LACS 497 Research Paper

Winter

2015

The
Case
of
Girl
Soldiers:
How
the
Current

DDR
Process
Exacerbates
Gender
Inequality

in
Colombia

LACS
497

Martine
Stephen

260461065

2

Table of Contents
Introduction
...........................................................................................................................
3

Historical
Context
...................................................................................................................
4

DDR
Process
in
Colombia
........................................................................................................
6

The
Importance
of
Gender
in
the
DDR
Process
........................................................................
7

Reasons
to
Join
.....................................................................................................................
10

Experiences
of
Girls
During
Armed
Conflict
...........................................................................
13

Reintegration
into
Colombian
Society
...................................................................................
16

The
Role
of
State
and
Society
................................................................................................
19

Conclusion
............................................................................................................................
21

Works
Cited
..........................................................................................................................
22

3

Introduction

Over the past 50 years Colombia has been in the midst of an armed conflict between the
government and leftist guerrilla groups. According to International Humanitarian Law, the use
and recruitment of child soldiers is considered to be one the six grave violations against children
during armed conflict. (UN, 2009) However, at least one in four irregular combatants in
Colombia’s civil war is under the age of 18 years old.(Human Rights Watch, 2003) On top of
that, approximately 40 per cent of the FARC-EP’s total insurgent organisation consists of female
guerrilla fighters. (FARC-EP Peace Delegation, 2014) Peace Talks in Havana, Cuba, have been
taking place since 2012 with both parties negotiating for a peace agreement. Although nothing is
yet concrete, a contentious point on the agenda is that of the Disarmament, Demobilisation and
Reintegration (DDR) of soldiers into Colombian society. The fact that children are involved in
this process demands the need for these DDR programmes to be adapted to the specific issues
faced by child soldiers. The current DDR programmes in place do address the issues faced by
child soldiers, however they do not take into account the gender of the child.
The need for adaptation depending on gender within the DDR process is what this paper
will argue for. The issues faced by female child soldiers are specific to their gender and this must
be taken into account for their reintegration process. However, discrimination against women is a
broader issue that exists at the societal level. Improvements within the DDR programmes must
be accompanied by a transformation at the national and societal level to help these female ex-
soldiers reintegrate into society. Action at the state level will also have the benefit of tackling the
issue of gender discrimination at all levels of society and will help to prevent future recruitment
of female child soldiers.

4

Antioquia is the region this paper will focus on. It is the department showing the highest
level of recruitment between 1999 and 2014. (Agencia Pandi, 2015) There has also been
previous research done regarding the experience of girl soldiers who have been demobilised and
brought to a special attention centre (CAE) in Medellin. (Viviana Patricia Montoya Giraldo,
2014 – from now on referred to as Montoya). Montoya’s research was done recently, in 2014,
which will allow this paper to maintain its relevance as peace talks are on going. Needless to say,
it shall also focus on the experiences of girls coming from the FARC-EP as they are the largest
Marxist group and they are the ones currently negotiating in Havana.
I shall start by contextualising the situation giving a brief summary of the conflict and
where they stand today. Then I shall go into the DDR process in Colombia, followed by the
importance of taking gender into account within the DDR process. I shall then go on to
demonstrate this necessity by looking into the experiences of former girl soldiers. This section
will go in a chronological order starting pre-involvement in the armed conflict and ending with
their experience regarding the reintegration process. Finally I shall end this paper by looking into
what further role the state should play so as to ensure these women experience a smooth
transition back into Colombian society in the long term, which will have the extra benefit of
tackling the prevailing issue of gender inequality that pervades throughout the country.
Historical
Context

The FARC-EP is the oldest and largest leftist, Marxist guerrilla group in Colombia, set up
in 1964. (National Counter Terrorism Centre) They have been fighting for a social revolution
ever since what is known as La Violencia, the civil war between the Liberal and Conservative
parties that took place between 1948 and 1958. Traditionally, the FARC-EP ideals follow those
of Simon Bolivar. They seek to recreate the Grand Colombia, dreamt of by the revolutionary and

