1) The document discusses the debate around whether Soviet federalism promoted or exacerbated nationalist tendencies in Eastern Europe. Some scholars argue federalism allowed ethnic mobilization and identity preservation, while others point to nationalism pre-dating the Soviet Union.
2) The author aims to reconcile these views by framing the debate around what causes instability in federal bargains. Federalization created new ethnic majorities and minorities who competed for rights, contributing to tensions.
3) A case study approach focusing on Tatarstan, Kazakhstan, and Belorussia from 1917-1930 will be used to demonstrate this bargaining theory and what causes instability in federal arrangements over time.
Working paper failed ethnic federalism - yugoslaviaatahualpa61
Failed ethnic Federalism: the accommodation of constituent nationalities in Yugoslavia before and after Tito’s leadership (1968-1980 and 1980-1992)
The theoretical framework discusses the balancing of authority and liberty in any government or political arrangement according to Proudhon. Yugoslavia adopted a federal system to accommodate its many ethnicities, but this was done under single-party communist rule led by Tito. Tito's charismatic leadership helped hold the federation together, but after his death nationalist sentiments increased and the federal system began to unravel without his unifying influence.
New ethnicities – New problems. Immigrants in Ukrainian Social Spaceyevtukh
This document discusses immigrants in Ukrainian social space and the challenges they present. It begins by establishing the timeliness of studying this issue given trends of increasing globalization and ethnic diversity. It then seeks to define key terms like "Ukrainian social space" and "new ethnicities" to provide context. The document describes Ukrainian social space as having taken on characteristics of a "container society" due to Ukraine's recent independence, but also notes factors weakening this, like transnational migration trends. It analyzes Ukraine's ethnic composition based on census data, noting the Ukrainian ethnicity is largest but that criteria for classifying minorities is unclear. The purpose is to understand challenges immigrants pose for Ukrainian society and seek integrative models for development.
This document provides background information on political opportunities and discursive opportunities utilized by opposing social movements, using the case study of debates around domestic violence ordinance reform in Hong Kong. It reviews literature on how movements use political opportunities like access to decision makers or alliances, and discursive opportunities like existing cultural frames, to mobilize and make arguments. The context in Hong Kong around its sovereignty transfer from Britain to China created new political opportunities for both sides of the debate. The document introduces the key issues and context in Hong Kong to set up analysis of how the two sides utilized different opportunities and rhetoric in the DVO reform debates.
Russkiye in Ukraine: Myth Versus Realities or Vice Versayevtukh
This document discusses myths about the socio-economic, political, and cultural situation of Russkiye (ethnic Russians) in Ukraine. It identifies several common myths, including that Russkiye are under pressure from Ukrainian nationalist forces seeking to eliminate Russian language and culture, and that Russkiyesness (Russian identity) is rapidly deforming and becoming extinct. The document analyzes the sources and spread of these myths by Ukrainian and Russian researchers and publicists. It proposes to examine claims about Russkiye in Ukraine using reliable information and data in order to assess the validity of these myths.
Ben Duke - Keele University - European Journal of Interdisciplinary StudiesBen Duke
This document provides a literature review and theoretical framework for analyzing the relationship between constitutional reform, decentralization, and democratization. It defines key concepts like localism, decentralization, and regional autonomy. It also discusses how factors like a country's social, economic, political, and cultural context can influence the drive for reform and shape the democratic process and outcomes. The document presents examples from literature to illustrate debates around whether decentralization truly empowers citizens or is used by states to delay recognition of multi-national identities. It aims to provide a critical perspective on how resource allocation and social policies may change when new states form through various political processes.
What the 2014 Scottish Referendum Can Reveal About State Development (Introdu...nicacho04
This document provides an overview of a final term essay examining the 2014 Scottish referendum on independence and what it reveals about state development and institutional arrangements. The essay will introduce a "Golden Institutional Balance" model to explain historical variations in community sizes and arrangements. It reviews literature on national self-determination and optimal state size. It also discusses Lenin's views on imperialism and the right of self-determination to provide historical context. The essay aims to use this framework to analyze arguments around Scottish independence and provide insights for policymakers.
An Analysis Of The Representation Of Democratic Citizenship Inlegal2
This document analyzes how three widely used American civics textbooks depict democratic participation. The analysis finds that while the textbooks emphasize the importance of active citizenship, they provide only shallow and unsubstantiated discussions of participation that are undermined by their characterization of democratic institutions. The textbooks define key terms like democracy and citizenship but fail to meaningfully connect participation to institutions. They primarily portray participation as voting and communicating with representatives, without exploring the full range of participatory methods or explaining why participation is necessary for democratic governance. This implicit ambivalence towards participation reflects limited theories of representative democracy.
