The great Indian conspiracy

4. The Great Indian Conspiracy

5. The Great
Indian
Conspiracy
Praveen Tiwari

6. BLOOMSBURY INDIA
Bloomsbury Publishing India Pvt. Ltd
Second Floor, LSC Building No. 4, DDA Complex, Pocket C - 6 & 7
Vasant Kunj, New Delhi 110070
BLOOMSBURY, BLOOMSBURY INDIA and the Diana logo are
trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
First published in India 2019
This edition published 2019
Copyright © Praveen Tiwari, 2019
Praveen Tiwari has asserted his right under the Indian Copyright Act to be
identified as Author of this work
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or
transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval
system, without the prior permission in writing from the publishers
Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or
responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All
internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to
press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if
addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no
responsibility for any such changes
ISBN: TPB: 978-9-3869-5059-8; eBook: 978-9-3869-5060-4
Created by Manipal Digital Systems

7. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc makes every effort to ensure that the papers
used in the manufacture of our books are natural, recyclable products
made from wood grown in well-managed forests. Our manufacturing
processes conform to the environmental regulations of the country of
origin
To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com
and sign up for our newsletters

8. Contents
Preface
1. Meeting the Indian James Bond
2. Formulating Questions before Seeking Answers
3. Answering through Questions
4. The Era of Terror
5. When Terror Was at Its Peak
6. When They Crossed Our Doors to Hit Us
7. Bleeding through the Thousand Cuts
8. The Man Who Knew the Truth!
9. The Holiday Period for Pak-Based Jihadi Groups!
10. Widow or Wife?
11. The Harrowing Jail Experience of Sadhvi Pragya
12. The Conspiracy to Kill Mohan Bhagwat And Indresh Kumar
13. Who Leaked Secret Information to Tehelka?
14. Piling up Dubious Evidence
15. In the Words of a Zealot
16. The Calibrated Confession?
17. How the NIA Exposed ATS Maharashtra

9. 18. Too Many Agencies Spoil the Case
19. Islamic Extremism, Politics and Terrorism
20. The Pressure Tactics: Now or Then?
21. Saffron Terrorism for Sensationalism?
22. Digvijay Singh and the 26/11 Conspiracy
23. This Is How to Plan a Conspiracy
24. RSS Panics, Knocks the PM’s Door
25. Accused No. 9: Col. Purohit: Patriot, Conspirator or Terrorist?
26. As You Sow, So Shall You Reap: Indresh Kumar
27. The Stories That Changed Frequently
28. ‘Samjhauta’ with Terror
29. The Conspiracy against Narendra Modi
30. Last Word on the Lie of Saffron Terror
Epilogue
Reference
About the Author

10. K
Preface
eeping divisions alive is the core characteristic of politics. While
divide and rule was the governing principle of the Britishers, India started
her ‘tryst with destiny’ cheerfully. However, the political class carried
forward the same strategy as its predecessors to gain power. Such politics
wounded the hour of freedom. The country was divided on the basis of
religion, paying for the political ambitions of a few. Millions of Muslims
were wise enough to choose their homeland. A million others were swayed
by the communal frenzy of the time. The Pakistani psyche was poisoned
with a pathological hatred for India, if not Indians. The radicalisation
process had almost wiped out minorities from that country resulting in a
decrease in the population of Hindus in Pakistan and Bangladesh.
Radicalisation was India’s problem too, but to a lesser extent.
Independent India has witnessed some gruesome riots in its brief history.
Even now, the country faces challenges from the supporters of the two-
nation theory from within as well. Groups like SIMI and Indian
Mujahedeen are the illegitimate children of this fallacious theory. Some of
our youth had fallen prey to merchants of hatred like Hafiz Saeed, Zaki Ur
Rehman Lakhvi and Syed Salahuddin. The light of freedom dissolved the
common enemy, and both the communities drew further apart.
Islam and Christianity have fought each other for centuries across the
globe. The war between the West and the Muslim world has fuelled
terrorism. The US, the world’s greatest neo-imperialist power, has also
followed the British mantra for balance of power in its favour. The US is
not the only world power to have used terrorism as a strategic weapon.

11. What goes around comes around, and karma came a full cycle for the
US in Afghanistan when the seed it had sowed came back to haunt it. For
decades, Washington had condoned Pakistan’s duplicity against India in
the war against terror. The army that aimed to bleed India was fed using
dollars. The US establishment finally woke up on learning that its own
money had helped finance Taliban terrorism. The mightiest power on earth
had created its own enemy, virtually in the neighbourhood of Rawalpindi’s
army staff.
The Jihadi monster, at least in South Asia, was born out of the US
policy of divide and rule. Foreign and strategic policies of most countries
revolve around only two or three global power centres of various degrees.
Countries like Pakistan capitalise on their nuisance value and use foreign
aid to fuel proxy war across their borders. Its birth decided its
predicament, which is now becoming clearer with the country struggling
for identity and existence. As a ripple effect, India too owes some of its
troubles to its turbulent neighbourhood.
Diversity had no role in the ‘supposed land of the pure’. There was
clamour for a Hindu Rashtra on our side of the border. However, our
ancestors knew the value of equality. The whole world can now see the
difference. The words of visionary leaders, like Maulana Kalam Azad, on
the future of Pakistan have proved prophetically true. Indian Muslims
knew that a country that superseded culture over religion was bound to be
reduced to a failed state. The cocktail of a weak democracy and a
fundamentalist army has turned Pakistan into hell. The state of minorities
in Pakistan is a global concern.
It is not that India has never had its share of extremists. However, the
‘sanatan’ roots of Indian culture have withstood such onslaughts on a
much larger scale. The coexistence in India is an example for the world.
The problem started when Muslims were being ghettoised. A glaring
example of this phenomenon was one Indian politician offering legal help
to a suspected ISIS terrorist. The relevant political party depended heavily
on the Muslim vote bank. It made every effort to pander to them.
However, inciting a false sense of insecurity betrays political principles.

12. The Muslim electorate has been made to look for saviours. Mulayam
Singh Yadav adopted the same tactic to earn the title of ‘Maulana
Mulayam’. The Congress also perfected the same trick and ruled
unchallenged for several decades. It is the mother party of numerous
regional parties in India.
The founders of Jan Sangh were vocal about the Hindutva identity. An
agitation from Maharashtra aimed to get India declared a Hindu nation.
Nevertheless, such movements could never catch the public’s imagination.
Even the Hindutva circles did not show any enthusiasm towards the
demand. India’s rich culture lies in its unity in diversity. Majoritarianism
will only reduce her to Pakistan’s mirror image. This understanding has
prevented the Indian polity from getting swayed by communal tendencies
beyond a point.
The Congress ruled the country for a long time and adopted the policy
of appeasement to counter the growing influence of the Jan Sangh. Several
smaller parties also followed the same model. However, this only
perpetuated the polarisation of voters in Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP)
favour.
BJP emerged as a serious alternative to the Congress in the Vajpayee
era by demonstrating that a non-Congress government was capable of
completing its term. Now, Modi has gone a step beyond by ruling India’s
first non-Congress majority government.
Many Congress leaders pre-empted the situation and opted for some
desperate measures to prevent the party’s dominance. The appeasement of
minorities increased as BJP started to expand. It was portrayed as an
enemy of the Muslims. The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), BJP’s
parent organisation, was demonised by linking it to Hindu extremism. The
motormouth leaders of the Congress did their best to malign the Sangh
Parivar. The opposition to BJP countered its rise by adopting the political
formula of Pakistan.
Pakistan and other theocratic Islamic states have deprived minorities
of basic freedom and equality. The underlining political current in such
nations is homogenizing the population. In contrast, India has celebrated

13. its multiple cultures. The divisive politics hit at this fabric of Indian
nationhood. Regardless, the Congress used it to vilify BJP as a communal
party. This led to the poisoning of a few Muslim minds which in turn gave
terrorist masterminds like Hafiz Saeed the power to spread tentacles
within our borders.
A political segment played with people’s emotions by painting even
ordinary incidents in communal colour. Domestic compulsions prompted
some leaders to stoop to a level where they politicised the global problem
of Islamic Jihad.
An overwhelming majority of Muslims was outraged at the savagery in
the name of Islam. A handful of extremists had misinterpreted the basic
philosophy of Islam in order to incite the youth to violence. However, the
Congress invented an ‘Indianised’ version of Jihad and christened it as
‘Hindu terrorism’.
While it is true that no religion sanctions terrorism, the phenomenon is
identified with Islamic extremism in today’s world. The Congress
proposed a different version of terrorism to serve two purposes: first, it
gave Muslim intelligentsia an alibi to divert criticism from its own
religion. Second, it maligned the RSS, the Congress’ biggest ideological
adversary.
It was indeed the lowest ebb of Indian politics. Raising the false bogey
of Hindu terrorism to assuage the feelings of Muslims only misled them.
Additionally, it widened the rift between Hindus and Muslims. Politicians
only care about their short-term goals, but the price is paid by the future
generations. This schism was created at the time of the Partition. Some of
the wounds of 1947 have still not healed. Yet, we have never witnessed
mixing up of terrorism in politics before. A bunch of saffron-clad people
were portrayed as the biggest threat to the country. Rahul Gandhi
allegedlly told a US diplomat that Hindu extremists were a greater threat
right now than Islamic extremists/pakistani groups.
Where are these Hindu terrorists now? Were there only five or six of
them? Why are there no details of their funding and network? Why has the
issue faded away every time after an election is over? ‘Saffron terrorism’

14. was only a lie told to gain political mileage. Communal politics
compromised India’s war against terror. This compelled me to spare a
thought about this phenomenon. I still meet with colleagues who believe
in this theory. My opinion was also tilted in their favour. This Goebbelsian
lie was inseminated under a well-planned strategy.
Not long ago, the notion of saffron terrorism dominated political
discourse. Selective news outlets kept churning out ‘exclusives’ based on
top secret information and audio tapes. They had managed to convince a
large population. Things became murkier after big incidents, like the
Samjhauta Express blasts, were attributed to Hindu groups. Some
conspiracy theories painted even the 26/11 Mumbai attack in saffron.
The Congress stuck to the issue for a long time. The fear of bans vexed
the RSS top brass. For the first time in history, the Sangh wrote to the
PMO, asking for an independent probe. The grand old party had a
momentary feeling of victory. Politics over terrorism gave Pakistan a
leverage to deny terrorism charges on an international stage. It came at a
time when the civilised world was seriously considering censuring a
country that had created a monster like the Taliban.
I began investigating the subject after meeting an undercover National
Investigative Agency (NIA) agent. There were several surprises along my
way. The NIA was under fire for giving clean chits to several ‘Hindu
terror’ suspects. It had been accused of working under pressure from the
Modi government. However, the facts were something else entirely. It was
not merely a case of manipulating the probe, where a whole bunch of
characters were placed in the story. It is nothing but a script of political
fiction.
This theory falls to the level of communalising the 26/11 attack.
Congress stalwart Digvijay Singh was unveiling the book that asked
whether the RSS had carried out these attacks. A section of the media was
a willing partner in this conspiracy. Meanwhile, several questions still
remain unanswered, including that of Col. Purohit’s role. Was he a
patriotic spy or a terrorist?

