation on these resources. Our analysis suggests that the price of labor intensive goods affect conflict primarily through the opportunity cost effect, while the price of capital intensive goods affect conflict through the rapacity channel.
This paper reports an experimental test of asymmetric Tullock contests. Both the simultaneous-move and sequential-move frameworks are considered. The introduction of asymmetries in the contest function generates experimental behavior qualitatively consistent with the theoretical predictions. However, especially in the simultaneous-move framework, average bidding levels are in excess of the risk-neutral predictions. We conjecture that the reason behind this behavior lies in subjects attaching positive utility to victory in the contest.
Ante los desafíos de déficit de presencia estatal en el territorio o de captura del Estado por organizaciones armadas en cientos de municipios colombianos, este documento analiza la evolución de las capacidades fiscales de los municipios en Colombia e identifica los municipios que ha presentado un deterioro considerable de las capacidades reseñadas.Este documento se desarrolló en el marco del proyecto “Instituciones ad hoc para municipios en Colombia” financiado por la Fundación Friedrich Ebert Stiftung en Colombia (Fescol) e Idea Internacional. El proyecto tenía como objetivo brindar soporte técnico a un proceso de deliberación política para formular un proyecto de ley que cree una política pública de largo plazo y una institucionalidad estatal ad hoc dirigida a territorios en donde una o varias fuerzas ilegales se han disputado la soberanía estatal o la han capturado en su propio beneficio.
El documento describe la Masacre del 16 de mayo de 1998 en Barrancabermeja, Colombia, en la cual paramilitares mataron a 7 personas e hicieron desaparecer a 25. La masacre marcó la entrada de los paramilitares a la ciudad y fue parte de su estrategia para controlar la región de Magdalena Medio y sus recursos petroleros. Un obstáculo para esta estrategia fue la capacidad de acción colectiva de las organizaciones sociales de Barrancabermeja, por lo que se convirtieron en un objetivo militar. Como resultado, los paramilitares log
Este artículo tiene como propósito describir las dinámicas y usos de la violencia asociada al neoparamilitarismo en el valle del Cauca. Para ello presenta una discusión sobre los elementos conceptuales que definen al paramilitarismo, la criminalidad organizada y la transformación de la violencia que ha sufrido el fenómeno paramilitar en Colombia, con el
objeto de definir y describir las características del neoparamilitarismo. A la luz de estos elementos conceptuales, presenta, posteriormente, un análisis de los niveles y usos de la violencia neoparamilitar en el departamento del Valle del Cauca y Cali. En este análisis se puede determinar que existen dos características en las dinámicas y usos de la violencia, una asociada a los grupos neoparamilitares para conservar órdenes sociales heredados del paramilitarismo y otra asociada a las fuerzas criminales anexas a los neoparamilitares, en las zonas urbanas, que además de los aprendizajes de las tecnologías de la guerra, emplean formas de violencia típica de la criminalidad organizada con el objetivo de acumular rentas.
En Colombia, los esfuerzos por entender la criminalidad han sido escasos en especial para el caso de la criminalidad femenina. Es por esta razón que, surge la necesidad de aproximarse a los factores de riesgo que inciden en la comisión de delitos por parte de las mujeres en Colombia. En este sentido, se conformó un equipo interdisciplinar que aportara elementos de juicio basados en evidencia a partir de la aplicación de técnicas de corte cuantitativo y cualitativo, con un fuerte componente de trabajo de campo. Como resultado, se obtiene una primera aproximación a la dimensión y a las características del fenómeno, aportando elementos para la formulación de una política criminal con enfoque diferencial en Colombia.
Este trabajo estima los costos en términos de pérdida de bienestar asociados con el aumento de la mortalidad generado por la violencia homicida en Colombia en el período 1990-2005. Para ellos se emplea el enfoque de valoración de la vida, teniendo en cuenta la distribución heterogénea de los homicidios. Se encuentra que la pérdida de bienestar equivale a 7,3% del PIB real de 2005 y afecta de manera desproporcionada a la población masculina joven de los departamentos de Antioquia, Bogotá y Valle del Cauca.
More from CERAC - Centro de Recursos para el Análisis de Conflictos (20)
An astonishing, first-of-its-kind, report by the NYT assessing damage in Ukraine. Even if the war ends tomorrow, in many places there will be nothing to go back to.