This document summarizes the debate around how to define and classify hybrid regimes that hold elections but restrict civil liberties. It discusses how scholars initially viewed regimes as either democratic or authoritarian (Section 1). It then explains how Fareed Zakaria coined the term "illiberal democracies" to describe stalled transitions in the 1990s that held elections but abused civil liberties (Section 2). The document analyzes criticisms of this term from scholars like Levitsky, Collier and Way, who argue it diminishes the definition of democracy (Section 3). Lastly, it discusses how understanding hybrid regimes is important for studying modern democratic trends.
Working paper failed ethnic federalism - yugoslaviaatahualpa61
Failed ethnic Federalism: the accommodation of constituent nationalities in Yugoslavia before and after Tito’s leadership (1968-1980 and 1980-1992)
The theoretical framework discusses the balancing of authority and liberty in any government or political arrangement according to Proudhon. Yugoslavia adopted a federal system to accommodate its many ethnicities, but this was done under single-party communist rule led by Tito. Tito's charismatic leadership helped hold the federation together, but after his death nationalist sentiments increased and the federal system began to unravel without his unifying influence.
New ethnicities – New problems. Immigrants in Ukrainian Social Spaceyevtukh
This document discusses immigrants in Ukrainian social space and the challenges they present. It begins by establishing the timeliness of studying this issue given trends of increasing globalization and ethnic diversity. It then seeks to define key terms like "Ukrainian social space" and "new ethnicities" to provide context. The document describes Ukrainian social space as having taken on characteristics of a "container society" due to Ukraine's recent independence, but also notes factors weakening this, like transnational migration trends. It analyzes Ukraine's ethnic composition based on census data, noting the Ukrainian ethnicity is largest but that criteria for classifying minorities is unclear. The purpose is to understand challenges immigrants pose for Ukrainian society and seek integrative models for development.
This document provides background information on political opportunities and discursive opportunities utilized by opposing social movements, using the case study of debates around domestic violence ordinance reform in Hong Kong. It reviews literature on how movements use political opportunities like access to decision makers or alliances, and discursive opportunities like existing cultural frames, to mobilize and make arguments. The context in Hong Kong around its sovereignty transfer from Britain to China created new political opportunities for both sides of the debate. The document introduces the key issues and context in Hong Kong to set up analysis of how the two sides utilized different opportunities and rhetoric in the DVO reform debates.
Russkiye in Ukraine: Myth Versus Realities or Vice Versayevtukh
This document discusses myths about the socio-economic, political, and cultural situation of Russkiye (ethnic Russians) in Ukraine. It identifies several common myths, including that Russkiye are under pressure from Ukrainian nationalist forces seeking to eliminate Russian language and culture, and that Russkiyesness (Russian identity) is rapidly deforming and becoming extinct. The document analyzes the sources and spread of these myths by Ukrainian and Russian researchers and publicists. It proposes to examine claims about Russkiye in Ukraine using reliable information and data in order to assess the validity of these myths.
Ben Duke - Keele University - European Journal of Interdisciplinary StudiesBen Duke
This document provides a literature review and theoretical framework for analyzing the relationship between constitutional reform, decentralization, and democratization. It defines key concepts like localism, decentralization, and regional autonomy. It also discusses how factors like a country's social, economic, political, and cultural context can influence the drive for reform and shape the democratic process and outcomes. The document presents examples from literature to illustrate debates around whether decentralization truly empowers citizens or is used by states to delay recognition of multi-national identities. It aims to provide a critical perspective on how resource allocation and social policies may change when new states form through various political processes.
What the 2014 Scottish Referendum Can Reveal About State Development (Introdu...nicacho04
This document provides an overview of a final term essay examining the 2014 Scottish referendum on independence and what it reveals about state development and institutional arrangements. The essay will introduce a "Golden Institutional Balance" model to explain historical variations in community sizes and arrangements. It reviews literature on national self-determination and optimal state size. It also discusses Lenin's views on imperialism and the right of self-determination to provide historical context. The essay aims to use this framework to analyze arguments around Scottish independence and provide insights for policymakers.