15. This question is necessary because Col. Purohit purportedly shared
every detail with his superiors on a regular basis. Was he part of a mission
to infiltrate the Hindu fringe elements? Why couldn’t the probe go beyond
Sadhvi Pragya and Aseemanand? What are the loopholes in this theory
that signal a political conspiracy? I began writing this book with such
questions in mind.
I have tried to present not only the facts but also the journey till the
climatic conclusion. The story was still developing while I was writing my
notes. Sadhvi Pragya was given a clean chit, and security agencies busted
an ISIS module in Hyderabad during the course of my writing. These
updates only broadened the spectrum of my pursuit. I have been closely
associated with the coverage of terror incidents as a TV journalist. I have
been a witness to the politics over the matter. This book is an attempt to
put the facts in the right perspective.
It is likely that the author might be accused of partisanship after the book
is launched. This book does not aim to support or oppose any political
dispensation. The reader should reach a conclusion after analysing the
incidents, facts and intricacies of the investigation. You will find that
characters like Aseemanand and Sadhvi Pragya were mere pawns in the
larger game. The book is also necessary because the theory of saffron
terror is harming India’s war on terror. As the cliché goes, terrorism has no
religion. The merchants of death prescribe a convoluted interpretation of
Jihad to realise their goal. The sword of legal action was hanging on Zakir
Naik’s head when this book was written. The televangelist has played the
victim card. How should we deal with those who spread venom in the
name of religion?
The bogey of saffron terrorism came as an opportunity to the
proprietors of terrorism. Terrorism does not stem from any religion. It
should be understood for what it is. It has an illegitimate goal and a
mastermind. Several powerful countries are willingly investing money in
its cause while some politicians continue to use it as a political tool. In
this power game, the only casualty is the sentiment of the common person.

16. This book also demonstrates that a citizen should keep communal
politics at bay. Leaders always tend to thrive on communal passions.
Passions can become lethal if they are unreasonable. The fundamentalist
mind is easily enticed by political gimmicks.
The way religion has mixed into our politics, one wonders whether
India is becoming radicalised. Who feels elated by linking the colour
saffron to terrorism? We will have to reach a rational conclusion to escape
becoming political pawns.

17. N
1
Meeting the Indian James Bond
othing can be more arduous than snooping on spies. They are trained
to doubt everything. Always on tenterhooks. It can be very difficult to win
them over. The task becomes even more challenging if you are trying to
reach out to one of the country’s finest secret agents.
I ventured out on one such mission to investigate the truth behind the
2007 Samjhauta Express bombings. While most foreign intelligence
reports were pointing fingers towards Pakistan-based Jihadi groups like
Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed, Indian investigating agencies
focused their probe on hardline Hindu groups encompassing several
sadhvis, swamis, ashrams as well as an army officer.
Truth was the first casualty in the politics surrounding the matter. Only
a person deeply associated with the probe could have revealed the real
facts. NIA would certainly have employed its most capable sleuths for
investigation.
It was not easy, even for a journalist, to gather relevant information. I
met several investigative journalists who could shed some light on facts. I
also probed my old NIA sources. I had met almost all the reputed
investigative journalists during my pursuit. Some of them were also close
friends. Most scribes attributed the Hindutva angle of the probe to NIA.
But most of these people could not speak from their own experience of
the case. I was in search of a person who was directly involved in the

18. probe.
My perseverance was not in vain, as I came across an official who had
worked undercover in the case. He had disguised himself as a Sadhu
during his stay in Aseemanand’s Ashram and had worked covertly in the
BJP and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) office. This link was privy to the
phone-tapping records of the entire investigation. He was personally
involved in the inquest of Sadhvi Pragya and Sunil Joshi.
This spy had also worked on the ground in several secret missions
carried out in North-East, Bengal and J&K. His aura was nothing short of a
super-agent. There are stories about how he had once survived four bullets
to convey a top-secret lead to his superiors. It was no mean feat to get
access to such a highly placed source.
The National Investigative Agency (NIA) was constituted exclusively
for anti-terror operations. It has fulfilled this responsibility to a great
extent despite several constraints. The agency has apparently prevented
several ghastly terror strikes across the country. It is probably one of the
hazards of a spy’s job that the achievements never come under the
spotlight. We only remember those incidents that intelligence agencies are
not able to contain. The recruitment process is rigourous for all agents,
and the ones who surivive it go on to be the unnamed saviours of the
country.
I now had information about a person who had investigated the
Samjhauta Express blasts as an undercover agent and knew every character
in the story like the back of his hand.
But the roadblock I faced was how to get a secret agent working on a
high-profile terror case to talk to me. My quest to uncover some, if not the
whole, truth would not have moved forward without his testimony.
Suspicion is a spy’s second nature, which made it harder to win his
confidence.
At this point, all I had in the name of solid facts were old reportage
and testimonies of some eminent journalists. I had closely followed the
case as a TV anchor and conducted many debates on various aspects of

19. these blasts. Nonetheless, I had not come across a single person with
firsthand knowledge of the case.
Well-placed contacts within intelligence agencies are the biggest asset
for any field journalist. These are the sources we count on for any big
breaking news. There was no dearth of information on the Samjhauta
Express Blast on the internet and other platforms. However, no persons
associated with the investigation had ever come out with the real story.
The most prominent actors of this saga were purportedly politicians.
Nevertheless, their role has been mostly either under wraps till date or
restricted to mere allegations.
Many dots of the conspiracy had been connected in the early phases of
the investigation. But there was an abrupt change in the direction of the
probe midway during the inquisition. Was it a deliberate plot to raise the
bogey of Hindu terrorism? It is a difficult question, but the term soon
acquired political connotations. Bhagwa terrorism or Hindu terrorism
became admonishing expressions against Hindu right-wing groups,
particularly the BJP-RSS.
While these terms are now overused in political parlance and public
discourse, there are very few facts to test their validity beyond
accusations. Armchair analysts have said much with little substance.
Finally, I had found a contact who could prove to be a treasure trove of
actual facts.
This book is the result of my subsequent interactions with this spy.
Delving into the process of extracting this information is necessary to
comprehend the significance of these revelations. The detectives are
trained to live surreptitiously to avoid risks to their lives; hence, the real
identity of the source cannot be divulged. It would suffice to state that this
agent is a high-ranking NIA official who is still serving the nation.
I had managed to gather the name of this link through my contacts.
Now, I needed to find my way to him. I met some journalists who were
known to have some penetration in intelligence circles. Much water had
flown through Delhi’s Yamuna since the 2007 blasts. However, new facts
were coming to light after the change of guard at the Centre.

20. Most lips were sealed during the previous UPA regime. But the can of
worms was gradually opening. David Headley’s deposition before Indian
courts had already put security agencies in the dock for their role in the
Ishrat Jahan encounter probe. The encounter was alleged to be fake, and
serious aspersions were cast on BJP President Amit Shah’s role in it. The
heat of the investigation nearly reached the doors of Narendra Modi, the
then Chief Minister (CM) of Gujarat. Headley had claimed that Ishrat and
her accomplices were part of a larger terror conspiracy.
Meanwhile, the findings in the Samjhauta Express blast case were
fresh under the scanner. NIA chief Sharad Kumar visited the US to verify
facts provided by the American intelligence agencies. The CIA, as well as
the secret services of some other friendly nations, had pointed fingers
towards Pakistan-based Jihadi organisations like Jaish-e-Mohammed and
Lashkar-e-Taiba.
Such new inputs have only deepened the mystery surrounding the
blasts. The evidence behind NIA’s Hindu terrorism theory remains
shrouded in doubt. It is also unclear whether any group or individual was
left out of the purview of the investigation. Was there political pressure
behind NIA’s change of stance? Only an insider could have spilt the beans.
My first breakthrough came from a veteran investigative journalist
who shared many interesting facts about the case. He claimed to be the
friend of this undercover agent and narrated several stories that were
apparently coming straight from the horse’s mouth. I was on the verge of
meeting a man who had been closely associated with all aspects of the
Samjhauta Express blast investigation. Almost all major arrests of the case
were made under his leadership.
I urged my journalist friend to arrange a meeting with him. Let me say
at the outset that I never expected a straight answer for many reasons. The
agent in question would never have disclosed the same details to a
journalist looking for a scoop. He had unofficially confided his experience
to a friend. I could understand my journalist friend’s hesitation in exposing
the identity of such an important source. Nevertheless, he assured me that
he would try to provide the same amount of information as that agent.

21. My inquiry was not restricted to the investigation alone. I also wanted
to delve into the lives of the accused and to try to assess the circumstances
that led them to the crime. My journalist friend was benevolent enough to
discuss many important aspects of the case. He told me how this matter
had been politicised and what role personal animosities played during the
inquisition. But many of these theories are already in the public domain.
I wanted to know whether the NIA faced political pressure at any stage
of its investigation. No person could have answered my queries better than
this undercover agent. However, my pleadings did not sway my journalist
friend’s resolve to protect the agent.
At long last, he agreed to only a telephonic conversation with the spy.
My friend picked up the phone and dialled his number. There was no
answer. We thought the man must be busy. It was getting more curious
with every passing minute. Suddenly, my friend’s cell phone buzzed. It
was a landline number. The smile on his face revealed that the mysterious
agent was calling.
They exchanged pleasantries, and my friend introduced me as an
experienced TV anchor. I grabbed the phone and asked for his well-being
in a low, deep and sombre voice. After a brief formal talk, he said he had
watched me on TV. I was as elated over this remark as Shri Rama was on
seeing Hanuman back with Sanjeevani. Perhaps, I now had a better chance
of getting some valuable information from him on several contentious
cases like the Samjhauta Express blast and the Ishrat Jahan case.
I was quick to pose the first question: ‘Are there doubts about the
NIA’s investigation, since even Sharad ji has gone to the US?’
‘Which investigation are you talking about?’ he quipped. I was a bit
startled but persisted by referring to the Samjhauta Express blasts.
The man denied that he had anything to do with the matter. This was
proving to be a big disappointment. It felt as if I had knocked the wrong
door.
‘Have you not worked as an agent in the case?’ I questioned him
directly.