5

they strive to redeem the power to the people of Colombia – they are the people’s army
(“Ejército del Pueblo”). The FARC-EP is against the oligarchy and they fight explicitly against
US multinationals. There is debate however as to whether their activities reflect those ideals. The
government of Colombia sees them as terrorists, kidnappers and drug traffickers, as do many of
the people of Colombia who suffer from the effects of war, whether it be kidnapping,
displacement, or the fear that resides within their daily lives. Certain experiences of former child
soldiers also reflect this issue. Some report a feeling of disillusion after joining the armed forces,
as they did not see the benefits of their fighting activities. They suggest that the violent activities
engaged in today have shifted away from their political objectives that founded the group and
that they no longer necessarily reflect those ideals. (Guerrillera, 2005)
Since November 2012, the government and the FARC-EP have engaged in Peace Talks
in Havana, Cuba. Although progress has been slow, recent events have shown positive
advancements for the pacification process. However, any progress made is fragile. An example
of this fragility is the fact that since December 20, 2014 the FARC-EP has agreed to a unilateral
ceasefire for an indefinite period of time. Though on March 19, 2015, the FARC-EP threatened
to end the cease-fire following a series of attacks on senior FARC-EP members from the
Colombian government. (PanAm Post, 2015)
Their 32nd
round of talks, which took place between February 2, 2015 and February 12,
2015 ended with the FARC-EP agreeing to raise the minimum recruitment age from 15 years to
17 years. Although this reflects improvement and effort from the FARC-EP’s side to end the 50-
year-old conflict, President Santos still complains about the minimum age. (ColombiaPeace.org,
2015) The United Nations defines a child soldier as “any person below 18 years of age who is, or
who has been, recruited or used by an armed force or armed group in any capacity, including but

6

not limited to children, boys and girls, used as fighters, cooks, porters, spies or for sexual
purposes.” (United Nations, 2011) This definition clearly states the minimum age being 18 years
old. Furthermore, Colombia ratified the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the
Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict on May 25, 2005. (United Nations) This
treaty also defends the rights of children stating the age of adulthood as 18 years old.
On top of the fact that the official recruitment age still does not comply with international
or national standards, the FARC-EP has not yet promised to discharge members currently under
17 years old. (ColombiaPeace.org, 2015) Another point to take into account is the divergence
between the formal age of recruitment and the actual average age. According to Springer’s
research, the average age at the time of recruitment was found to be 12.1 years old. (Springer,
2012) These issues, among many others, will need to be further addressed if the peace agreement
is to be successful for the rebuilding of the nation.
DDR
Process
in
Colombia

Ever since 1990 when the government sought a peace agreement with the guerrilla forces,
there has been talk of demobilisation. In the 1990s the government granted political recognition
to those who demobilised at the time and sought to bring peace through negotiations. However
there was no specification in the agreements as to how reinsertion would occur. All that was
signed was the Sante Fé de Ralito peace agreement which stated: “The government shall pursue
all actions necessary to reincorporate them into civilian life.” (Jaramillo et al., 2009)
In 2003 a process of Collective Demobilisation took place, and this continued until 2006.
It was designed to include all groups that demobilized as units within the framework that was
established from the peace agreement between the AUC (United Self-Defense Forces of
Colombia) and the Colombian government. (Jaramillo et al., 2009) The FARC-EP, as well as the

7

ELN (the National Liberation Army), the other major Marxist guerrilla group, did not participate
in this collective demobilisation. The government thus initiated a programme of Individual
Demobilisation as a broader strategy as a way to demobilise as many soldiers as possible. They
perceived it as an effective tool for “dismantling armed groups from below, through attrition.”
(Jaramillo et al., 2009) These individual demobilisations have been continuous since 2002.
The fact that these demobilisation initiatives began around 2002 is interesting as it
coincides with the laws passed regarding child’s rights. It was on February 12, 2002 that the
Optional Protocol to the Convention of the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in
armed conflict came into force. (United Nations Human Rights) This treaty emphasized the
minimum age to be involved in armed conflict as 18 years old as well as the need for “physical
and psychosocial rehabilitation and social reintegration of children who are victims of armed
conflict.” (United Nations Human Rights) As one of the governments to sign the treaty,
Colombia took a step forward in trying to improve the situation of child rights through DDR
processes.
The DDR process established has proved beneficial. According to Pandi’s research
between 1999 and 2014, 5645 children were demobilised. (Agencia Pandi, 2014) However out of
these children only 28% are girls (Agencia Pandi, 2014) despite the fact that they form more than
40% of the armed forces. (FARC-EP Peace Delegation, 2014) I shall demonstrate the importance
of taking gender into account when constructing programmes for the DDR process.
The
Importance
of
Gender
in
the
DDR
Process