An Analysis Of The Representation Of Democratic Citizenship Inlegal2
This document analyzes how three widely used American civics textbooks depict democratic participation. The analysis finds that while the textbooks emphasize the importance of active citizenship, they provide only shallow and unsubstantiated discussions of participation that are undermined by their characterization of democratic institutions. The textbooks define key terms like democracy and citizenship but fail to meaningfully connect participation to institutions. They primarily portray participation as voting and communicating with representatives, without exploring the full range of participatory methods or explaining why participation is necessary for democratic governance. This implicit ambivalence towards participation reflects limited theories of representative democracy.
This document summarizes the debate around how to define and classify hybrid regimes that hold elections but restrict civil liberties. It discusses how scholars initially viewed regimes as either democratic or authoritarian (Section 1). It then explains how Fareed Zakaria coined the term "illiberal democracies" to describe stalled transitions in the 1990s that held elections but abused civil liberties (Section 2). The document analyzes criticisms of this term from scholars like Levitsky, Collier and Way, who argue it diminishes the definition of democracy (Section 3). Lastly, it discusses how understanding hybrid regimes is important for studying modern democratic trends.
This document discusses two approaches to analyzing sub-national movements: 1) a rational choice perspective focusing on political actors manipulating identity and interests, and 2) a transcultural perspective accounting for cultural flows and hybridization. It uses the Telengana movement in India as a case study, first analyzing it through the rational choice lens, then considering how a transcultural approach could provide additional insights. Key points addressed include how the Telengana movement challenges theories of sub-national movements being resolved once accommodated, implications for understanding cultural nationalism, and policy recommendations for states facing sub-national challenges.
The document discusses key concepts in comparative politics and political science. It defines politics, power, and comparative politics, and discusses political institutions, interests, and culture. It also provides examples of classifying presidential characters and exploring theories of power distribution in societies.
This document provides an overview of a comparative politics course on Hong Kong programs. It includes:
1) Details of the course such as title, dates, instructor contact information, and topics to be covered in the first two lectures.
2) Summaries of the key concepts and approaches that will be discussed, including functionalism, structuralism, and the historical approach taken by the course.
3) An outline of the general theoretical framework that will guide comparisons between countries, focusing on how domestic politics are shaped by global context, interests, identities, and institutions.
Armenian elite representatives attitudes towards democracyHamazasp Danielyan
This document summarizes research on the attitudes of Armenian political elites towards democracy. It discusses theories of elites and their role in democratic transitions. The research utilized in-depth interviews with 50 elite representatives from various political parties in Armenia. Key findings included disagreements among elites over the type of government and electoral system, as well as differences in motivations and values between ruling elites and opposition. The document concludes that Armenia's political elite is becoming more disunited and competitive in a way that poses challenges for democratic consolidation.
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Co...Przegląd Politologiczny
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was
economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global
economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the
former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external
factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited
from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to
develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the
People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in
their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since
1988–1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty
from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor
and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While
Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than
those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of
post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and
especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both
countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the
‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the
moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule
of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the
path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global
concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and
weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
This document outlines and defines several major political ideologies of the 20th and 21st centuries including capitalism, communism, and democracy. It provides brief descriptions of each ideology sourced from Wikipedia and other references, often including an image to represent the ideology. The document aims to concisely define major ideologies through short summaries and related images.
This document outlines the key topics and concepts covered in a political science course. It discusses definitions of politics, forms of power, comparisons of power across countries, reasons for war between countries, and theories of political science such as pluralism, elite theory, and Marxism. Examples are provided to illustrate concepts like dimensions of power, forms of government, and presidential character types. Students are instructed to develop questions about different topics using the four W's framework of who, what, when, where.
Political Science 2 – Comparative Politics - Power Point #5John Paul Tabakian
This document summarizes the key topics and readings for Dr. Tabakian's Political Science 2 course on modern world governments. The topics covered in the upcoming lectures include defining democracy, direct democracy, democratic transition, five generalizations about democracy, democratic peace theory, republican forms of government, and the similarities between democracy and capitalism. The reading assignments examine paradoxes of contemporary democracy and reflections on the end of history.
Parsons viewed power as serving collective goals that benefit society as a whole. Power differentials are necessary to organize society and pursue shared values and goals. Critics argue Parsons naively justified existing power structures rather than recognizing power is often used to benefit certain sections of society. Pluralist theories also viewed power as dispersed among competing interest groups and the government as a neutral arbitrator. Later elite pluralism recognized some groups like the working class are under-represented and economic groups have more policy influence, but power is still seen as diffused with no single dominant group. However, critics note pluralism only examines visible decision-making and fails to acknowledge power can also be exercised through agenda-setting and shaping dominant ideologies.