22. ‘No,’ the answer was just as straightforward. He was unrelenting
during the entire conversation. Then, right before hanging up, he asked me
for a meeting. The feeling was that of having won the lottery. ‘Why not, it
would be my pleasure,’ I replied casually and handed over the phone to my
friend. The man on the other side said something that I could not hear. My
friend responded by laughing but said nothing.
‘Brother, the fellow is a high-ranking undercover agent working for the
NIA, not some petty informant, who would start speaking about such a
sensitive matter at the first instance. I called him at your insistence. Had I
not forewarned him, he wouldn’t have revealed anything,’ my friend
chided as he hung up the phone.
‘These are top secret official matters. He does not even know you.
How can you expect him to start singing like a canary at the first
conversation?’ my friend continued.
But wasn’t I told the man had noticed me on TV? I had honestly
thought that had some weightage. Perhaps I was mistaken.
My friend resumed writing his script as I took leave for work. I had to
rush back for a scheduled TV discussion show. Incidentally, the topic of
the show was the apparent lack of evidence against Col. Purohit.
While the Congress was on the back foot on the issue, BJP had sensed
a political opportunity to target it. The former had alleged that the NIA
was working under governmental pressure and that the entire probe was
heading in the wrong direction.
The Congress was, in a way, implying that the premier investigating
agency was prone to political meddling.
But who had actually interfered with the inquiry? The answer probably
lies in the circumstances around the time when the US investigating
agencies, UN report and the chargesheet filed by the ATS were all pointing
towards terror modules activated from across the border. Yet, there were
seemingly deliberate attempts to link the crime with so-called saffron
terrorism.
I know as an anchor that all debates digressing from facts turn into a
slugfest. While this might make for good entertainment, such discussions

23. are devoid of any substance. I expected better from the show on Col.
Purohit. However, even political heavyweights were not aware of the
details of the case. All they knew was how to defend their party line.
Our politicians indulge in fruitless verbal spats which they believe will
influence a large chunk of voters. However, some TV guests do come
well-prepared for the debate and make best efforts to present their party‘s
views in a coherent manner.
No party had any substantial facts to offer as far as saffron terrorism
was concerned. Most spokespersons deliberated the issue based on media
reports, press conferences and political statements. This opacity of real
information further necessitated the need for some ground research on the
case.
Nevertheless, the show was over in an hour. The leaders, shouting at
each other in front of the camera, came out smiling from the studio. I
fulfilled the usual courtesy of seeing them off to some distance.
There was still some time for my next shoot, and as I headed for a cup
of tea, the same journalist friend I had parted ways with earlier in the day
called me from a distance. His presence prompted feelings of elation. I
could anticipate that he wanted to talk about my interest in the Samjhauta
Blast case.
‘SP Saab had come. He waited at the reception for some time and then
left,’ my friend whispered in my ears.
‘What?’ I was flabbergasted. I was pleasantly surprised because the
agent who was not interested in talking shop just an hour ago had now
come to meet me. My heart was filled with childlike glee because here
was my chance to get some first-hand exclusive information on one of
India’s most sensitive terror-related cases.
‘Where is the cop now?’ I asked impatiently.
‘He waited for some time and left. The man clarified that such matters
cannot be discussed over the phone, and meeting outside could put your
life in danger,’ my friend replied.
The threat to life might be a far-fetched idea to common citizens.
However, it is an everyday reality for an undercover agent deployed

24. against terrorists. There are always chances that his/her movements and
accomplices could be tracked. This is why meeting such people is never
without some risk.
These agents are well-armed and function behind veils. Sometimes,
not even their relatives are aware of their real profession. The visit of such
a senior secret agent revealed that not only did he know who I was but that
he also trusted my credentials as a journalist. This was an ample signal
that he was willing to share information with me. I was now even more
eager to meet him. I urged my friend to arrange a meeting. He told me to
wait for the call and fix the schedule accordingly. I was enthusiastic
because I was going to start writing this book with such a crucial lead
within my grasp.

25. M
2
Formulating Questions before
Seeking Answers
y source had worked undercover in many sensitive locations,
including Aseemanand’s ashram and the offices of BJP and VHP. The tales
of his valour narrated by my journalist friend had impressed me. I was
curious to know about his adventures during the Samjhauta Express blast
probe.
The time and place of our meeting had to be decided by him. But the
onus for the interview preparations was on me. I needed to list the
questions I wanted to ask. The biggest question was how this investigation
turned towards the angle of saffron terrorism. It was also pertinent to ask
whether the Indian intelligence agencies had entirely rejected the findings
of their US counterparts to propound a new theory.
The latter had clearly pointed the finger at Pakistan-based terror
groups. In contrast, the premise of saffron terrorism had given that country
a chance to score brownie points in international diplomacy. It was clearly
harming India’s efforts to highlight the menace of cross-border terrorism
on the global stage. The Pakistani establishment was emboldened to wash
its hands off every terror strike within Indian boundaries. India’s locus
standi on terror camps operating from Pakistani soil was weakening.

26. While the inquisition was proceeding at its own pace, why was the
Hindu terror bogey being raised repeatedly? Normally, such sensitive
investigations are kept out of bounds from the public domain. However,
the politics over the Samjhauta Express blasts, Malegaon blasts and
Hyderabad’s Mecca Masjid blasts, among other such acts of terrorist
violence, was unrelenting. Our democracy is not new to the politics of
vested interests. Yet, there is an unwritten code to keep national security
and the country’s image out of it. Therefore, the possibility of saffron
terrorism could not be rejected altogether. However, the mindless political
statements of some of our politicians on this matter bolstered the spirits of
anti-India elements sitting across the border.
I was keen to ask this detective whether the evidence was indeed
leading the investigation towards the Hindu extremist elements or was
proof deliberately being fabricated to reach this conclusion. It was almost
certain that such a person in his position would not spill the beans easily.
But I had to be ready. My job was to extract the information for which I
needed to do some groundwork. The questions discussed so far were based
on conjecture and already a subject of intense public debate.
In the meantime, news surfaced that the NIA’s special court has
acquitted the eight accused in the 2008 Malegaon blast case. The learned
judge had reportedly observed that all of them were Muslims and could
not have killed the people belonging to their own community to incite
communal violence, that too on a pious occasion like Shab-e-Baraat.
While the court’s argument seemed valid, the judgement raised a question
over the probe conducted by the Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS).
Aspersions were cast on the 10,000-page chargesheet filed by the ATS that
linked the accused to the proscribed Students Islamic Movement of India
(SIMI). The chargesheet had divulged in detail how these men had
procured explosives and how the bombs were planted. It had even alleged
the involvement of a Pakistani citizen in the conspiracy. The CBI had also
corroborated the conclusions drawn by the ATS. Nevertheless, the NIA had
changed the track of the entire investigation. I was hoping that the man I

27. would meet could shed some light on whether the agency took notice of
the chargesheet or not.
The SIMI angle to the Malegaon blasts had almost been forgotten
amidst the cacophony surrounding the alleged saffron terrorism. Our
agencies had suspected the hand of a Pakistani operative much before the
US intelligence agencies. The verdict on the Malegaon blasts had clear
ramifications for the Samjhauta Express blast case. The theory of saffron
terrorism had emanated from the Malegaon blast investigation and later
remoulded the Samjhauta Express blast probe.
The irrefutable evidence against Col. Purohit, Aseemanand and the
other co-accused was nowhere in sight. But when the alleged SIMI
activists were released despite proofs or details of their modus operandi,
the real purpose behind raking up the issue of saffron terrorism without
any solid evidence started to unveil. The intent of the then-UPA
government was already being doubted after a spate of controversial
statements by top Congress leaders like Sushil Kumar Shinde, Digvijay
Singh and P. Chidambaram.
The acquittal of the accused in the Malegaon blast had other dangerous
connotations. The question of whether the real culprits would ever be
exposed remained. The UPA government had almost reduced the NIA to a
puppet at the hands of the politicians. Why had the Maharashtra ATS
disowned its own presentment? Was it a precursor to an entirely new
script? The NIA’s whole premise appeared to be a fabricated story based
on some testimonies.
Many of the witnesses claimed that they were made to confess under
duress. The NIA’s line of investigation had put the ATS in the dock. The
whole theory suggested by the ATS was thrown out of the window by the
judiciary. It was reprimanded for not fulfilling its responsibility in the
right manner. The court also wondered how the crime could have been
committed without any motive. It was considered implausible that Islamic
extremists would target a Muslim-dominated locality.
However, it was argued that such a discernment could not be expected
from terrorists, who had no religion. After all, the sly masterminds of

28. SIMI devise their strategy sitting within the country and keeping in view
the prevailing social circumstances. The Muslims could have been
targeted to foment communal passions. So, had killing Muslims been a
part of the larger nefarious designs of terrorists? Had the NIA weaved the
Hindu terror story simply because the majority of victims of these
dastardly acts were Muslims? In fact, many such controversial remarks by
the leaders of self-styled Hindu groups were cited by the NIA to support
its hypothesis.
Did these statements really indicate a larger conspiracy? Or was the
NIA simply using them to augment its case? I was eager to pose all these
queries to the secret agent.
According to the chargesheet filed by the Maharashtra ATS, SIMI
wanted to incite communal riots in Malegaon. However, the court
dismissed this charge stating that the terrorists could have chosen the
occasion of Ganesh Utsav for this objective. The Hindu festival had
concluded just before the blasts, and any of the processions or Ganesh
Pandals could have been a soft target for SIMI. It further stated that the
accused were framed merely based on their criminal record. Their links
with SIMI were also beyond doubt. In contrast, only one of the alleged
offenders in the NIA’s investigation was found to have a criminal record,
and he was murdered.
Several doubts still persist over the line of investigation pursued by the
NIA. The skeptics are asking about the consequences of eventually finding
the ATS probe to be correct. The agency chief claimed that there was no
evidence against Col. Purohit, and several weak links existed in the probe.
Nobody could have been a more apt person to corroborate or dispel these
theories than this NIA operative.
I was fascinated with the mystery of saffron terrorism amidst all the
hoopla surrounding it. My position as a journalist was definitely going to
help me unearth the truth of the matter. I started to tap all the relevant
contacts. However, extracting exclusive information from these sources
was not going to be easy as was evident from my experience so far. In the