The experience lived by female child soldiers is extremely interesting. The specific issues
faced by these girls are not limited to the various abuses they face during their experience with
the rebel group. A broader issue that many girls must deal with is their changing perception of

8

themselves as female beings and the difficulties they face when trying to combine their present
selves, after having been with the FARC-EP, with their previous communities. Part of the
FARC-EP’s principles is that of gender equality (farc-epeace.org) which contrasts deeply with
the traditional views of gender roles. This poses difficulty for these girls when it comes to their
reintegration process, as they have become independent women who find it difficult to fit back
into their home communities, which tend to be rural, patriarchal societies. Although this, in
itself, is not a breach to their rights in terms of their experience with the FARC-EP, it reveals the
broader issue that exists at a societal level in terms of gender inequality. It is in this sense that I
previously mentioned that there is only so much that the DDR programmes can do. If there is to
be a positive impact on gender equality at a national level, the state has an additional role to play
regarding this issue. That being said, the DDR process has room for improvement. The
perception of girls within armed conflict is very much in line with traditional gender stereotypes.
There has been reluctance within the DDR process around the world to view girls as “soldiers”;
MacKenzie has made it clear, in her study of the DDR process in Sierra Leone, that people
would rather see girls as victims of abuse rather than playing an active role in violent activities.
(MacKenzie, 2009)
MacKenzie goes on to describe how in a report based on the DDR process in West and
Central Africa, UNICEF admitted their lack of consideration of gender to be a major
shortcoming in their programming, and that mostly boys and men were receiving support for
DDR. To remedy this, in 2004 they launched a programme in Sierra Leone called “The Girls
Left Behind” which sought to include girls who should have been included in the DDR process.
However, even within this programme there was emphasis on girls as victims rather than as
perpetrators.(MacKenzie, 2009) The mention of girls was mostly in reference to being victims of

9

poverty, or of sexual abuse and other violent acts. This categorisation of girls as victims strips
them from the agency and their active participation in the armed conflict. MacKenzie’s analysis
of Sierra Leone clearly demonstrates that UNICEF’s initiative still did not meet the needs of
these girl soldiers, as there was difficulty and reluctance to understand that girls could deviate
from the traditional image of a pacifying, peacekeeping woman to a perpetrator of violence. It is
clear that the image of a woman within society deeply influences the way the DDR process is
created when adapted to women. In this sense, by stripping them of their agency the current
DDR process, though it seeks to include women, does not accommodate for their realities.
Instead it enforces the traditional views of what roles women play within armed conflict, which
further entrenches the oppression and discrimination faced by these women in their day-to-day
lives.
The claim of this paper is that the DDR process needs to take into account the specific
issues that girl soldiers face. It is therefore necessary to look into the experiences recounted by
girl soldiers. As mentioned previously, Montoya has recently done research on the subject with
interviews with former girl soldiers for her master’s thesis. These girls were residing at Ciudad
Don Bosco in Medellin, an NGO designated as a Special Attention Centre (CAE) by the ICBF
(Instituto Colombiana de Bienestar Familiar) in Colombia. The research was based off of 13
interviewees between the ages of 14 and 18 years old. This is the most recent research that has
been conducted (in 2014) which is why I shall mostly base my arguments off of their experience.
However, these recount the experiences of 13 girls only and so I shall combine them with those
of other former girl soldiers found in various research projects as well as the experience of a girl
training with the FARC-EP as portrayed in Guerrillera.

10

The need to recognise and respect the agency of these girls is a notion that Montoya also
emphasizes through her work. This is an important aspect when looking into the factors that led
these girl soldiers to join the armed forces. I shall start this topic off by looking into their reasons
to join, which will also allow me to follow a chronological order. Before starting however, it is
important to keep in mind that although this paper covers the experiences of girl soldiers, some
of the experiences mentioned are also common to boy soldiers.
Reasons
to
Join

This topic regarding the factors that lead children into armed conflict is an interesting
debate, mainly because it involves children who although may think they are making decisions
for themselves, perhaps lack the intellectual maturity to understand the life-changing decisions
they take, as well the issue of uninformed consent and unawareness of alternatives. In 2007,
Carmona Parra and Tobón Hoyos published their research, which was based on girl soldiers in
Antioquia. It revealed the divergence between perceived and actual reasons for joining. They
compared the perception of former girl soldiers with that of contemporary schoolgirls growing
up in rural Antioquia. The major findings of their study showed that former child soldiers placed
more importance on non-deterministic factors such as adventure-seeking, and subjective
deterministic factors such as falling in love with a member of the armed forces, and they placed
little importance on objective determinants such as living in poverty. In fact, according to their
research, none of the 21 former girl soldiers interviewed mentioned living in poverty or living
within a culture of violence as an influencing factor leading them to join. However, it is
important to keep in mind that the one deterministic factor leading them to join that was
emphasized was the case of domestic violence. Another interesting finding is that only 4.8% of
these girls said that they were forced into armed conflict or were deceived into joining. These