This document discusses democratic theory and citizens' support for democracy despite losing confidence in democratic institutions. It begins by defining democracy and institutions, then discusses how citizens have become more critical of political elites as values have shifted to post-material issues. While citizens are less trusting of institutions like political parties, this critical view reflects greater political sophistication rather than discontent with democracy itself. The essay will examine whether citizens' paradoxical views reveal something fundamental about the nature of democracy.
1) The document discusses key concepts in educational policy including definitions of public policy, ideology, political culture, and political systems. It also examines historical, economic, sociological, philosophical, ethical, moral and legal perspectives on educational policy.
2) Educational policy issues since World War II have centered around equality, social justice, and access to education. Major court cases and legislation have aimed to promote values like desegregation, access for disabled students, and bilingual education.
3) Effective educational leadership and policymaking requires considering attributes like integrity, vision, decision-making skills, and assessing policies through measurement and judgment while avoiding corruption of power. Education involves moral responsibilities.
Comparative Government theory and structurenorth819
The document discusses different approaches to analyzing political systems, including the structural-functional approach. This approach examines how structures within a political system, such as political parties and legislatures, perform functions to develop and implement policy. It also considers broader system functions like socialization, recruitment, and communication that influence whether a system is maintained or changed. The structural-functional framework allows comparisons of how different countries organize to perform similar functions.
Comparative politics faces an uncertain future as it reaches a crossroads. It must decide whether to continue following institutionalism and rational choice approaches or simplify. Alternatively, it could embrace the complex interdependence of today's world and conduct research accordingly. The author argues comparative politics should take the latter approach to remain innovative rather than conform to American trends. It has made gains in methodology but further progress is needed to build on past work cumulatively.
This document is a study analyzing the effects of tied foreign aid on corruption levels in recipient countries. It presents a case study comparing levels of tied aid and corruption in Egypt (receiving aid from the US) and the Philippines (receiving aid from Japan) from 1995 to 2010. The study finds that Egypt, which received a higher percentage of tied aid on average (68%), saw a smaller average improvement in its corruption level (-0.34%) than the Philippines (aid was less tied), which improved more (-6%). However, the reasons for Egypt still experiencing some improvement despite high tying of aid requires more exploration.
Norilyn Nosal Acob is an industrial engineer with over 6 years of experience in manufacturing setup and process improvement. She currently works as a Methods/Lean Engineer at Essilor Manufacturing Philippines Inc., where her responsibilities include setting production capacity and manpower standards, supporting production, and leading continuous improvement projects. Previously she held supervisory roles at other manufacturing companies. She has a Bachelor's degree in Industrial Engineering and has participated in various training programs on topics such as quality auditing, problem solving, leadership, and time management.
This curriculum vitae summarizes the professional experience and qualifications of Dr. Pradeep Kumar Bhatia. It lists his current position as Professor at Guru Jambheshwar University of Science and Technology. It provides details of his educational background and 23 years of teaching experience. It also includes a list of 82 published research papers in software quality and engineering topics, with citations and students supervised.
Workplace meetings are an important communication tool that enable information sharing, problem solving, team building, and project progression. Meetings can be formal or informal with varying numbers of participants, and may include suppliers, customers or business partners. Common types of meetings include project meetings to coordinate multi-department tasks, staff meetings to update employees, sales conferences to motivate sales teams, and emergency meetings to communicate major issues. Meetings strengthen relationships both within and outside an organization.
The document discusses several potential filming locations for a music video:
- A white screen studio for live band performances and rehearsals, with different colored lighting effects.
- A remote garage decorated with fairy lights to film the band's live performance scene.
- A family living room to show one actor joining their family and friends engaging in activities.
- A restaurant/bar to film a meal scene between friends using low lighting to emphasize their closeness.
- Linking the locations together through doorways to create continuity between scenes.
Parker Simpson & Kordi - 2016 - Comparison of Critical Power and wprime deriv...Mehdi Kordi
This document summarizes a research article that compared estimates of critical power (CP) and W' derived from two-trial and three-trial maximal exercise tests. The study found no significant differences in CP or W' estimates from the two methods in trained cyclists. Following two familiarization sessions, both CP and W' estimates were found to be reliable over additional tests using only two maximal trials. The results suggest reliable estimates of CP and W' can be obtained using a practical two-trial method for incorporating power-duration testing into athlete monitoring.