29. meantime, I was still waiting to fix an appointment with the NIA
undercover agent.
It was during this time that I met my friend and colleague, Shivendra
Shrivastava. He is a seasoned crime reporter with experience in covering
the NIA beat. I discussed this project with him. He asked for some time
and promised to suggest contacts who could help in this endeavour.
Then came the moment I was eagerly waiting for. I was returning to
the office after meeting Shivendra. Normally, I avoid taking phone calls
while driving. However, my attention was drawn by the fact that the
cellphone screen was not displaying any number. Instead, a strange three-
digit numerical was flashing on the screen. I knew this was it. In fact,
since the day my friend gave my number to the secret agent, I would keep
my cell phone silent during the bulletins and check it after every anchor
link.
Therefore, I wasted no time, parked the car by the side of the road and
answered the phone. A slightly unclear voice greeted me from the other
side.
‘How are you, Doctor Sa’ab?’ he asked. I am usually called by this
sobriquet in the media circles. It was not difficult to fathom the identity of
the person who had called me.
‘Where are you right now? Are you going somewhere?’ he enquired. I
told him that I was on the DND flyover and heading towards the Noida
film city. He then asked whether I could come to Mayur Vihar metro
station to meet him. Needless to say, I agreed. Curiously, the Mayur Vihar
metro station was only about a five-to-ten-minute drive from my location.
Could it be that the undercover agent was aware of my whereabouts? I
laughed to myself at the idea. Perhaps, I had become over-obsessed with
this spy. I lost no time in turning towards the designated location. But I did
not think of how I was going to call that person.
Parking my car at the metro station was a headache as the construction
work had clogged the traffic. Finally, I stopped just in front of the exit gate
and began to peer closely at all those who were passing by. Each person
coming out of the gate seemed like a spy to me. Around fifteen minutes

30. had passed when the same mysterious number flashed through my
cellphone screen again. The man wanted to know whether I was the one
who had been waiting in a yellow car for the past fifteen minutes. I had
just finished answering the call when a man knocked on the passenger
window of the car. I gave him a good, hard look. This time, he asked
straightaway to open the door.
As soon as I opened the door, he asked to move the car. It was now
clear he was the man I was waiting to see. We had not gone far when he
asked me to park the car. Without indulging in niceties, he told me to ask
what I wanted to know. I was still looking at him from top to bottom. He
was a bespectacled man in a half-sleeve T-shirt. With untidy hair and
chappals on his feet, he had an unassuming appearance.
I was aware that this person was a senior NIA officer associated with
several high profile cases. I tried to hide my astonishment at his looks by
initiating the conversation.
‘Can I record the interview?’ I began. The question perhaps alarmed
him as he sternly asked to switch off my cellphone. The sleuth also asked
me to provide assurance that I would not divulge his identity in any
manner. I gave my word and took out my pen and paper to take notes.
Before we could talk further, I could not help wondering why the man had
chosen such a place for the rendezvous. Why was he dressed so shabbily?

31. W
3
Answering through Questions
as the NIA investigation under political pressure? What was the
reality of saffron terrorism? Why did Aseemanand, Sadhvi Pragya, Sunil
Joshi and Col. Purohit come under the scanner?
Nagging doubts and a flurry of questions flashed through my mind. I
needed to come back to my spontaneous self before asking them. It was
only possible by opening up to him. My question was straightforward. He
paused for few a seconds before answering. It gave me a chance to
recollect all the questions I wanted to ask.
You don’t have to worry about missing any answer while interviewing
in front of the camera. The electronic eye doesn’t miss anything. I have
recorded several such shoots on the Dictaphone and later even on cell
phones. I didn’t have the same luxury this time. I had given my word not
to shoot him, and the fate of such an important interview depended on my
writing speed. The silence was to ascertain that there was no snooping
around. A question about his looks and attire did not appeal to him
enough. I thought quickly as I prepared to ask my next query.
Finally, the answer came in a heavy voice. ‘You also wear suits most of
the time, why jeans and T-shirt today?’
The question clarified two things; he would size me up before coming
to the point, and some of his answers might be hints or counter-questions.
The sleuth’s presence was a confirmation that he wanted to say something.

32. ‘The suit is only for the camera, this is how I dress in real life. It is
kind of a burden at times, and I have not understood why all anchors have
to dress up like that. An unnecessary tradition which every channel
follows.’ I had to stop as it felt I was digressing. Wasn’t I supposed to
speak less and listen more? Nevertheless, this topic was an icebreaker, and
after all, I had asked about appearance in the first place. Most of all, it was
working as he replied, ‘To remain unassuming is part of our job. I am on
duty, even at this moment. We are after an Indian Mujahideen (IM)
terrorist.’
I was beginnning to like where the conversation was going. The world
must be shown the shadowy world of spies without glamour. Few people
are aware that espionage isn’t a superhero business as depicted in popular
culture. It is essentially a team game. This confabulation was continuously
interrupted by phone calls from this man’s superiors. He was answering
his boss’s queries in as few words as possible.
The man urged me to ask my questions while assuring me that he
would be generous in satisfying all my queries. ‘I had come to see you at
the office, but you were busy doing a show,’ he clarified. These beneficent
words boosted my morale as his amiable nature became more apparent.
But I could not help asking why he didn’t call me for a meeting
instead. The NIA officer reasoned that he didn’t want to put me at risk and
was taking precaution even now for my safety. He elaborated that agents
like him had been well-trained to face any danger, but their acquaintances
could sometimes be put in danger. He was still on duty, looking for some
terror suspect and the fact that his activities were being monitored could
never be dismissed altogether. He confided that caution had become a part
of his habit and was the reason he preferred to be in disguise. I must
confess that I was a bit nervous after hearing this, and my initial
enthusiasm gave way to tension. It was clearly a signal that I had to
conclude this dialogue without wasting time.
So I came straight to the point and asked about his role in the
Samjhauta Express Blast probe.

33. ‘I worked as an undercover agent in various locations. I was chasing
almost every major character of this probe,’ he answered.
‘Please tell us a little more about the locations that you covered to
make your point clearer,’ I was ready with the next question.
‘I spent a lot of time impersonating a Sadhu in Aseemanand’s office. I
used to keep a close watch on every activity happening there.’
A straight answer to a straight question! The conversation was finally
picking up. I rued the fact that recording was forbidden, as writing
diverted my attention. I couldn’t have told him to speak slowly. Both time
and circumstances didn’t allow that.
He didn’t seem very impressed with my questions.
‘What exactly do you want to know? The whole story of our operation
is documented in the chargesheet. I can give you a copy if you want. Ask
me the question that has drawn you here,’ he said, almost pressingly.
It was clear there was no point beating about the bush. Yet, the next
question was again from my prepared list.
‘Were you also deputed at the BJP office and VHP headquarters?’
He weighed my question for a few seconds, in silence, and then
replied, ‘Yes, I have worked undercover at these places. I have monitored
many people in the BJP office for some time. We suspected their links
with the characters of our theory. The VHP and Sangh offices were in the
purview of our operation. Many potential suspects were frequent visitors
there.’
He was living up to my anticipation of the meeting. But I was careful
not to rub him the wrong way through my questions. At one point, it felt
like the conversation was over, and I was not nearly done yet.
‘See, I know you as a good TV journalist. The friend who introduced
you is like a family. I will try to answer to the best of my knowledge.’ It
was yet another encouragement.
‘Was the NIA investigation deliberately diverted to propagate the
theory of saffron terrorism?’ I was now under pressure to be forthright.
‘It is not the case. The NIA investigation was unbiased. The change in
the line of questioning or the investigation itself was based on solid facts.

34. We have given all the details in the chargesheet. It clearly demonstrates
how these people wanted revenge against so-called Islamic terrorism. As I
said, I myself was keeping an eye on some of the accused. The whole plot
came to light after the murder of Sunil Joshi,’ he answered promptly.
There was nothing new in this information. ‘Why would a serving NIA
officer speak against his own organisation to me?’ I thought.
But I persisted with my questions. ‘The NIA’s whole premise is based
on some testimonies. The accused are retracting from their confessions
one after another. They allege that their statements were taken under
duress. Can a case rest solely on confessions? Were some of these not
really framed?’ I argued.
Again, he paused before answering. But I was becoming accustomed to
his silence and waited for his reaction.
‘Not only NIA but almost every investigation agency is strict while
interrogating. Do you expect a terrorist to break easily? It is true that we
were not benign to these people. Nevertheless, how can you deny the
significance of statements? They are an essential part of any legal case.’
‘So, you are denying the accusation of excesses levelled on the
accused?’
‘I do not mean to say we made them speak untruths. All I want to say
is we had to be stern to extract truth from them. However, collecting
evidence, in this case, was challenging.’
This was an important assertion because the lack of credible proof was
a big hole in the proposition of saffron terrorism. The NIA chargesheet
had stated that the accused were part of a secret meeting in Faridabad
where the blast conspiracy had been hatched. Two of the NIA’s witnesses,
who had claimed to participate in this meeting, have turned hostile. The
NIA chargesheet had also mentioned Sadhvi Pragya’s bike as a piece of
evidence.
My spirits were dampening now, and I was beginning to feel that this
man would not reveal much. Would this be another case of the promise of
something substantial and getting vapour instead? Still, I could derive

35. satisfaction from the fact that I was now acquainted with one of the most
credible sources of this case.
Conjuring questions was becoming increasingly difficult. I was lost in
my thoughts when his cell phone buzzed again. He apprised his senior
about some operation, taking place at the metro station. He informed that
the suspect had not arrived at the station and that he was therefore shifting
his location.
I knew nothing about the context of their chat and was not even keen to
know more about this operation. I had come in the hope of getting some
scoop regarding saffron terrorism and that was proving to be futile.
‘There is no single father in this job. They have appointed so many
bosses over your head,’ he lamented while hanging up the call.
I was amused to learn that even the job of spies was not free from the
tyranny of bosses. My smile brought him back from his world of thoughts,
and he said, ‘Dear friend, you have not come prepared for this interview.’
I was startled by this sudden jibe. ‘Sorry, I do not understand you…’ I
said, almost innocently.
‘Don’t take it otherwise. But should you really expect a serving NIA
officer to answer such contentious questions? I can imagine what you want
to know. However, tell me first what you know about this matter,’ he
responded.
I told him that I had been regularly reporting, anchoring and writing on
this issue. ‘I have closely followed every development in this case,’ I said.
‘You have seen it from the viewpoint of a TV journalist. Try to look at
it from the perspective of an investigation agency. Only then will you be
able to find the right questions. You will have to immerse yourself entirely
in the nitty-gritty of the case. As far as the NIA is concerned, we were
moving forward based on inputs and instructions. You need to see the
probe in its entirety. Perhaps, you want to know about the loopholes in the
NIA’s investigation. But how can I speak against my own organisation and
criticise an operation I was a part of?’
‘But it is important to know whether this operation was conducted
under pressure or not,’ I retorted.