Here is Gabe Whitley's response to my defamation lawsuit for him calling me a rapist and perjurer in court documents.
You have to read it to believe it, but after you read it, you won't believe it. And I included eight examples of defamatory statements/
04062024_First India Newspaper Jaipur.pdfFIRST INDIA
Find Latest India News and Breaking News these days from India on Politics, Business, Entertainment, Technology, Sports, Lifestyle and Coronavirus News in India and the world over that you can't miss. For real time update Visit our social media handle. Read First India NewsPaper in your morning replace. Visit First India.
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‘वोटर्स विल मस्ट प्रीवेल’ (मतदाताओं को जीतना होगा) अभियान द्वारा जारी हेल्पलाइन नंबर, 4 जून को सुबह 7 बजे से दोपहर 12 बजे तक मतगणना प्रक्रिया में कहीं भी किसी भी तरह के उल्लंघन की रिपोर्ट करने के लिए खुला रहेगा।
Acolyte Episodes review (TV series) The Acolyte. Learn about the influence of the program on the Star Wars world, as well as new characters and story twists.
El Puerto de Algeciras continúa un año más como el más eficiente del continente europeo y vuelve a situarse en el “top ten” mundial, según el informe The Container Port Performance Index 2023 (CPPI), elaborado por el Banco Mundial y la consultora S&P Global.
El informe CPPI utiliza dos enfoques metodológicos diferentes para calcular la clasificación del índice: uno administrativo o técnico y otro estadístico, basado en análisis factorial (FA). Según los autores, esta dualidad pretende asegurar una clasificación que refleje con precisión el rendimiento real del puerto, a la vez que sea estadísticamente sólida. En esta edición del informe CPPI 2023, se han empleado los mismos enfoques metodológicos y se ha aplicado un método de agregación de clasificaciones para combinar los resultados de ambos enfoques y obtener una clasificación agregada.
Urban violence and humanitarian action in Medellin
1. Discussion Paper 5
June 2013
1
Urban violence and humanitarian
action in Medellin
Liliana Bernal Franco and Claudia Navas Caputo1
Executive summary
Colombia has long experienced acute forms of political violence in and at the periphery
of its major cities. Humanitarian agencies have also for decades protected civilians in
organizations have started to engage in settings that are neither war nor peace.
These environments feature complex forms of politically- and economically-motivated
such an environment where different types of violence come together in complex ways.
Humanitarian agencies only recently started expanding activities in these so-called
“other situations of violence” in and around urban centers. Their focus has typically
be more intense. This paper provides a critical review of the character and dynamics
of these settings. It considers emerging forms of urban violence and the ways in which
humanitarian agencies are responding. It focuses primarily on the activities of the
in Medellin. The focus on Medellin is deliberate – it is a bellwether for other similar
interventions underway around Latin America and the Caribbean.2
1 Claudia Navas was a researcher and Liliana Bernal was a research assistant at CERAC. We gratefully
acknowledge the editing and proof reading contribution of Andrew Berry and comments and direction of
Institute.
2. 2
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
The proposed framework is directly informed by International Humanitarian Law (IHL)
intensity
organization
armed groups and their capacity to sustain military operations in order to be considered
urban violence.
This paper tests the intensity and organization of violence in the case of Medellin. It
and non-lethal violence that has humanitarian implications for the lives and livelihoods
actors together with their disorganized structures and their complex relationships are
more complicated than in more “traditional” settings.
The paper offers a number of conceptual and practical insights for humanitarian
public documentation. It complements this with a short treatment of how ICRC is viewed
by public authorities and communities and implications for effective intervention.
Introduction
endogenously driven. These two forms of violence come together in insidious ways. The
by confrontations perpetrated by local armed actors. These groups include illegal
combos. This
The paper offers
a number of
conceptual and
practical insights
for humanitarian
agencies that are
considering action
in urban spaces.
3. 3
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
of individuals and communities. What is more Medellin features pervasive structural
This paper examines endogenous and exogenous forms of violence that affect
“other situations of violence”. There are legal conditions that set out when an armed
blurring of political and criminal violence. Determining whether and when the situation
The paper adopts an empirical approach to determining whether Medellin has crossed
for a more concerted humanitarian engagement or whether more conventional law
enforcement and social welfare measures are appropriate. Drawing on the conceptual
•
• The organization of violence in terms of “conventional armed actors” and an
and territorial dominance over populations conducts and the use of territories and
their assets.