This document discusses two approaches to analyzing sub-national movements: 1) a rational choice perspective focusing on political actors manipulating identity and interests, and 2) a transcultural perspective accounting for cultural flows and hybridization. It uses the Telengana movement in India as a case study, first analyzing it through the rational choice lens, then considering how a transcultural approach could provide additional insights. Key points addressed include how the Telengana movement challenges theories of sub-national movements being resolved once accommodated, implications for understanding cultural nationalism, and policy recommendations for states facing sub-national challenges.
The document discusses key concepts in comparative politics and political science. It defines politics, power, and comparative politics, and discusses political institutions, interests, and culture. It also provides examples of classifying presidential characters and exploring theories of power distribution in societies.
This document provides an overview of a comparative politics course on Hong Kong programs. It includes:
1) Details of the course such as title, dates, instructor contact information, and topics to be covered in the first two lectures.
2) Summaries of the key concepts and approaches that will be discussed, including functionalism, structuralism, and the historical approach taken by the course.
3) An outline of the general theoretical framework that will guide comparisons between countries, focusing on how domestic politics are shaped by global context, interests, identities, and institutions.
Armenian elite representatives attitudes towards democracyHamazasp Danielyan
This document summarizes research on the attitudes of Armenian political elites towards democracy. It discusses theories of elites and their role in democratic transitions. The research utilized in-depth interviews with 50 elite representatives from various political parties in Armenia. Key findings included disagreements among elites over the type of government and electoral system, as well as differences in motivations and values between ruling elites and opposition. The document concludes that Armenia's political elite is becoming more disunited and competitive in a way that poses challenges for democratic consolidation.
The Regional Development of Democratization and Civil Society: Transition, Co...Przegląd Politologiczny
Different starting points, similar processes and different outcomes can be identified when comparing East Central Europe and East and South Asia. The two regions face similar global challenges, follow regional patterns of democratization and face crises. In communist times, East Central Europe was
economically marginalized in the world economy, while some parts of Asia integrated well in the global
economy under authoritarian rule. Europeanization and a favorable external environment encouraged the
former communist countries to opt for the Western-style rule of law and democracy. Different external
factors helped the Third Wave democracies in Asia, especially South Korea and Taiwan, which benefited
from the support of the United States and other global economic, military and cultural partnerships to
develop their human rights culture and democracy while facing their totalitarian counterparts, namely the
People’s Republic of China and North Korea. The very different positions Taiwan and Hungary have in
their respective regions follow from the different capacities of their transformation management since
1988–1989. Taiwan preserved its leading role and stable democracy despite the threat to its sovereignty
from the People’s Republic of China. Hungary never had such an influential and problematic neighbor
and was ensured security and welfare partnership by the European Union, which Taiwan lacked. While
Taiwan was less secure, economic and social conditions were more favorable for democratization than
those in Hungary. Hungary, in turn, held a leading position in democratization processes in the period of
post-communist transition which was lost during the crisis and conflicts of the last decade (after 2006 and
especially since 2010). Despite the fact that liberalization prepared the way for peaceful transition in both
countries and resulted in similar processes of democratic consolidation in the 1990s, Hungary joined the
‘loser’ group in its region, whereas Taiwan is among the top ‘winning’ countries in its region. Taiwan at the
moment is starting comprehensive reform processes toward enhanced democracy, civil rights and the rule
of law, and Hungarian development is criticized by many external and internal analysts as straying from the
path of European-style consolidated democracies towards illiberal trends and hybridization. Western global
concepts of democratization may help to identify similarities and differences, and compare stronger and
weaker factors in the democratic transitions in Asia and Europe within the Third Wave democracies.
This document outlines and defines several major political ideologies of the 20th and 21st centuries including capitalism, communism, and democracy. It provides brief descriptions of each ideology sourced from Wikipedia and other references, often including an image to represent the ideology. The document aims to concisely define major ideologies through short summaries and related images.
This document outlines the key topics and concepts covered in a political science course. It discusses definitions of politics, forms of power, comparisons of power across countries, reasons for war between countries, and theories of political science such as pluralism, elite theory, and Marxism. Examples are provided to illustrate concepts like dimensions of power, forms of government, and presidential character types. Students are instructed to develop questions about different topics using the four W's framework of who, what, when, where.
Political Science 2 – Comparative Politics - Power Point #5John Paul Tabakian
This document summarizes the key topics and readings for Dr. Tabakian's Political Science 2 course on modern world governments. The topics covered in the upcoming lectures include defining democracy, direct democracy, democratic transition, five generalizations about democracy, democratic peace theory, republican forms of government, and the similarities between democracy and capitalism. The reading assignments examine paradoxes of contemporary democracy and reflections on the end of history.