11

numbers are deeply in contrast with the schoolgirls’ thoughts as to why girls join the armed
group. 42% of these girls thought deterministic factors, such as living in poverty, were a major
factor for joining the armed forces and placed much less importance on non-deterministic factors
such as diversion or sense of adventure. (Carmona Parra et al., 2007) These differences reflect at
a micro level what is also found at a macro level. It demonstrates the vision that people have of
these girls and gives an understanding for how the DDR processes are tailored to this image of
girl soldiers as victims who are forced into armed conflict. According to these girl soldiers the
reality is such that they joined for more personal and subjective reasons. Once again, the
importance of taking the girls’ agency into account is underlined.
However, this issue of a child’s agency is an interesting one. One of the biggest issues
with child soldiers is their young age and lack of maturity which, combined with uninformed
consent, can lead to a feeling of confidence that one knows what one is doing. Despite the fact
that these former girl soldiers did not state their social surrounding (e.g. living in poverty) as
being influential to their joining, there is an evident correlation between poverty-stricken
communities and higher levels of recruitment. The highest levels of child recruitment are in rural
areas where poverty is the most concentrated. Pandi published an article in February 2015,
stating that the region with the highest level of recruitment is Antioquia (11.5%). (Agencia
Pandi, 2015) Almost half of Antioquia’s population (approximately 47% in 2008) lives in
conditions of poverty, which is most severe in rural areas. (OECD, 2008) This prevalence of
poverty-stricken communities is combined with a culture of violence. These two elements form
part of these young peoples’ lives, yet from their perspectives they seem to be omitted as factors
leading them to join. There is glaring evidence that suggests there should be no such omission.

12

Investigators have also found that Antioquia is the department that is most affected by
child recruitment because of three factors. The first is the prevalence of cheap labour in the
region, second is the ease with which children can be replaced, and third is the fact that children
are more easily influenced than adults to commit horrendous crimes. (Noticias Caracol, 2015)
The issue therefore is how much agency must one accord to these actors? According to
them the decision to join the forces were for subjective personal reasons, however these reasons
can also be linked to the society that they live in and the oppression they suffer due to being
children and, most importantly, female.
Similar findings are present in Montoya’s research at the CAE in Medellin. Out of the 13
interviewees, all reported to have joined the armed group voluntarily. Some reasons for their
recruitment were the desire for recognition and respect that they gained by wearing a uniform
and carrying a gun. Some said to have idealised the military life. One girl reported to have joined
because she saw it as any other job. Among many reasons to join was the desire to join their
relatives or friends within an armed group. (Montoya, 2014) In fact, according to Springer, 58%
of child soldiers have a close blood relative in the first or second degree, or a close friend in an
armed group, (Springer, 2012) and the study at Ciudad Don Bosco revealed that 9 out of 13 of
the interviewees had a family member within the group. (Montoya, 2014) Another reason some
girls joined was because they fell in love with someone within the armed forces. Montoya
highlights Mazurana’s point of view as she quotes “there may be elements of courtship, as older
male guerrilla members develop relationships with young girls, with the ultimate agenda of
recruitment.” (Montoya, 2014)
Another recruiting technique that Mazurana suggests the guerrilla forces use is targeting
children who are victims of domestic violence. In fact, four of the interviewees in the centre in

13

Medellin reported having left home because they did not want to live with their family anymore
because they were suffering physical or psychological abuse. Furthermore, two left with the
desire for revenge against the family member who abused of her or another family member.
(Montoya, 2014)
Despite the fact that their personal reasons for joining the armed forces are subjective,
such as the desire for respect or vengeance, these reasons are deeply rooted in the more
deterministic factors that affect their daily lives, such as the prevalence of gender inequality.
Also, violence promotes violence and so if they are living in a violent environment, these girls
are more conditioned and perhaps desensitised to violent acts. As Montoya states, “these girls
saw, in the illegal military life, an alternative to avoid their immediate reality.” (Montoya, 2014)
These reported reasons for joining the armed forces reflect the need to balance the
categorisation of girls as “victims” versus “perpetrators.” As mentioned previously, often the
DDR process around the world has omitted their active role in the armed conflict and has
reduced their positions to that of victims. Although their situation is evidently that of a victim, it
is more so at a broader societal level. The conditions they live in at home are less egalitarian than
when they were with the armed forces, as I will seek to demonstrate in the next section.
Experiences
of
girl
soldiers
during
armed
conflict