In the case of
Medellin, levels
of violence often
exceed those of
armed conflict
elsewhere in the
country.
4. 4
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
• The levels of intensity and organization of violence in Medellin seems to vary
•
a legal framework that while consistent with principles of international humanitarian
•
control.
This paper is intended to identify insights and lessons to assist humanitarian actors
a conceptual framework focusing on the intensity and organization of violence in
organization and relationships. The third section reviews some of the historical features
It complements this with a short treatment of how ICRC is viewed by public authorities
and communities and implications for effective intervention.
Revisiting methods
ICRC was generated through available publications and consultations with partners.
5. 5
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Colombia. A total of 75 documents were collected (see References). This literature
informed the conceptual approach and provided a historical overview of their role and
rationale for operating in Medellin.
In order to generate an empirical treatment of the intensity and organization of
Comuna3
community leaders and grassroots organizations. Unstructured interviews were
conducted to assess local knowledge and perceptions on the context of violence in
A short history of violence in Medellin
indicators such as
1. the duration of armed violence;
2.
3. the types of weapons used;
4. the number and caliber of weaponry;
5. the number of actors involved;
6. the levels of destruction;
3 Medellín is divided into 16 Comunas. Each Comuna includes several neighborhoods.
In order to
differentiate an
armed conflict from
other situations
of violence it is
necessary to
determine if the
confrontation has
reached a minimum
level of intensity,
that is, a“threshold”
or tipping-point.
6. 6
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
7. the rates of displacement; and
based on a selection of the above-mentioned indicators. It also accounts for
other direct impacts of violence that are relevant to understanding the situation
draws attention particularly to this most recent period. It is important to stress that
for narcotics and other illicit goods) and endogenous features (e.g. relationships
criminal organizations) have profoundly shaped the intensity of violence in the city.4
Drug cartel violence with gradual penetration of guerrilla groups (1989-1998)
wake of narco-cartels. It is worth recalling that conditions were ripe for inter-personal and
collective violence owing to the rapid arrival of thousands of displaced people entering
as a source of lucrative economic development for families and communities that
otherwise lacked basic needs. The public authorities were patently unable to provide
combos
and FARC developed a military project to enter urban areas through the so-called
The first phase
of Medellin’s
experience of
intense organized
violence emerged
in the wake of
narco-cartels.
7. 7
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
neighborhoods rapidly escalated. They triggered an increase in homicides that
of combos
.
between combos Comunas
The ascendance of paramilitaries over guerrillas and the
militarization of state response (1998-2003)
5
It launched a series of decisive
counterinsurgency operations to ensure territorial control. Combos and other criminal
several neighborhoods and endangering the lives of literally thousands of residents.
in large part to the formidable killing capacities of the AUC.
in the Comunas
of these military operations – Operación Orión – took place over a four day period in
Comuna 13. The operation transformed the dynamics
the Bloque Cacique Nutibara Comuna and triggered an armed
The results of the operation were not entirely unexpected. It led to the hegemony of the
paramilitary – notably the BCN – in Comuna 13 as well as in other areas of the city.6
But homicides and violence continued as a result of the armed confrontations between
combos
militias continued their violent actions while seeking a “new boss”.7
5 In 2001 the paramilitaries were present in 211 municipalities of Colombia and the 50 per cent of the
that no militia groups were left in the city.
The next phase
of Medellin’s
experience with
intense violence
occurred in
2001, when the
paramilitary group,
AUC, expanded its
operations.
8. 8
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Intra-paramilitary disputes and the demobilization
of the paramilitary (2012-2008)
This third period was characterized by the armed confrontation between two paramilitary
Don Berna Bloque Metro (BM) led by “Doblecero”.
Don
Berna
structure of the BCN is the
today.