Parsons viewed power as serving collective goals that benefit society as a whole. Power differentials are necessary to organize society and pursue shared values and goals. Critics argue Parsons naively justified existing power structures rather than recognizing power is often used to benefit certain sections of society. Pluralist theories also viewed power as dispersed among competing interest groups and the government as a neutral arbitrator. Later elite pluralism recognized some groups like the working class are under-represented and economic groups have more policy influence, but power is still seen as diffused with no single dominant group. However, critics note pluralism only examines visible decision-making and fails to acknowledge power can also be exercised through agenda-setting and shaping dominant ideologies.
This document discusses democratic theory and citizens' support for democracy despite losing confidence in democratic institutions. It begins by defining democracy and institutions, then discusses how citizens have become more critical of political elites as values have shifted to post-material issues. While citizens are less trusting of institutions like political parties, this critical view reflects greater political sophistication rather than discontent with democracy itself. The essay will examine whether citizens' paradoxical views reveal something fundamental about the nature of democracy.
1) The document discusses key concepts in educational policy including definitions of public policy, ideology, political culture, and political systems. It also examines historical, economic, sociological, philosophical, ethical, moral and legal perspectives on educational policy.
2) Educational policy issues since World War II have centered around equality, social justice, and access to education. Major court cases and legislation have aimed to promote values like desegregation, access for disabled students, and bilingual education.
3) Effective educational leadership and policymaking requires considering attributes like integrity, vision, decision-making skills, and assessing policies through measurement and judgment while avoiding corruption of power. Education involves moral responsibilities.
Comparative Government theory and structurenorth819
The document discusses different approaches to analyzing political systems, including the structural-functional approach. This approach examines how structures within a political system, such as political parties and legislatures, perform functions to develop and implement policy. It also considers broader system functions like socialization, recruitment, and communication that influence whether a system is maintained or changed. The structural-functional framework allows comparisons of how different countries organize to perform similar functions.
Comparative politics faces an uncertain future as it reaches a crossroads. It must decide whether to continue following institutionalism and rational choice approaches or simplify. Alternatively, it could embrace the complex interdependence of today's world and conduct research accordingly. The author argues comparative politics should take the latter approach to remain innovative rather than conform to American trends. It has made gains in methodology but further progress is needed to build on past work cumulatively.
This document is a study analyzing the effects of tied foreign aid on corruption levels in recipient countries. It presents a case study comparing levels of tied aid and corruption in Egypt (receiving aid from the US) and the Philippines (receiving aid from Japan) from 1995 to 2010. The study finds that Egypt, which received a higher percentage of tied aid on average (68%), saw a smaller average improvement in its corruption level (-0.34%) than the Philippines (aid was less tied), which improved more (-6%). However, the reasons for Egypt still experiencing some improvement despite high tying of aid requires more exploration.
Norilyn Nosal Acob is an industrial engineer with over 6 years of experience in manufacturing setup and process improvement. She currently works as a Methods/Lean Engineer at Essilor Manufacturing Philippines Inc., where her responsibilities include setting production capacity and manpower standards, supporting production, and leading continuous improvement projects. Previously she held supervisory roles at other manufacturing companies. She has a Bachelor's degree in Industrial Engineering and has participated in various training programs on topics such as quality auditing, problem solving, leadership, and time management.
This curriculum vitae summarizes the professional experience and qualifications of Dr. Pradeep Kumar Bhatia. It lists his current position as Professor at Guru Jambheshwar University of Science and Technology. It provides details of his educational background and 23 years of teaching experience. It also includes a list of 82 published research papers in software quality and engineering topics, with citations and students supervised.
Workplace meetings are an important communication tool that enable information sharing, problem solving, team building, and project progression. Meetings can be formal or informal with varying numbers of participants, and may include suppliers, customers or business partners. Common types of meetings include project meetings to coordinate multi-department tasks, staff meetings to update employees, sales conferences to motivate sales teams, and emergency meetings to communicate major issues. Meetings strengthen relationships both within and outside an organization.
The document discusses several potential filming locations for a music video:
- A white screen studio for live band performances and rehearsals, with different colored lighting effects.
- A remote garage decorated with fairy lights to film the band's live performance scene.
- A family living room to show one actor joining their family and friends engaging in activities.
- A restaurant/bar to film a meal scene between friends using low lighting to emphasize their closeness.
- Linking the locations together through doorways to create continuity between scenes.