The way the FARC-EP treats the girls who enter their group is rather gender egalitarian.
This contrasts deeply with traditional views of gender roles, which are common in rural
communities where most girls come from. As a girl enters the armed group she must leave all
stereotypical views she may have of what a woman must do versus what man should do. As seen
in Guerrillera and via the various interviews, girls were forced to participate in the same training
as men. They would wear the same uniforms; perform the same tasks, whether it is related to

14

violent acts or domestic chores, such as cooking and cleaning. They had to adopt a sort of
“masculinised femininity.” (Montoya, 2014) If they did not comply there was severe
punishment. There was one task however mentioned among the interviews at Ciudad Don Bosco,
which was reserved to girls. It was that of transporting drugs, money, weapons and explosives.
This activity is reserved to girls because they are not searched at borders whereas men are.
(Montoya, 2014) This practice still exists today in Colombia and reflects the on-going vision that
women do not commit crimes.
The only moment within the guerrilla sphere that girls were allowed to adopt their more
feminine role was in the sexual aspect of their lives. Sexual activity within the FARC-EP is a
rather controversial issue. Everyone was allowed to have sexual relationships, however they
needed to have the permission of the commander. Also, as soon as the girls entered the armed
group one of the first things they did was receive a contraceptive injection. Being pregnant was
absolutely forbidden within the FARC-EP and falling pregnant was solely the girl’s
responsibility. If a girl was to fall pregnant they were forced to have an abortion. This in itself is
a form of abuse as it most often went against the girls’ wishes. In fact pregnancy was forbidden
to such an extent that they would force the girl to have an abortion no matter how far into the
pregnancy she was. (Montoya, 2014)
Within the interviews done at Ciudad Don Bosco in Medellin, Montoya reports the girls
were rather “annoyed” about the notion that girls would be sexually abused by guerrillas in the
armed group. They stated that sexual abuse was absolutely forbidden in the FARC-EP and if it
did occur it was because the perpetrator was breaking the rules, and would be sanctioned.
(Montoya, 2014) This may be the experience of these interviewees. However there have been
reports of young girls joining the army and being “forced to service male guerrillas in an effort to

15

maintain morale among the male troops.” (Combs, 2013) Furthermore, Springer’s research
resulted in 54.2% of the interviewees reporting to have started engaging in sexual activity
between the ages of 4 and 13 years old. (Springer, n.d.)
Regardless of whether cases of rape existed within the FARC-EP, one must wonder
where to draw the line in the case that these former girl soldiers report to having made the choice
to engage in sexual activities. In tough living conditions there is room for manipulation. It is
well-known among all former child soldiers that if one was to be involved with a commander,
one would receive benefits such as more food, more lenient sanctions, permission to visit their
family, as well as in one case the girl was allowed to keep her baby. (Montoya, 2014) Knowing
that there is room to bend the rules whilst suffering harsh living conditions, implicates that sex is
an escape route. If a girl is desperate for benefits, such as those previously mentioned, there is
clearly a line to be drawn when it comes to the legitimate decision-making power the girl has.
It is clear from the experiences of the 13 former girl soldiers that they had to adopt a new
way of living that differed from their roles as girls in their rural communities. At a broader level,
there is an element that is relevant to child soldiers regardless of their gender. These children
have been robbed of their childhood and have been forced to fill in the roles of adults with heavy
responsibilities. This is intensified for girls who, even as adults would not have had such a
dominant role in her life due to the little access to decision-making power they have in their
home communities. The war has empowered these women and so this must be taken into account
if they are to be reintegrated into Colombian society. It is evident that their attitudes have
changed by living with the FARC-EP and going back to a chauvinistic society is not realistic for
these women if they are to be respected for their capabilities. For that to be expected of these