36. There was silence again. I thought he was convinced that I was not
interested in deceiving him or spoiling my relations with my journalist
friend. Truth was that I could not have betrayed him, even if I wanted to.
Our conversation was being documented only on paper and becoming
etched in my memory.
Once again, I conveyed my honest intentions to him and said, ‘See,
you can be sure that this meeting is not being recorded anywhere. All I
want to know is whether the NIA investigation was headed in the right
direction or not. The answer to this question will decide the future course
of my research,’ I told him.
It was clear that he was not going to speak against the NIA. I could
sense that he was beginning to understand the gravity of the situation. I
had reasons to believe he would not send me disappointed. After all, this
rendezvous was his idea.
‘Tell me how to go about unearthing the truth.’ I decided to let him
take the conversation towards the right direction. The onus would be on
him.
‘Well, this is the right question, my friend,’ he interjected. ‘I am not an
interviewee for you. My seniors are the more befitting candidates for that.
They would be willing to talk to you. However, I can help direct your
research work to move down the correct road.’ His phone rang again. But
this time, he just looked at the screen and disconnected the call. It was an
indication that this discussion was now entering a more serious ambit.
The sleuth kept his cell phone aside and addressed me in an
introspective tone, ‘Let me list some of the relevant questions necessary to
find the truth. Revisit various theories attached to this case. Go through
the investigative details of various agencies. I can provide a copy of the
NIA chargesheet. A lot is hidden in the preliminary investigation of the
police as well as the ATS probe.’
I did not want to break his chain of thoughts. However, just to be sure
that he was not diluting the real issue again, I said, ‘I have been doing the
groundwork. If you don’t mind, could you please highlight some of the
weak links in the NIA’s inquisition?’

37. My insistence appeared to be testing his patience as he spoke after a
moment of silence, ‘I am suggesting some questions. Try to find their
answers, and you will reach the truth. First and foremost, who do you think
is the real mastermind? Have you found the details of the funding in the
whole story? What is the irrefutable evidence in the hands of the
investigative agencies?
‘One also needs to look deeply into the initial findings of the probe
agencies and the sharp contrast in the conclusions drawn at a later stage.
Try to find the Madhya Pradesh (MP) connection to the conspiracy. Does
the modus operandi of the Malegaon and the Samjhauta Express blasts
bear the signature of a specific terror group? You will find a lot of hints in
various statements made by politicians in the entire controversy. Delve
deeper into how SIMI and the other accused are linked to Indore. Have you
studied the narcotics test report of the alleged SIMI operatives?’
I was trying to keep pace with him while noting down all these
questions. He sensed my precipitance and assured me that I could have his
personal mobile number for any kind of future help regarding this project.
However, there was a rider that he would only be able to spell out the right
questions and that I should not expect all the answers from him. I would
have to accept that he wanted to help, but could only do so from the
shadows. Surreptitiously, as a spy would.
I handed him my pen and the note pad and requested him to write
down his cell phone number. I had his personal contact number now. Yet,
my mind craved for some sensational piece of information.
‘Can you reveal something that can surprise me?’ I asked, looking
straight into his eyes.
He answered with a smile, ‘You journalists can never get enough of
sensationalism. Alright, let me reveal such a fact. But I will not permit
you to quote me.
Why would the government led by his own party snoop on him? This
baffled me.
‘This I cannot say. But many secrets might be lying hidden behind this
question. Pay attention to one more thing: Is it possible that some of the

38. leaders conducting press conferences on this issue were getting sensitive
information even before the government?’ the spy replied.
‘One more thing has never ceased to intrigue me. I had myself seen
Sandeep Dange standing with a leader. I called my senior to ask
permission for his arrest. However, I was instructed only to keep an eye on
him. The senior called back after a while to inform that I should let Dange
go. I have still not been able to understand why we let an absconder slip
from our hands. Perhaps, we will never know the secret behind this,’ he
further added.
It was surprising because Sandeep Dange was an important link in the
NIA’s line of investigation. The failure to arrest him raised serious
questions about the intent of the entire probe exercise. The premier
investigative agency appears to have concenttrated on two suspects, both
of whom wore saffron clothes. The term saffron terrorism had become part
of the political parlance only after their arrest. Were the NIA’s honchos
deliberately targeting these two supposed saints? Nevertheless, these were
all speculations, and solid answers could only be found by listening
carefully to the questions posed by this undercover agent.
I asked him to suggest some more sources whom I could approach to
gain a better perspective.
He answered, ‘Try to meet the lawyers associated with the case. You
can also arrange meetings with some of the senior officials involved in the
probe. Any person, who had been a part of the high-level meetings, could
prove to be a valuable source. Remember me if you need further
assistance. I shall try to do my best.’
The meeting was far from futile. Though no big scoop came out of it, it
had at least given direction to my research. I was now aware that even
Congress leader Digvijay Singh was under the purview of the
investigation. I bid adieu to my new friend and headed straight to the
office, pondering over these questions.

39. T
4
The Era of Terror
he questions posed by my new acquaintance hinted at some of the
loopholes in the NIA investigation. However, one cannot jump to
conclusions based on just one meeting. The NIA’s role in the probe had
already been questioned, and a mere statement from a spy was not
clinching evidence in the court. My source had already clarified he would
disown his statements in public. But my rendezvous with the spy had
given rise to some new questions. I decided to begin my search
chronologically.
The term ‘saffron terrorism’ became a part of public discourse after
the first blasts in Malegaon. Its genesis dates back to the 2002 Gujarat
riots. Many news magazines had used this expression to depict the post-
Godhra riots. It acquired political colour only after the Malegaon terror
attack. It was necessary to connect the dots between the various blasts
before studying the sequence of political statements. I had covered the
controversial blasts as a TV journalist and had the good fortune to talk to
many experts over the issue.
Malegaon, Nashik district’s second largest city, is also known as a city
of weavers. It is situated on National Highway No. 3, linking Mumbai and
Agra. Around 79 per cent of the city’s nearly six lakh population is
Muslim. It used to be a small junction by the name of Maliwadi (hamlet of
gardens) till the eighteenth century. A large number of Muslims settled

40. here after 1740 when a local jagirdar, Naro Shankar Raje Bahadur, started
building the Malegaon fort. Muslim workers and artisans came from
places like Surat and several cities of north India during the construction
period spanning nearly 25 years. The British conquered the fort in 1818,
triggering further migration of Muslims from Hyderabad. Soon, it became
a refuge for persecuted Muslims from all over India.
In 1857, many Muslims from the northern region relocated to
Malegaon. Likewise, a sizeable segment of the community came from
Varanasi in 1862 to escape famine. The political unrest in the Hyderabad
estate during the 1940s and 1950s also saw a similar exodus to the town.
The trend continued during various communal riots occurring after 1960.
The relationship between the Hindu and Muslim communities of
Malegaon has been fragile at times, and the city itself is one of the most
communally sensitive areas of Maharashtra. However, Malegaon also
boasts of a distinct culture inspired by Marathi culture. Marathi is among
the more popular languages of this area, although several organisations
have devoted themselves to the propagation of Urdu in the town.
Two incidents of terror blasts drastically changed Malegaon’s image.
The first one to rock the city came on 18 September 2006. The terrorists
targeted a graveyard near a mosque. A large number of people had
gathered at the place to offer Juma prayers on the occasion of Shab-e-
Baraat. The investigations revealed that bombs had been planted on two
bicycles. The blasts claimed 37 lives, and over 125 people were injured.
The conspirators had deliberately chosen a sensitive time and location to
inflict maximum damage. The perpetrators of this attack were well trained
and were experts in making and planting bombs. This came at a time when
the country was suffering a series of bomb blasts across different cities.
I started to gather more information about the blasts that preceded or
followed the Malegaon carnage. My first-hand experience with the
terrorist attack dates back to 2005 when Delhi was rattled by serial blasts
during the festival season of Diwali. I had seen the mayhem during this
dastardly act from close quarters. Delving deeper into the recent history of
terror attacks in India brought the sad memories of that day to my mind.

41. On 29 October 2005, the evening crowd had just begun to throng the
busy Delhi markets. Even the newsroom had started to slip into the festive
mood with Diwali just two days away. About an hour or so before prime
time, news trickled that Paharganj, Sarjoni Nagar and Govindpuri had
witnessed blasts. All the three bombs went off within a time span of 30
minutes. I rushed to Paharganj and later to Sarojini Nagar to report the
blasts. The scene at these two locations was heart-rending. Human body
parts littered the road. The police was trying to secure the area for vital
evidence. But it wasn’t easy amidst the melee. The media personnel were
struggling to reach the blast site amidset the prevailing confusion. In
short, it looked as if death itself had danced on the roads of Delhi that day.
The blast took 61 innocent lives. Out of these, 43 people were killed at
Sarojini Nagar where I was stationed. The investigation revealed that a
Pakistan-based terror group was behind the serial blasts. The security
agencies nabbed 10 suspects from various parts of the country. Most of
them were caught at railway platforms and bus stands. The sketches made
after the blasts played an important role in these arrests.
Sarojini Nagar and Paharganj are among the busiest markets of Delhi
on any given day. These places were teeming with people on that fateful
evening, as Diwali was around the corner. The Paharganj area was at a
walking distance from my former office. The whole area had been
cordoned off. But a large crowd had still gathered on the roads and alleys.
Shrieks and wails were piercing the air. A local shopkeeper pointed
towards a wrecked cycle rickshaw to indicate that the bomb had been
planted on it. The investigators later established that it was actually fitted
to a motorcycle. The Sarojini Nagar blast was even deadlier. The
explosives were planted on a Maruti van here. I reported from the site for
many hours in the aftermath of the blast.
The fear of more blasts was lurking, but call of duty had to be
followed. It was a time when the country was rocked by blasts at regular
intervals. It seemed as if the terrorists had waged a full-blown battle
against India. I covered the Delhi blasts as a reporter and closely followed
the others as an anchor. On 7 March 2006, the terrorists struck again.