Parker Simpson & Kordi - 2016 - Comparison of Critical Power and wprime deriv...Mehdi Kordi
This document summarizes a research article that compared estimates of critical power (CP) and W' derived from two-trial and three-trial maximal exercise tests. The study found no significant differences in CP or W' estimates from the two methods in trained cyclists. Following two familiarization sessions, both CP and W' estimates were found to be reliable over additional tests using only two maximal trials. The results suggest reliable estimates of CP and W' can be obtained using a practical two-trial method for incorporating power-duration testing into athlete monitoring.
El documento habla sobre la psicología del rapport. Explica que el rapport se refiere a las respuestas mutuas, espontáneas y empáticas entre las personas de un grupo con respecto a las necesidades, sentimientos y actitudes de los demás. También menciona que cuando conoces a alguien que te gusta instantáneamente, estás usando herramientas de rapport a nivel inconsciente y el objetivo es entenderlas conscientemente para mejorar la habilidad de lograr rapport. Finalmente, enumera algunas vías de retroalimentación como la
The document shows examples of cubic numbers from 1 to 10, where each number is the result of multiplying a base number from 1 to 10 by itself three times. It then lists the cubic numbers as 1, 8, 27, 64, 125, 216, 343, 512, 729, and 1000. It notes that these are also called cubic numbers. It then provides some additional math problems and geometry shapes but does not provide enough context to summarize those sections.
Mesurer et auditer la présence d'une marque. Extrait de cours dispensé auprès des étudiants de Master Professionnel Stratégies de Marques et Communication Plurimédia (CELSA)
The document proposes establishing a global "green label" brand called Eco Fish or Green Fish to assure consumers that ornamental fish have been sustainably sourced and handled ethically. Over the past year, discussions among conservation and aquarium groups have supported creating a high-profile certification program. This 3-page proposal provides an overview of initiative developments, an operational plan, and budget to launch the brand and certification process over 3 years with funding support. The goal is to benefit fish species, related industries, and engage consumers in sustainability.
Evgeny Kondrashov is seeking a position as a Consultant for vacuum arc remelting (VAR) processes and titanium alloy manufacturing. He has over 15 years of experience developing and optimizing VAR processes for titanium alloys to minimize defects. This includes simulation and investigation of defects, developing certification programs, and supervising manufacturing methods. He has a PhD in Condensed Matter Physics and has published over 30 papers and book chapters, primarily related to VAR process modeling and defect analysis in titanium alloys.
Whose Right to JerusalemGILLAD ROSEN and ANNE B. SHLAY.docxhelzerpatrina
Whose Right to Jerusalem?
GILLAD ROSEN and ANNE B. SHLAY
Abstract
Jerusalem is a city mired in spatial conflict. Its contested spaces represent deep conflicts
among groups that vary by national identity, religion, religiosity and gender. The
omnipresent nature of these conflicts provides an opportunity to look at Henri Lefebvre’s
concept of the right to the city (RTC). The RTC has been adopted and celebrated as a
political tool for positive change, enabling communities to take control of space. Based
on extensive fieldwork and in-depth interviews, this article explores the complexity of the
RTC principles and examines three urban battlefields in Jerusalem — Bar-Ilan Street,
the Kotel and the Orient House. The RTC is a powerful idea, providing the opportunity
to examine people’s everyday activities within the context of how space can be used to
support their lives. Yet Jerusalem’s myriad divisions produce claims by different groups
to different parts of the city. In Jerusalem, the RTC is not a clear vision but a
kaleidoscope of rights that produces a fragmented landscape within a religious and
ethno-national context governed by the nation state — Israel. The growth of cultural and
ethnic diversity in urban areas may limit the possibility for a unified RTC to emerge in
an urban sea of demands framed by difference. Space-based cultural conflict exemplifies
urban divisions and exacerbates claims to ‘my Jerusalem’, not ‘our Jerusalem’.
Identity-based claims to the RTC appear to work against, not for, a universalistic RTC.
Introduction
The role of community participation is a central focus in urban scholarship (Martin,
2003; Shlay and Whitman, 2006; Ron and Cohen-Blankshtain, 2011). Concerned with
the all-encompassing nature of neoliberal politics, many are now asking how popular
participation and more vocal community activities can be used to mitigate some of the
negative effects of austerity policies and government cutbacks (Brenner and Theodore,
2002; Harvey 2003; Kohl, 2003; Fernandes, 2007). State protection of the free market
has pitted the rights of the many against the rights of the few, as evidenced by the myriad
protests that have taken place across the globe (Mayer, 2006; 2009; Marcuse, 2009,).