16

girls would be allowing Colombian society to further entrench the gender inequality that exists
instead of seeking to alleviate the issues women face.
It is also important to mention that the FARC-EP did not always function with such
egalitarian principles. When it was founded in the 1960s, girls and women were recruited for
support roles, such as cooks and cleaners, rather than combat. Girls were brought into positions
of combat in the 1980s when they were struggling with recruitment and public support. In fact
the leaders decided to “include an internal statute that guaranteed gender equality in their
troops.” (Montoya, 2014) Although the inclusion of girls within the FARC-EP is a form of
abuse, this inclusion should be capitalised upon to make Colombian society move towards more
“egalitarian” principles. This would help these women reintegrate into society.
Reintegration
into
Society

As these girls live in these CAEs they must adopt new behaviours. Throughout their
whole experience, from pre- to post-involvement in conflict, girls have to adapt to new
expectations as to how they should act. Montoya refers to their “constant redefinition of roles.”
(Montoya, 2014)
Their experiences with the FARC-EP forced them to grow up much faster than their
contemporaries and this causes difficulty for them as they adapt to life within the CAE. This is
reflected in many experiences of the interviewees at Ciudad Don Bosco.
One issue that came up with the interviewees was a lack of freedom and autonomy. Life
with the FARC-EP was a constant following of orders. The girls at the CAE are impatiently
awaiting their freedom after years of submission. (Montoya, 2014) However, within the FARC-
EP, they were expected to play the role of adults, and with this comes a certain independence and
autonomy. Reintegrating into a sphere that considers them more childlike than they were

17

considered previously can be frustrating. Children at the CAE are free to leave for any reason if
they are older than 14 years old. One girl did leave because she felt the rules imposed on her
were too constraining and she was said to have felt freer when she was within the armed group.
An example she gave was the confiscation of her mobile phone as punishment. (Montoya, 2014)
The FARC-EP’s forms of punishment were much more severe and so having to adapt to
sanctions that seem less significant may induce a sense of frustration. Of course, this aspect of
control is hard to balance, as these girls are in the centre to be supported as well as monitored.
The use of rules and regulations is evidently necessary. The difficulty therefore lies in defining
the rules so that all those who follow them can relate to them.
From the experience of these girl interviewees residing at Ciudad Don Bosco, a major
difficulty they faced was that of interacting with fellow human beings and communal living. In
the centre they live with different children who come from different backgrounds, some having
experienced similarly violent situations. They need to learn to behave towards people who were
not necessarily part of the armed conflict. Their behaviour towards men also changes, as gender
equality is not as emphasized as it was with the FARC-EP. The centre in Medellin, according to
Montoya, does seek to respect the girls’ independence and tries to emphasize gender equality,
however it does exist within Colombian society, which remains chauvinistic. These girls must
learn to adapt to and to a certain extent, they should expect paternalistic behaviours, which may
seem disrespectful given their previous experiences. (Montoya, 2014)
What changes mostly for these girls and what sets them apart from their contemporaries
in their home communities is their vision of the future as well as a gained sense of independence
and modernity. The interviewees stated that they did not see themselves following the traditional
life that was set out for them from the start. The three main goals that these girls voiced were

18

access to education, a stable job and founding a family. They stressed their need to sustain
themselves financially, and all said they wanted to wait before getting married and having a
child. (Montoya, 2014) These aspirations demonstrate the need for training programmes that are
tailored to these girls’ capabilities and desires.
Now the question is, will the Colombian state and society provide them with the
resources necessary for them to fulfil their dreams? No matter the training programme they
receive, it is realistic to assume that some of these girls will face the risk of social exclusion. In
fact, there is reason to believe that fewer girls attend the rehabilitation centres for reasons such as
fear of stigmatisation. The case of Sierra Leone showed that of all the children disarmed 92%
were boys and only 8% were girls. (MacKenzie, 2009) Although drastic, these statistics give the
big picture of what the situation is like across the world. In Colombia, between 1999 and 2014,
out of the 5645 children who were demobilised, 72% were boys and 28% were girls. (Agencia
Pandi, 2014)
How can we account for such differences when we know that female combatants account
for more than 40% of total insurgents within the FARC-EP? The case of Sierra Leone, as
analysed by Mackenzie provides a variety of explanations that can be applicable to the case of
Colombia.
The first and most important explanation is the desire to disassociate oneself from the
armed group. (MacKenzie, 2009) There could be psychological and as well as security reasons
for this wish to cut connections. These girls who leave are in danger of being contacted by the
armed group. They are threats to the group’s security as they have acquired a lot of coveted
information. In fact, some girls reported to have feared being caught by the government and
being forced to release information. Although article 176 of the 1098 Law issued by the