42. This time, the holy city of Varanasi was their target. The bomb blast
ripped off the outer perimeter of the Sankat Mochan Temple. Like most
other blasts of those years, it was also thought to be a cylinder blast in the
beginning. Since the blasts were a regular occurrence, the media were
extra cautious while confirming a major terrorist act. The bomb went off
at the Sankat Mochan temple in Varanasi at the time of evening prayers.
At least 10 people lost their lives, and over 40 were injured. Soon after,
another blast occurred at city’s railway station killing five people.
There were reports of an unexploded bomb on Shivganga Express
train, resulting in hours of delay in its schedule. An anchor is often
required to speak impromptu when a news just breaks in. Such was the
frequency of terror blasts in those days that I had become used to speaking
on such incidents. I even taught media students how to delve on the news
of a terrorist act in the initial few minutes and how the news could
eventually turn from a suspected cylinder blast to a major terror
conspiracy. The news of a blast would come all of a sudden in those days.
Such events had ceased to evoke the same astonishment from the viewers.
I had also become used to the terror-related news much like a pathologist
becomes accustomed to post-mortems.
The breaking news of a blast at the time of leaving the office could
spoil any prime time anchor’s whole night. Any media professional would
understand what I mean to say. Such a moment presented itself on the
evening of 11 July 2006. At around 7 pm, Mumbai’s local trains were
rattled with seven blasts one after another. All the bombs exploded within
a span of 11 minutes, leaving 209 people dead and over 700 injured. It was
a well-coordinated attack, and the terrorists had used the ‘pressure cooker
bombs’ to turn the city’s lifeline into a ‘deathline’. All major TV channels
received an e-mail after three days. A little-known organisation called
‘Lashkar-e-Kahar’ had taken responsibility for the 7/11 attacks. The mail
also claimed that the perpetrators were free and out of bounds for the law
enforcement agencies.
Such an e-mail was unprecedented at that time. However, it later
became a trend among the terrorist outfits. The terrorists were now almost

43. teasing India’s security establishment with such tactics. Several terror
groups often made contradictory assertions to claim a terror act. Later,
Lashkar and SIMI also issued statements owning up to the attack. Even
Al-Qaeda was not ruled out by the media as well as security agencies. The
name of the group was immaterial to the Indian government. Nobody
concerned with the country’s security had any doubt that it was the
handiwork of Pakistan’s spy agency ISI. However, MK Narayanan, the
then National Security Advisor (NSA) wasn’t as forthright. He said during
an interview that there was no clinching evidence to indict ISI, adding that
some evidence suggested its involvement.
The statement was seen as a setback for diplomatic efforts to isolate
Pakistan in the global community. However, former Home Secretary VK
Duggal tried to do some damage control by releasing an official statement
claiming that all clues led to the suspicion that ISI was behind the 7/11
blasts. As usual, politicians sought to reap dividends out of this attack.
Imam Bukhari and some other leaders opposed the detention of suspects
belonging to the Muslim community. Anees Durrani, a prominent leader of
the community, asked why only Muslims were being blamed after every
blast. The train bombings had opened the old wounds of India’s
commercial capital. On 12 March 1993, the city witnessed the gory face of
terror for the first time. As many as 13 blasts shook the city on that fateful
day. RDX was used in the explosive devices planted to inflict the
maximum damage of life and property. It emerged that the underworld
don, Dawood Ibrahim, had been behind these blasts. He had apparently
shook hands with ISI with the purpose of avenging the Babri Masjid
demolition.
Dawood Ibrahim managed to leave the country before the serial blasts.
There is ample evidence indicating that he runs his empire of crime from
Pakistan and that the ISI plays the good host in return for his help in
implementing its anti-India conspiracies. US intelligence agencies had
indicated his role in funding the Samjhauta Express blasts. They even
named Arif Kasmani as the conduit who had supplied money to the
conspirators through Dawood. Nevertheless, these findings were

44. overshadowed by the probe conducted by our own investigation agencies,
which had taken an altogether different line. The 7/11 attack was a big
morale booster for anti-India forces sitting across the border. It managed
to send a signal that terrorists could strike at will. Most of the terror
activities till date followed a similar pattern. Or so we were told.
Almost all the blasts were invariably linked to terror outfits harboured
by Pakistan’s deep state. The leaders of terrorist groups in collusion with
ISI hatched the conspiracies. The sleeper modules within India were
activated to implement them. Such cells still pose a challenge to security
agencies. The Mumbai train carnage was followed by blasts in Malegaon,
the Samjhauta Express, Hyderabad’s Mecca Masjid and Ajmer Sharif.
These incidents were purportedly different from the previous blasts. Their
investigation had become the basis of the genesis of the supposed
phenomenon of ‘Hindu terror’, which altered the course of Indian politics
in many ways.
I concentrated my research on these attacks and assimilated all the
information I had gathered about these attacks. My motive was to reach
the bottom of the mystery and the characters involved in these blasts. All
the questions posed by the NIA agent were in reference to these specific
blasts. To put these incidents in perspective, I focused on the terror
incidents preceding these bombings and the ones that occurred after them.
Malegaon was rocked twice by blasts, first in 2006 and then in 2008.
Ajmer Sharif became a target in October 2007. Lucknow, Varanasi and
Faizabad suffered serial blasts just a month later, claiming 15 lives and
injuring 40 others.
I had extensively covered all these incidents as a journalist and only
needed to go through the news reports of that time to jog my memory. I
also decided to talk to expert journalists and more importantly, to
approach the persons who played an important role in the investigations of
these incidents. Meeting with the undercover agent was only a first step in
this direction. But it had left me with more questions than answers. These
questions were also part of the process to reach the truth. These particular
terror incidents had resulted in a paradigm shift in Indian politics.

45. Therefore, it was necessary to understand them. The bombings never
ceased after Malegaon and Ajmer Sharif, fuelling further speculations.

46. A
5
When Terror Was at Its Peak
fter the Ajmer Sharif blasts of October 2007, Lucknow, Varanasi and
Faizabad were the next targets for terrorists. The blasts that shook these
cities on 23 November claimed 16 lives.
Allegedly to take revenge for the beating of three suspected terrorists
in its premises, the terrorists had targeted the Lucknow court. Varanasi,
Faizabad and Ayodhya were always on the terror radar for their religious
significance and to foment communal passions.
The initial investigation had found clear links between the motives and
modus operandi of these blasts. The terrorists had meticulously decided
their targets to vitiate the communal harmony of the country. Like the
Mumbai train blasts, various terror outfits clambered to take credit for
each of these incidents.
Most notably, Lashkar and IM competed with each other in sending e-
mails after every blast. Their motive was to project their strength and
mislead the Indian security agencies and to lure disgruntled youth for
recruitment for their sleeper modules. Therefore, these claims had little
credibility. What mattered more was the word of investigative agencies.
While Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed were avowed enemies
of the Indian state for quite some time, several new organisations like IM
and Harkat-ul-Jihad-e-Islami (HuJI) and SIMI were also trying to gain a
foothold within the Indian territory.

47. However, another blast, prior to the attack on Uttar Pradesh (UP), had
largely escaped public attention. It was different from other explosions, as
the terrorists had chosen the day of Id-ul-Fitr to strike. None of those
gathered at the Ludhiana’s Shingar Cinema knew what was coming their
way. On 14 October 2007, the show was disrupted by a huge bang. It
claimed six lives by the time the dust had settled inside the theatre. Over
30 people were severely injured. Most Hindu festivals and national
holidays had been days of high alert until recently. It was another
confirmation after the Ajmer Sharif incident that terrorists no longer
differentiated between religions for destruction. The investigations
revealed that ISI was trying to bring back Babbar Khalsa from the ashes.
The then senior intelligence officer Jagdish Mittal had told journalists
that Islamic extremist groups had joined hands with the remnants of pro-
Khalistan groups. He further claimed that terrorists wanted to vitiate the
communal atmosphere through these blasts.
The Ajmer Sharif conspiracy was attributed to the terrorists of
Bangladeshi origin. The ISI had commanded them to target Ajmer Sharif
because devotees of both religions thronged the shrine in equal numbers.
The terrorists ended the year 2007 by creating mayhem in UP.
The year 2008 also commenced for them from the same state. The
terrorists struck at a CRPF camp in Rampur even before the first sunrise of
the next year. The operation that was believed to be carried out by
Lashkar-e-Taiba took the lives of eight jawans. The attack was followed by
an intense debate, both inside and outside TV studios. The federal security
agencies claimed that they had tipped off the state government about an
imminent attack on the CRPF camp. The input was apparently shared
shortly after the blasts in Lucknow, Varanasi and Faizabad.
The then CM, Mayawati, countered by saying that she had forwarded
the information to the central command of CRPF. Regardless of the truth,
the attack clearly demonstrated a lack of coordination between the central
and state security apparatus. But the blame game also proved that Indian
intelligence agencies had penetrated the terror networks against India.
They were aware of who was running the machinery of terror.