Between 2003 and 2005 the paramilitary bloc as well as
the BCN (including “Don Berna Don Berna” still controlled
the combos from jail. The hegemony of “Don Berna” led to an important reduction in the
Don Berna
combos and loyal to “Don Berna
Dispute for control of and the entrance
of
there was an internal struggle to monopolize the criminal
Valenciano Sebastian
pretenders to the throne. The confrontation between these groups generated ripple
p.22). In 2011 “Valenciano Sebastian” also picked-
routes led to a weakening of the
round of interactions between the combos
Los
Urabeños
This third period
was characterized
by the armed
confrontation
between two
paramilitary groups.
9. 9
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Medellin has experienced successive (but different waves) of organized and
disorganized violence over the past three decades. This started with the
dominance of the Medellin Cartel and was followed by overlapping and
cascading armed confrontation between militia groups and paramilitaries.
local armed actors have adapted and learned ways to use violence as a means
of ensuring economic as well as a strategic social control over their communities.9
groups and criminal organizations that control the illicit markets of the city.
Mapping violence intensity
process of violence transformation. This can be described as “a phenomena in which
Although the levels of organized and interpersonal violence in Medellin have declined
10
it remains one of the most violent cities in the
seemed to follow the national trend. The city’s homicide rate fell from 93 homicides per
described in the previous section. However homicide rates began to register a sharp
Don Berna to the
Sebastian Valenciano’.
The intensity of violence is distributed unevenly across the territory of Medellin and its
Comunas
inhabitants include the Comunas of Aranjuez (Comuna Villa Hermosa (Comuna
(Comuna (Comuna 13) and (Comuna 15).
Comuna
highest rate of the period– followed by la Comuna 13 with a rate of 17 homicides per
Medellin has
experienced
successive (but
different waves)
of organized and
disorganized
violence over the
past three decades.
10. 10
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Comuna 13 registered more homicides than Comuna
11
Figure 1. Homicide rates in Colombia and Medellin 2003-2012 (per 100,000)
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Colombia Medellín
Figure 2. Comunas with rates higher than 5 homicides per 10,000 inhabitants
2003-2012
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Aranjuez (C4) Villa Hermosa (C8)
La Candelaria (C10) San Javier (C13)
Guayabal (C15)
11 Due to the differences in the size of the population of each of these Comunas (in 2010 Comuna 13 had a
by rate.
11. 11
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
What else might explain the particularly egregious rates of violence in Comuna 10?
concentration of trade and businesses (legal and illegal) within the city. As a hub for
Comuna registers the largest concentration
12
Therefore the murder rate for the population of the
Comuna Comuna 10
is also home to multiple illegal private security organizations (called ). These
actors charge legal and illegal businesses a
exchange for security and keeping the area free of beggars (even thieves are known
to pay these organizations to enter the area).13
It is also important to note that violence perpetration varies temporally – not just over
tends to concentrate rather than be spread out evenly over time. Among Comunas not
Comuna 6 recorded 31 homicides in July 2009 averaging one homicide per day. Also in
January 2010 Comuna
day. These Comunas
Comuna 1
(neighborhoods Popular and Carpinelo)14
Comuna 2 (neighborhoods de Los
Comunerosand )15
,Comuna7(neighborhoods andCucaracho)16
and Comuna 10 (neighborhoods and )17
.
14 Popular registered 36 homicides in 2003 whilst in 2011 it registered only 3. Carpinelo registered 31
15 El Playón de los Comuneros registered 17 homicides in 2003 whilst in 2011 registered only 3. Villa del
16 Robledo registered 30 homicides in 2003 whilst in 2011 it registered 3. Cucaracho registered 31 homicides
in 2003 whilst in 2011 it registered 4.
Acute
violence tends
to concentrate
rather than be
spread out evenly
over time.
12. 12
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Homicides (2011)Homicides (2003)
may not be the best indicator to identify the intensity of violence. Better metrics might
neighborhoods of Comuna
in Comuna Villatina Villa Turbay and Villa Lliliam
neighborhoods most affected in Comuna 13 were and
. These two Comuna’s have been historically affected by acute insecurity and
have played an important role during the aforementioned phases. It is no coincidence
that the ICRC’s program is being pursued in some of these neighborhoods. The high
concentration of homicidal violence in Comunas
Los Urabeños. It is important to note the geographic
location of both Comunas
Map 1. Homicides by neighbourhood 2003 Map 2. Homicides by neighbourhood 2011
13. 13
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
and Santa Helena
homicide rates among other rural areas of the city. This is not surprising since both of
them share borders with the Comunas
Figure 3. Homicide rates per 10,000 inhabitants in rural localities of Medellin
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Cgto. Palmitas Cgto. San Cristóbal
Cgto. Altavista Cgto. San Antonio del Prado
Cgto. Santa Helena
There is a comparatively recent debate on the participation of children in combos and
to be a worrisome increase in the victimization of children ranging from 0 to 17 years
(Figure 4). It can be seen that in 2009 the homicidal violence rate for this age group
14. 14
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Figure 4. Homicide rate per 100,000 inhabitants by age group
0
50
100
150
200
250
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
0-17 18-24 25-49 50-90 and more
The demographic breakdown of homicidal violence as shown in (Figure 5) depicts
the use of women by criminal groups.