19

Colombian government on November 8, 2006, clearly states that children who have left the
illegal armed forces must not be used for intelligence gathering activities, (Ley 1098, 2006) it is
not unheard of for girls to have suffered in the hands of government forces through interrogation.
Two of the interviewed girls were victims of physical abuses: “one girl was tied up and hit by
soldiers and another was hit by a police officer.” (Montoya, 2014)
Another reason to disassociate oneself from the rebel group is the fear that girls have of
future stigmatisation from society as they seek to reintegrate. The Colombian population may not
readily accept former child soldiers who, although suffered as victims, also committed acts of
violence against their own people. This may be more of an issue for girls though because of the
marginalised position they occupy in society. (MacKenzie, 2009)
Despite the interviewees’ experiences in Medellin, it is not uncommon for people to
believe that girls in armed groups suffer from sexual abuse. With this assumption comes the high
risk of sexually transmitted diseases. Even without a risk of disease, girls may find difficulty
finding a husband if they are labelled as have being raped, or sexually involved before marriage.
(MacKenzie, 2009)
There is evidently much to be done at a societal level if these girls are to experience a
smooth transition back into society. I shall now develop a few ideas as to how this can be done.
The
Role
of
State
and
Society

The issue regarding reintegration of former girl soldiers, as demonstrated above, does not
rely solely on the acceptance of former child soldiers but rather that of female former child
soldiers. Women are considered to be a marginalised group within Colombian society. A former
girl soldier at Ciudad Don Bosco recounted a time when her mother hit her. She said: “I told here
that I knew she was happy because her first baby boy was coming, but she had never loved my

20

sister and I because we were girls.” (Montoya, 2014) This quote demonstrates the gender
discrimination that exists within these rural communities. 17.4% of the girls interviewed for
Carmona Parra and Tobón Hoyos’ research said that intra-family violence was a factor leading
them to join the FARC-EP (Carmona Parra et al., 2007) and various girls interviewed by
Montoya also reported being victims of their family members’ abuse. A couple of girls also
mentioned being ordered around by their boyfriends and having to obey. (Montoya, 2014) This
demonstrates on a larger scale the male domination that permeates Colombian society.
What is needed is a change in the perception people have of women. This issue of gender
discrimination is most prevalent in rural areas where traditional stereotypes prevail, and so it
should be in these areas that the government should focus their efforts. Also, as seen previously,
gender discrimination is common within families, which suggests the need to target households
and change their perception starting at home. This can be done through educational initiatives to
promote gender egalitarian ideals. However, this should also be accompanied by women
empowerment projects so as to demonstrate the value of women and their capabilities. Bringing
educational programmes and gender empowerment programmes to these rural areas could have a
positive effect both for the reintegration of former girl soldiers, and for the future of all females
living in these communities.
Furthermore, women should be included in the decision-making process at a local as well
as national level. In fact, President Santos decided to include two women in the government’s
team of seven negotiators in charge of the peace talks with the FARC-EP. This initiative was
taken to ensure the inclusion of women’s perspectives. (Barreto, 2014) Actions such as these
allow women to gain a voice within their communities and gain recognition from their society.

21

One way of enforcing this at a local level would be to impose a minimum quota of women
included in the regional decision-making processes.
Conclusion

The 50 year long armed conflict in Colombia has deeply affected many people. Those
who I chose to focus my study on were female minors who were recruited into the FARC-EP
rebel group. As shown in this paper, these girls not only faced human rights abuses by being
involved with the rebel group but it was also, in some cases, a multitude of human rights abuses
which led them to flee their families to seek refuge with the armed group. Gender discrimination
is evidently an issue in Colombia and its continuous presence has the potential to disrupt the
reintegration process of these former girl soldiers. The DDR process must take the specific issues
that girl soldiers face into account as they seek to support them in their reintegration into society,
and this must be done by allowing these girls’ voices to be heard to understand what issues they
face rather than enforcing the vision that other people have of their suffering. However,
improvements within the DDR process alone will not suffice and it must be accompanied by
wide-scale efforts to increase the value of women in the eyes of the Colombian population. Not
only will this increase the chances of former girl soldiers reintegrating into society, but it will
also have the benefit of eliminating gender discrimination at all levels of society, as well as
reducing the risk of girls being recruited into armed conflict in the future.

22

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