48. The Rampur attack undoubtedly exposed chinks in our security
mechanism, but the later developments indicated that our agencies were
not sitting idle. The motive of all these blasts was to weaken the country.
The terrorists wanted to attract the world’s attention through audacious
attacks. More worryingly, they seemed to have spread their tentacles deep
within the Indian territory. The ISI no longer needed foreign militants to
infiltrate our nation; groups like the IM and SIMI were willing to do the
job for them.
The string of attacks continued regardless. The second major strike of
2008 came five months later. On 13 May 2008, six regions of Jaipur city
were wrecked by nine blasts. Around 63 people were killed in these blasts,
and 200 others were injured. The way bombs went off within a span of 15
minutes proved that it was also a well-coordinated attack. As a world-
renowned tourist destination for visitors from around the world, Jaipur
was on the terror radar.
When I was anchoring live during these blasts, it felt as if this was the
biggest terror attack in the history of India. The needle of suspicion was
again pointed at Pakistan. The probe revealed that the explosives were
planted on bicycles. The investigating officers followed this vital clue to
identify suspects which revealed the connection to the Bangladesh-based
HuJI, the masterminds behind the blast. With the help of Lashkar and
SIMI, this operation had successfully been pulled off. Curiously, these
serial blasts came at a time when the Rajasthan government had declared
its intentions to take tough action against illegal Bangladeshi immigrants.
It was said that the blasts were carried out to avenge this policy, although
HuJI later proved to be just another front for the ISI. Its involvement was
established in several similar terror incidents that had nothing to do with
Bangladesh.
Our newsroom was again bustling with activity on the evening of 14
May. All major news channels had received an e-mail, allegedly from the
IM. The terrorists had left an important clue in a bid to bolster their claim.
The mail mentioned the chassis number of one of the bicycles used to
plant the bomb. This bicycle with chassis no - 129489 was parked at the

49. city’s Chhoti Chaupar locality. The investigators found that people who
spoke broken Hindi in Bengali accent had bought the bicycle. The links
between the Jaipur blasts and the Hyderabad explosions of the previous
year were also emerging.
On 25 August 2007, two bombs had exploded near Hyderabad’s
Lumbini Park and Gokul Chat Bhandar within an interval of five minutes.
At least 42 innocent lives were lost in these blasts, and over 60 were
injured. All fingers were pointing towards HUJI in this case as well.
Suspects named Shahid and Bilal were thought to be the masterminds.
These same persons were suspected to have been behind the Mecca Masjid
blast of May 2007 as well.
However, clouds of terror were still hovering over Hyderabad. As
many as 19 live bombs were found the following morning from various
parts of the city. Fortunately, the terrorists had failed to wire them
properly. All of these were packed inside plastic bags. The plan was to
wreck not only the streets but also the spirit of the city. The audacity of the
attack left little to doubt that the country was facing an undeclared war and
that the enemy had help from within our own boundaries. The ISI
connection in virtually every blast was a clear indicator as to who was
financing this war.
The police had arrested four in connection to the Hyderabad blast,
including a resident of Dubai. He was nabbed with fake currency worth ₹
2.36 crore. He told interrogators that this money had come from Pakistan
via Dubai. Cutting the root of terror funding remains a global problem till
date. Unleashing fear among people from across the border is essentially a
costly affair, and a spate of blasts proved that the terrorists had sufficient
funding.
When the country was still picking up the pieces after the Jaipur blasts
in May, the next chapter of bloodshed happened. On 25 July 2008,
Bengaluru was devastated with 9 blasts around the city, which killed 2
people and injured 20. The terrorists failed to unleash the large-scale
destruction they had imagined because most of the explosives were of low
intensity. No terror outfit came forward to accept responsibility for these

50. blasts. The needle of suspicion pointed towards the usual culprits—HuJI,
Jaish-e-Mohammed, SIMI and Lashkar. The investigators claimed that the
terrorists not only wanted to terrorise the citizens of Bengaluru, but also to
send a message to the US. Being a software hub, Bengaluru has many US-
based software companies which have business interests in the city. The
modus operandi of these blasts was quite similar to that of the twin
explosions in Hyderabad. Notably, the same type of low-intensity
explosives was also used in Malegaon and Mecca Masjid.
In 2009, the long arms of law reached Nasir, the top Lashkar operative
in South India. He had made some sensational revelations, including
allegedly sharing links with the prominent Muslim leader from Kerala,
Abdul Nazer Mahdani. Mahdani was an accused in the 1998 Coimbatore
bombings and had spent nine-and-a-half years circling the courts before
being acquitted. He was also arrested for his alleged involvement in the
Bengaluru blasts, but no charge was proved against him.
The Coimbatore bombings were the biggest terrorist attack in India
since the 1993 Mumbai carnage. The saboteurs chose Valentine’s Day to
carry out 12 blasts at 11 different locations of the city. Around 58 families
lost their loved ones in this tragedy. The bombs exploded just before
Advani had reached a rally which he was going to be addressing. In fact,
one of the bombs was detonated barely 800 metres from his podium.
Mahdani had a reputation for making venomous speeches before the
blasts. He had formed an organisation called the Islamic Sevak Sangh to
rally Muslim youth. Such organisations were a lucrative breeding ground
for the ISI’s activities.
The people of Bengaluru were thanking the heavens for being spared a
more devastating destruction of life and property. But sadly, there was no
respite for the country. The city of Ahmedabad was jounced the very next
day with an extraordinary attack. On 26 July 2008, the news of the first
blast in the city broke at about 7 p.m. The number had risen to an
astounding 21 in less than an hour. Fifty-six innocent persons were never
to open their eyes again, but the senses of India’s security agencies were
finally beginning to awaken.

51. An e-mail was released under the name of the IM claiming
responsibility for this destruction. It also carried the usual threat about
annihilating India and avenging the Gujarat anti-Muslim riots. More
curiously, the mail was sent to TV channels about five minutes before the
first explosion. ‘Just wait for five minutes for the revenge of Gujarat
riots,’ it read. The mail pertaining to the Ahmedabad blasts was sent from
the IP address of a US citizen named Ken Heywood. This IP address was
obtained by hacking an insecure Wi-Fi connection. Meanwhile, HuJi
contradicted these claims by asserting that it was behind the explosions.
The security agencies believed that the Ahmedabad and Bengaluru
blasts were the handiwork of the same group. The investigation followed a
similar strain of thought. The same terror organisations were held
responsible; some more sleeper cells were busted, and more evidence
piled up indicating that the strings of all these attacks were being pulled
from across the border.
The terror blasts had become a regular occurrence. Soon, such news no
longer baffled the common masses. They had become almost immune to
them. Our security agencies were seemingly helpless amidst all this
destruction. All the explosions in various cities followed a similar pattern.
It was clear that terrorists had spread their tentacles deep into our society
and that their facilitators were among us. The e-mails after every incident
were also emanating from within the country. In fact, terror blasts had
become such a routine that TV news channels no longer waited for the
word of investigation agencies before expounding on the conspiracy of the
blast.
The bombs were almost invariably planted on bicycles; either RDX or
ammonium nitrate was found in them on most occasions. Even the emails
received after such incidents had a similar ring to them. I had become
accustomed to anchoring such events live. It seemed that the terrorists
could target any city at will. However, the scary truth was that there was
no other place where they could get better traction than in the national
capital.

52. And as expected, Delhi was a target of these terror attacks in 2008. On
13 September, several explosions shook the city, claiming 33 lives and
injuring 130 others. I was present in Rajeev Chowk minutes before the
explosions. Two of the bombs had gone off in that area. It was the fourth
major terrorist incident that year after Jaipur, Bengaluru and Ahmedabad.
The intelligence agencies had reportedly intercepted a phone call to
Pakistan soon after the Ahmedabad carnage. The terrorists were heard
discussing the success of the operation ‘BAD’. The acronym ‘BAD’
clearly stood for Bengaluru, Ahmedabad and Delhi.
Some Mumbai-based software engineers had apparently colluded with
SIMI activists to make these blasts happen. The security agencies
suspected that the Dawood Ibrahim network was also helping their cause.
Five youth who were arrested in Mumbai claimed to have met the
mastermind of the Mumbai train bombings. The Crime Branch claimed
that these SIMI operatives had conspired to carry out blasts in seven trains
across different locations. It was on the basis of their testimony that the
MP ATS later arrested the top SIMI terrorist Qayamuddin Kapadia from
Indore. He confessed to having masterminded the Ahmedabad blasts and
to taking part in the Delhi blasts conspiracy.
The investigation of the 2008 Delhi blasts had led probe agencies to
some of the sleeper cells of the IM. Many of the key operatives were
arrested from various parts of the country during the investigation. Their
questioning seemingly led to the Batla House encounter just five days
after the blasts. The Delhi police claimed that the men surrounded during
the operation were hardcore IM terrorists. The biggest damage inflicted by
this encounter was the loss of the brave and decorated police inspector
Mohan Chandra Sharma. Atif Ameen, allegedly the chief bomb-making
expert of the Indian Mujahedeen was neutralised during the encounter.
However, several NGOs and political groups cast aspersions on the
authenticity of the encounter and the matter reached the National Human
Rights Commission (NHRC). The Delhi police were given a clean chit by
the NHRC, but the petty politics had already affected the morale of our
security agencies by then.

53. The security agencies were still busy connecting the dots of the Delhi
bombing plot when the sound of a blast reverberated in the country’s
capital yet again. On 27 September 2008, barely two weeks after the serial
blasts, a low-intensity blast claimed three lives in the Mehrauli area. The
offenders were temerarious enough to make a threatening call to the police
just before the blast. The SIM card for this call was bought from a shop in
Faridabad. The police rounded up some suspects of Bangladeshi origin
along with the shopkeeper who had sold the SIM card. The nature of this
blast was different from that of the bombings two weeks ago. It was
postulated that it was an operation carried out by some group other than
the IM. Some reports suggested that the bomb at Mohali had the
signatures of IM operative Abdul Karim Tunda, who had been involved in
several such incidents.
After Delhi, it was Gujarat and Maharashtra’s turn again. On 29
September 2008, i.e, just two days after Mehrauli incident, similar bombs
exploded in Modasa and Malegaon. In Malegaon, two bombs planted on a
bike went off near a hotel, killing ten people. Seventeen other explosive
devices were diffused in other parts of the city. The blast in Modasa ended
the life of a 15-year-old child and injured 10 others. The bomb was kept on
a bike there as well, and the target was the vicinity of a local mosque.
While these two explosions gained the media’s attention, the recovery of a
bomb from Faridabad around the same time went largely unnoticed. It was
the month of Ramzan and Navratri, and the bomb at Faridabad was planted
near a temple. The terrorists clearly wanted to target large crowds
belonging to both the communities.
The bike used for the Malegaon blasts belonged to a man in Surat who
was linked to a right-wing Hindu organisation. This clue ultimately led
investigators to Pragya Singh Thakur aka Sadhvi Pragya, and a new theory
of terrorism took shape. This was a paradigm shift in the history of
terrorist activities in India. Nowhere had the term ‘Hindu terror’ ever been
used till now, and it gave Pakistan an alibi to escape the blame for its
misdeeds. I intended to focus my research on these terror activities, which
were thought to be the reprisal of Hindu extremist groups.