Figure 5. Homicide rate per 100,000 inhabitants by gender
0
50
100
150
200
250
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
Female Male
15. 15
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Mapping weapons used
of the principle centers for the distribution of small arms and light weapons in the
demand for weapons due to the existence of vibrant criminal groups linked to drug
Comuna 10 featured the highest
Comuna 10 is
also home to the highest concentration of trade and businesses (legal and illegal).
Figure 6. Firearms seized by in Medellin (2011)
0
50
100
150
200
250
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
Urabeños
Medellin is
considered to be
one of the principle
centers for the
distribution of small
arms and light
weapons in the
country.
16. 16
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Mapping population displacement
Forcible displacement is widely recognized as a mechanism of territorial control
displacement is in some ways a more effective mechanism of territorial control
than homicide. This is because homicides are a typical security indicator used by
governments to identify priorities and organize interventions. A spike in homicides
includes displacement from Medellin to other towns of Colombia and also displacement
Comunas
been an increase in massive forced displacements (MFD)19
in the city since 2009. In
Comunas
20
expulsion was Comuna 13. Neighborhoods
Belencito and
which represents 2.2 per cent of its population. In Comuna La
Sierra Santo Domingo
and Popular in Comuna Santa Cruz in Comuna Castilla in Comuna
in Comuna in Comuna 9 and in Comuna 16.
their homes as a result of a common event.
20 A possible interpretation of the increase in MFD records in Medellin is that it has become a new strategy
– inherited from the paramilitaries. The idea is to entrench armed groups at the local level by carrying out
In 2010,
Medellin featured
the second highest
number of people
expelled in the
country: 5,932
individuals
left the city.
17. 17
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
in and out of Medellin is all the more remarkable when juxtaposed by the considerable
21
The challenges of responding to urban displacement are increasingly well known.22
Amongst the many challenges for humanitarian actors seeking to support these
populations are the complex means of negotiating access in settings marked by local
in settings subject to a strong and sustained presence and dominance from violent
the principle of distinction – given the ways in which different armed groups themselves
are blurred with civilian structures.
Map 3. Records of Intra-urban displacement by neighborhood 2011
21 The competition includes a list of 200 cities compiled by the Urban Land Institute. Cities were selected
displacement-vulnerability.
IUD
18. 18
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Mapping sexual violence and disappearances
that it is used by armed groups not only as a means of retaliation but as a strategy for
Comunas most
hundred cases. While Comunas
of sexual violence. It is important to stress that such violence often occurs behind the
Comunas
including Comunas Comunas 1 and 7 showed a
conceal is that in 2011 these same Comunas suffered dramatic increases in sexual
violence.
available to explain the reported disparities in sexual violence between neighborhoods.
problems of the latter.
Figure 7 . Records of sexual violence* by Comuna in Medellin (2011)
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
50
60
70
80
90
Notregistered
19. 19
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Los Triana”
combos’ who are in control of the northern Comunas of Medellin (Comunas 1
23
(IPC) reported how
two armed groups used sexual violence as a means of retaliation. Both groups sexually
better understand the underlying motivations and patterns of such victimization.
interact with local authorities to determine the causes of the disappearances. The
banks of river.24
determined on the basis of indicators such as
1. the existence of command structure and disciplinary rules and mechanisms;
2.
3. the display of control over certain territory;
Sexual violence is
also reported as
a cause of forced
displacement.
20. 20
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
4.
5.
6.
7. an ability to speak with one voice; and
This section evaluates the organization of each armed actor in Medellin using some of
the indicators mentioned above. It is important to point out that relevant and reliable
assessment considers the internal structures of armed actors operating in Medellin
and the relationships between them and other local armed groups.
It is possible to distinguish three basic types of illegal armed groups that have
combos’ and the
combos
combos
combos
There are no reliable estimates of the number of combos and bands that are currently
combos have
transport illicit drugs and weapons or perform surveillance activities. There have also
been reports of children being involved in assassinations and attaining certain levels
There is “criminal
capacity installed”
in the city, in the
form of ‘combos’
and bands, which
are necessary
for the armed
structures to control
in order to achieve
their particular
interests.
21. 21
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
25
extradition of alias “Don Berna”. After the captures of aliases “Valenciano” (2011) and
alias “Sebastian
Urabeños
presence that has gained control over some areas of the city since 201126
. There were
them linked to the “ ” and are then cloaked in legality. The other
and Urabeños are the primary armed actors
of an alliance forged between them in some areas of the city. The lack of leadership
and fragmentation of the has likely weakened its structure. This
combos’ and armed actors either aligning with Urabeños
territory. The objective of these structures “rather than partial or total destruction of
to weaken the state to the extent that they are able to replace its multiple functions”
It is also important to stress the presence of other armed actors – notably the National
factor that is also associated with an escalation of violence and human rights abuses.
Respondents interviewed in the course of this paper noted that the public security
forces represent comprise an analogous or even higher risk to their safety and personal
securtiy than the illegal armed actors.27
For example Comuna 13 is the most militarized
As such, the
Oficina de
Envigado and
Urabeños are the
primary armed
actors operating in
Medellin.
22. 22
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
14 are based in this Comuna Comuna has the highest levels of homicide
combos and armed bands as providers
Mapping command structures and rules
There is surprisingly limited information on the internal command structures and internal
regulatory mechanisms of armed groups in Colombia. There is also comparatively little
known about the disciplinary rules of either or the Urabeños
key characteristics of their command structures by reviewing their use of violence and
is headed
society. Leaders such as “Sebastian” are in effect powerful gunmen who serve the
interests of the board members and maintain control over their territory and responsible
Los Urabeños has evolved over the years
to become more organized and united.29
entry of outsiders triggered a rise in homicides in the city and raised the risk of violence
to the local population.30
Members of the Urabeños risked attack since they were
not willing to cede their territorial control. This prompted the leader of the Urabeños
“Mi Sangre combos and other local armed actors through
negotiations with the Valenciano”. The
of the city in which to confront “Sebastián
The profound
deficit legitimacy
of the public
security forces not
only reduces the
likelihood of local
denunciations, it
also raises the level
of impunity.
23. 23
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Mapping relationships between armed actors
combos and other criminal groups
and the Urabeños. Depending on the combo provide services such as
Combos
need to maintain a strong territorial attachment to be perceived as a legitimate actor
within the community and to protect their business interests.31
combos
such as and Urabeños have strong linkages with members of
law enforcement institutions that are able to guarantee impunity. They are also able to
32
Through analyzing the links between non-state actors a demand and supply rationale
emerges. This rationale informs their interrelationships and also the dynamics of armed
confrontations. It is possible to detect a two-way logic of demand and supply in the
relationships between these armed actors. Combos and bands operate as “annexed
the population. The weakening of as a result of the capture of
“Sebastián
and bands either to join Los Urabeños or – if they have enough military capacity –
command structures and disciplinary rules – if they exist – only endure as long as there
Mapping territorial control
The different tactics employed by armed groups in order to maintain their control over
organizations in relation to the ways of maintaining and preserving territorial control. As
31
2012).
32
Command
structures and
disciplinary rules
– if they exist –
only endure as
long as there is
a leader and a
strong criminal
organization.
24. 24
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
group over a territory. This in turn reinforces the legitimacy of local armed actors as
providers of justice and security as well as other services.
Despite the existence of these structures in communities and neighborhoods of
magnitude on the basis of reports on the practices uses by armed groups to maintain
combos and other
practices. Economic control seeks to dominate the resources resulting from legal and
illegal economic activities. Territorial control seeks to achieve the appropriation of the
territory and conservation of the group. Each of these types of controls encompasses
a large set of practices that result in major humanitarian impacts on the communities
involved.