54. T
6
When They Crossed Our Doors to
Hit Us
he country was outraged by the biggest terror attack in India’s history.
It not only exposed the shortcomings of our security network but also laid
bare the lack of professionalism among media houses. 26/11 is still one of
the darkest days in contemporary Indian history. I still remember how I
continued live anchoring during the first night of the attack. The news
broke with the information of a shootout at the Chatrapati Shivaji
Terminal.
Initially, it was thought to be the result of a local gang war. However,
TV channels soon started flashing dramatic text on the screen proclaiming
it as the biggest terror attack on India’s soil, our very own 9/11 moment.
The sensational live footage of the attack from various locations gave an
impression of the whole army having attacked Mumbai. Senior police
officials Ashok Kamte, Vijay Salaskar and the then Mumbai ATS Chief
Hemant Karkare had laid their lives in the line of duty within hours of the
attack. It was difficult to believe the scale of this operation at the
beginning.
The terrorists had chosen sea-route for the first time. The brazenness
of the assault was enough to shock most Indians. I continued anchoring the
whole night of 26 November. It was only in the morning that a colleague

55. came to relieve me. There was nothing else in my life for the next three
days. I was occupied with presenting the latest updates to the viewers,
continuously talking to the experts and trying to see the reality amidst a
flurry of speculations. Everything, from death toll to the number of
terrorists, was a conjecture. However, it was clear that the terrorists were
aware of the coverage they were getting in the media.
Their handlers sitting across the border were watching the broadcast of
the news by the Indian media. It was upon their instructions that a part of
the Taj Hotel was set on fire for optics that suited their agenda of terror.
The live broadcast of the commando action at Nariman Point also drew
flak from all corners. Finally, when the dust settled after three days, it
became clear that 10 Lashkar-trained Pakistani men had entered Mumbai
with meticulous planning.
They commenced their operation from Leopold café and then moved to
Shivaji Terminal. Afterwards, the terrorists separated into three groups and
entered the Hotel Taj, Hotel Oberoi-Trident and a Jewish Centre at
Nariman House. At least 171 people died in the attack. Many of them were
foreigners. Nine terrorists were killed while Ajmal Kasab was caught
alive, thanks to the bravery of a Mumbai police braveheart.
The attack drew worldwide condemnation. World powers, as well as
the United Nations, took strong notice of the episode. The Pakistani
response was initially of denial, but the proof was so incriminating that the
country was forced to acknowledge that Kasab was a Pakistani. The
international pressure resulted in the registration of a case in Pakistan and
brief detention of Lashkar chief Hafiz Saeed. However, it was only a
diversionary tactic as Saeed still walks free in Pakistan despite being
proscribed by the UN.
The confessions of double agent Headley have also spilt the beans over
ISI’s role in 26/11. The whole world was increasingly convinced that ISI
was not only harbouring the Taliban, but also Lashkar and several such
organisations. The hardcore Lashkar terrorist Abu Hamza’s arrest further
revealed the entire conspiracy. According to Hamza’s statement, the

56. terrorists had planned to rock Mumbai in 2006. The original conspiracy
entailed using disgruntled Indian youth in these attacks.
These nefarious designs were foiled, as a large consignment of
weapons and RDX was seized in Aurangabad. The seized AK-47 rifles and
high-grade explosives were meant to be used in Mumbai. Hamza further
disclosed that he had fled to Pakistan following this seizure and redrawn
the whole conspiracy. This time, they chose the easier option of picking
Fedayeen from the terrorist camps operating in Pakistan. Hamza’s
confession also corroborated Headley’s claims that at least three officers
of the Pakistan army were part of the plot.
The 26/11 attacks exposed Pakistan in front of the international
community. It could no longer use Indian extremists as a ruse to hide its
real face. Nevertheless, the attack shook the nation’s conscience to its
core. Politics was galore over the entire matter. The attempts to incite
Islamophobia were now more pronounced than ever. Even some senior
leaders associated with the government of that time were found guilty of
playing politics over the matter. The country was gearing for general
elections in April 2009.
The UPA government was on the back foot for failing to curb the spate
of bomb blasts, and raising the suspicion of Hindu extremists behind the
Malegaon blasts clearly served its purpose. The accusations sparked an
intense debate about whether the deeds of RSS-affiliated organisations
were destabilising the country or not. Some prominent RSS functionaries
came under the scanner. Meanwhile, NDA lost the Lok Sabha polls badly
under the leadership of LK Advani.
Manmohan Singh retained his post with 44 extra MPs, whereas BJP’s
strength was depleted by 17 MPs. The results demonstrated that the people
had voted for economic issues and that terrorism was not high on their
agenda. This was despite the fact that the issue of terrorism was always in
vogue among political circles between 2006 and 2008. News of terrorist
activities came at regular intervals from the north-eastern parts of the
country, even in the election year of 2009. Dozens of terror groups are still
active in that region. The intelligence agencies have ample proof of the ISI

57. and Chinese support to these outfits. The nation, however, was still
mourning the Mumbai attacks.
It proved to be a temporary lull and terrorists were back with their
sinister agenda in 2010. The famous German Bakery of Pune was more
crowded than normal days on the eve of the Valentine’s Day. It was around
8 p.m, and the prime time show at my channel had just hit the air when the
German Bakery was shattered by a powerful explosion. This place was
situated near the Osho commune and was a popular hangout destination
among the foreigners. The blast claimed 17 lives while 54 others were
injured.
The German Bakery blast had not only broken the brief silence after
26/11 but also exposed the government’s claims of having learnt its
lessons from the Mumbai attack. Two little-known groups, Lashkar-e-
Taiba Al Alami and the Mujahideen Islami Muslim Front, came forward to
accept the responsibility of the attack. It emerged that Lashkar-e-Taiba had
been using the IM as a front. All these outfits with fancy names were just a
ruse to give an impression that it was a home-grown insurgency.
The state of Pakistan has followed the dubious strategy of sheltering
terrorists on one hand and claiming to be their biggest victim, on the other.
The international community, led by the US, has known of this duplicity of
the Pakistani army for quite some time. However, the Afghan situation, as
well as the fear of nuclear weapons falling into the hands of extremists,
has held it back from taking a stern action. We now know that US had
prior inputs of an inevitable attack on Mumbai, thanks to CIA’s double
agent Headley.
The intelligence cooperation between India and the US has improved
over the past few years. However, one must say that Uncle Sam prioritises
its own interests over everything else. The benevolent aid given by
Americans has kept the Pakistani war machinery well-oiled. However, the
Pentagon, the US legislature and common US citizens are increasingly
wary that the same money is being used to kill their own soldiers in
Afghanistan. The citizens of Western countries, including the US, were the
main target of the German Bakery blasts. The intention was to gain media

58. coverage at the global level and malign India as an unsafe country for
foreigners.
Such conspiracies are not restricted to narrow sectarian vested
interests. The aim is to weaken the roots of national unity by inculcating
disaffection among the youth towards the country. Religious indoctrination
is the easier route to misguide the vulnerable minds. The arrested terrorist
Abu Hamza had elaborated on how ISI viewed the unemployed as the
potential recruits. There is a whole network of training camps across
Pakistan to turn these hapless youth into dreaded enemies of humanity.
Unfortunately, a handful of youngsters were lured into this trap in the
name of the religion.
It is not that our intelligence agencies were not aware of what was
going on; they simply did not know how to reverse this trend. The
dangerous mix of religion and politics further aggravated the situation.
The internal divisions over terrorism were weakening India’s diplomatic
efforts to isolate Pakistan on the global stage. The Batla House encounter
was the most glaring example of petty politics over terrorism. The NIA’s
softened stance on SIMI activists in the Malegaon blast probe also
appeared to be the outcome of the same brand of politics. The war against
terror was reduced to a joke, as police, ATS, CBI and NIA differed in their
findings of the Malegaon blast probe. The advent of the term saffron
terrorism gave a new impetus to the hardliners across the border.
Eventually, the IM was found to be behind the German Bakery terror
incident. Riyaz Bhatkal, the chief of this terror organisation, is believed to
be in Karachi. He was radicalised during his stint with SIMI and later
joined some other misguided youth to form the IM. Bhatkal is believed to
be the main conspirator behind blasts in several cities including Mumbai,
Jaipur, Hyderabad, Ahmedabad and Delhi. His younger brother Yasin
Bhatkal is now behind bars. The CCTV footage at the German Bakery
showed that Yasin Bhatkal had planted explosives there. The security
agencies have managed to break the IM’s back over the recent years. But
its remnants still threaten the peace.

59. There was no major terror attack for the better part of 2010 after the
German Bakery blast. However, this lull was short-lived. On 6 December,
our channel played the news of high alert across all sensitive locations in
the country on account of the anniversary of the Babri Masjid demolition.
I returned home, relieved that no untoward incident had taken place. But
the holy city of Varanasi faced the wrath of terrorists the very next day.
This time, the target was Sheetla Ghat, located adjacent to the famous
Dashashwamedh Ghat. A low-intensity bomb at the time of the evening
Ganga Aarti.
Two people, including a two-year-old child, were dead, and dozens of
other people were injured. An e-mail was again shot to all major channels
on behalf of the IM accepting the responsibility. It termed the Allahabad
High Court decision on the Babri Masjid dispute as ‘biased’ and claimed
that the blast was to avenge the verdict. One can discern from the
statement that the IM masterminds not only wanted to harm the majority
community but also to incite the minorities.
The first half of the year 2011 did not see any terrorist activity. The
government had announced several measures to spruce up our security
network in the aftermath of 26/11. The nodal agency to deal with terrorist
crimes was now in place with the enactment of the National Investigation
Agency Act 2008 by the Parliament. Earlier, the ATS investigated all such
cases. But an increase in the number of terrorist incidents gave rise to the
need for a central agency to deal with such matters. Like the FBI in the
USA, the NIA has the mandate to conduct its probe without permission
from any state government. Gradually, all terror-related cases were handed
over to the agency.
The government acted on several recommendations by the Ram
Pradhan Committee which had been constituted after the Mumbai attacks.
The report submitted by the committee had indicted the then Mumbai
Commissioner of Police Hasan Gafoor for inaction. It had also stressed the
need for modernisation of police while pointing out that it was ill-
equipped to counter terror threats. Just when it seemed that all loopholes
had been plugged, Mumbai bore the brunt of yet another attack on 13 July