Reviewing humanitarian action in Medellin
the country are the largest in Latin America and the Caribbean and among the most
and where humanitarian needs are considered to be most critical owing to the lack of
ICRC “whose exclusively humanitarian mission is to protect the lives and dignity of
assistance” has managed to access populations effectively for years with its mandate
The Human
Security
Observatory
of Medellin
(OSHM) recently
documented
and inventorized
mechanisms used
by combos and
other armed bands
to maintain their
territorial control.
25. 25
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
The ICRC´s urban violence program
an assessment of urban violence in Medellin and designing a new intervention known
conceived as a pilot run for four years (from 2012 to 2016) and was developed in
alliance with the Colombian Red Cross (CRC) with the cooperation of local authorities.
The ICRC intervention in Medellin is unprecedented in Colombia and will likely have
wider implications for humanitarian actors working in Colombia and other parts of
comprehensively in an urban context in Colombia with the explicit objective of
addressing vulnerability generated by violence. The ICRC has intervened in urban
like in Colombia”.33
ICRC’s program in Medellin was conceived as a comprehensive and multidisciplinary
response to urban violence. Its overall objective is to mitigate both direct and indirect
humanitarian impacts of violence in selected neighborhoods and to increase the
protective factors of people exposed to violence.34
The program was initially launched
in eight neighborhoods located in Comunas
transformative exercise of building resilience in communities.
The ICRC
intervention
in Medellin is
unprecedented
in Colombia and
will likely have
wider implications
for humanitarian
actors working in
Colombia and other
parts of the world.
26. 26
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
Figure 8. Pillars of the program of the ICRC in Medellin
assistance component is designed to enhance access to health
and strengthen family’s economic security. ICRC has developed a medical program
that focuses on preventing sexually transmitted diseases and promoting sexual and
girls as well as actual and potential victims of rape. ICRC has also supported the
scheme in selected Comunas that seeks to strengthen entrepreneurship and provide
guidance and support for young males who are at risk of recruitment. ICRC targets
families already have businesses and a young family member who is at risk of joining
or being recruited into an armed group or gang. ICRC also seeks to help these families
with micro-credit and technical assistance. The expectation of this initiative is that it will
reduce the incentive of young people to perpetrate violence.
component is developed in approximately 15 educational
people and their families in values consistent with international humanitarian law and
in 14 schools (with an expectation of growing this by 16 more owing to municipal
government replication) and working with teachers and parents alongside students. A
Paz,
key objective of the ICRC is enhancing safe behavior and positive role models amongst
the youth. ICRC is seeking to work with both the armed and civil police to train them
such as collecting evidence and proper arrest procedures. ICRC also supports the
updating of manuals and related doctrine to ensure that local practices are consistent
with international norms.
PROTECTION PREVENTION ASSITANCE
•
with both legal and
illegal armed groups
• Visits to detainees
• Dissemination of human
rights in educational
institutions
•
coexistence in educational
institutions and its
surroundings
• Contribute to health access
• Improve economic security
27. 27
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
protection component is managed exclusively by the ICRC. This component includes
actors. As in other settings – whether urban or rural - ICRC is involved in constant
dialogue with both civilians and armed groups in the Comunas.35
secured agreement from the authorities (ICBF) to visit jails and detention rehabilitation
groups to respect the civilian population and basic infrastructures such as health
to improve their conditions of detention and their chances of reintegration into society.
Perceptions of the ICRC operation
be premature to attribute any changes in the Comunas in which they are working to their
emerging trends from communities themselves. It is worth underlining that the present
study was administered independent of the ICRC. This was considered important for
challenges and risks associated with ICRC intervention.
as an important actor that contributes to limiting the use of violence and building
In its confidential
dialogue, the ICRC
promotes the
implementation
of standards that
regulate the use of
force, arrests and
detentions by the
security forces.
28. 28
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
combos in order to convince them to promote and respect IHL
these groups and give them a political platform or means of extending their control.
combos or other
these groups do not have and this won’t be accepted by the institutions”.36
This is a
37
effective for many armed groups. This is because violence has transformed over the
Don Berna
“Sebastian” and “Valenciano”. Previous experiences have also shown that even if
may not stick to their commitments. This is amply demonstrated by the fact that even
Don Berna”–
A more controversial
activity suggested by the ICRC in 2011 when developing a diagnostic was to establish
“neutral zones”. These were demarcated areas in which no armed groups – not even
public forces – could enter. The democratic and constitutional implications of such a
part of the territory” given their constitutional mandate.39
unsuccessful.
ICRC has played an essential role in empowering communities. They have taught
to rescue and relocate people at risk while providing assistance to victims.40
some respondents highlighted that the ICRC could play a better role in “regulating and
monitoring the performance of the security forces” since it is considered to be one of
catholic-church-pawn-or-player-in-gang-truce.
One of the most
controversial
activities pursued
by the ICRC in
Medellin relates
to confidential
dialogue with local
armed groups.
29. 29
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
the major risk factors confronting communities.41
relevance and necessity to protect and assist victims of organized violence in urban
and the ways to apply the principle of distinction in Medellin persist.
Possible consequences of ICRC action in Medellin
its mandate of protecting the lives and dignity of victims of organized violence. At the
efforts to promote economic security for families and youth while promoting respect
mediation efforts with public forces to improve policing practices and protocols on the
use of force may well help prevent abuses and human rights violations in the future.
organizations and others.
set for the organization and the humanitarian sector as a whole. The very act of setting
up a dedicated program to prevent and reduce violence and promote community
resilience in a city is a landmark for the organization. It echoes similar types of activities
and organization of violence in Medellin merits a humanitarian response. And while
transferable to other settings.
Even a superficial
examination of
ICRC activities in
Medellin suggests
that it is fulfilling
its mandate of
protecting the
lives and dignity of
victims of organized
violence.
30. 30
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
has a relatively high level of health and educational infrastructure and sophisticated
not the usual comfort zone of the ICRC.42
Time will tell if the ICRC is effective or not in enhancing protection in neighborhoods
determine and differentiate their various motivations much less predict the trajectory of
organized violence. The engagement of the ICRC with combos or other criminal groups
generates a high level of risk for communities and ICRC personnel. To continue and be
its reputation as a neutral and independent humanitarian organization amongst the
communities and local armed actors.
Conclusions
The entry of ICRC to Medellin is unprecedented and potentially path-breaking. It is
engaging a context that is seized by multiple and overlapping forms of organized
of violence with high intensity (sometimes exceeding warfare) but low organization
settings have considerable humanitarian needs. The impacts of violence extend well
control.
The volatility and dynamism of organized violence in Medellin is staggering. The paper
has provided a glimpse into the ways in which alliances between (competing) groups
humanitarian agencies seeking to engage in such environments. It has dramatic
dialogue. This may be the single most important value-added of the ICRC as compared
Many of the costs
of Medellin’s
violence are hard
to detect, owing in
large part to under-
reporting or a
failure of outsiders
to record the
“right” metrics.
31. 31
HASOW DISCUSSION PAPER 5: URBAN VIOLENCE AND HUMANITARIAN ACTION IN MEDELLIN
provide security and control territory – are routinely threatened by armed groups. This
grows. While many gaps in knowledge remain – including on the command structures
public and private entities – it seems that Medellin will continue exhibiting frailty in
years to come.
36. The Humanitarian Action in
Situations other than War
(HASOW) project is based at the
International Relations Institute
of the Catholic University of
Rio de Janeiro (IRI-PUC) with
support from the International
Development Research Centre
(IDRC). The aim of HASOW is
to comprehensively assess the
dynamics of urban violence and
the changing face of humanitarian
action. Administered between
2011 and 2013, HASOW focuses
on the dynamics of organized
violence in urban settings,
including Rio de Janeiro, Ciudad
Juarez, Medellin and
Port-au-Prince.
OTHER PUBLICATIONS BY HASOW
Discussion Paper 4 | June 2013
International Rules on Violence
Discussion Paper 3 | March 2013
Formal and Functional Approaches
Discussion Paper 2 | October 2012
Discussion Paper 1 | September 2012
Coordinators
Robert Muggah
Paulo Esteves
Designer
Kenia de Aguiar Ribeiro
Address
Rua Marquês de São Vicente, 225,
Vila dos Diretórios, casa 20 Gávea,
Rio de Janeiro - RJ
Brazil
Contact
(55) 21 2245-1900
projetohasow@gmail.com
www.hasow.org