Given the backdrop of the rising wave of neoliberalism, it is no wonder that those
concerned with escalating inequality have embraced Henri Lefebvre’s right to the city
(RTC), a relatively new political concept on the urban scene (McCann, 2002; Purcell,
2002; Staeheli and Dowler, 2002; Harvey, 2003; Mitchell, 2003; Marcuse, 2009; Nagle,
2009; Weinstein and Xuefei, 2009; Parnell and Pieterse, 2010; Carpio et al., 2011; Kipfer
et al., 2012).
The RTC is a direct challenge to conventional property rights (Purcell, 2002; 2003;
Mitchell, 2003). It argues for democratizing development decisions, by having citizens
This research was supported by a Temple University Summer Fellowship. We are grateful to the
numerous respondents for their willingness t ...
This document discusses four perspectives on group conflict - primordialism, ethno-symbolism, instrumentalism, and constructivism - and their implications for managing the conflict in Iraq. Primordialism views the conflict as inherent and biological. Ethno-symbolism sees it as cultural and passed down. Instrumentalism argues political elites manipulate groups for power. Constructivism questions the very concepts of identity and views all knowledge as socially constructed. The document also examines approaches like partition, consociationalism, and civil society based on these perspectives and their potential application and issues in resolving the complex conflict in Iraq.
- Equality and DiscriminationCivil LibertiesCivil libertie.docxhoney725342
The document discusses civil liberties and discrimination. It begins by defining civil liberties as freedoms constitutionally protected from government overreach, such as those outlined in historical documents like the Magna Carta and the US Constitution's Bill of Rights. It then discusses the founding of the US and the creation of the Constitution to provide strong central government while protecting individual rights and liberties. The document also defines key terms related to discrimination like race, racism, discrimination, stereotyping, and racial profiling. It notes that discrimination limits opportunities based on differences rather than individual merit. Finally, it discusses how the Constitution aims to balance national security and civil liberties, and that human resource leaders must understand discrimination laws.
Putting Inequality in its Place: Rural Consciousness and the Power of Persp...JJ Widener
This article examines the concept of "rural consciousness" and how it structures how rural residents think about politics in Wisconsin. Through observations of conversations in rural communities, the author finds that rural residents see themselves as facing deprivation relative to urban areas due to decisions made by out-of-touch political elites. This perspective leads rural residents to favor limited government, even if that stance seems at odds with their economic self-interest. The study suggests moving beyond explanations that pit interests against values, and considering how group perspectives shape political understandings.
For students of CAPE pursuing Sociology or Caribbean studies. This would provide relevant information pertinent to their understanding of Caribbean society and Culture.
Democratic Peace or Clash of CivilizationsTarget States and.docxsimonithomas47935
Democratic Peace or Clash of Civilizations?
Target States and Support for War in Britain
and the United States
Robert Johns University of Essex
Graeme A. M. Davies University of Leeds
Research on public support for war shows that citizens are responsive to various aspects of strategic context. Less
attention has been paid to the core characteristics of the target state. In this comparative study we report survey
experiments manipulating two such characteristics, regime type and dominant faith, to test whether the ‘‘democratic
peace’’ and the ‘‘clash of civilizations’’ theses are reflected in U.S. and British public opinion. The basic findings show
small differences across the two cases: both publics were somewhat more inclined to use force against dictatorships than
against democracies and against Islamic than against Christian countries. Respondent religion played no moderating
role in Britain: Christians and nonbelievers were alike readier to attack Islamic states. However, in the United States,
the dominant faith effect was driven entirely by Christians. Together, our results imply that public judgments are
driven as much by images and identities as by strategic calculations of threat.
T
he ‘‘Bush doctrine’’ is one of preemption. If
force is to be used in response not only to actual
but also to potential future threats, the question
arises of how such threats are to be identified. One
answer is that key characteristics of the target state act
as a guide to its likely behavior. In justifications of
action in Afghanistan and Iraq, two such characteristics
were often invoked. One was the undemocratic nature
of the incumbent regimes. Tony Blair expressed his fear
‘‘that we wake up one day and we find that one of these
dictatorial states has used weapons of mass destruc-
tion’’ (BBC 2004). And, as George W. Bush put it: ‘‘we
know that dictators are quick to choose aggression,
while free nations strive to resolve their differences in
peace’’ (CBS News 2004). This encapsulates the ‘‘dem-
ocratic peace’’: that democracies rarely go to war with
one another (Doyle 1983; Russett 1993). The second,
seldom as explicit but often discernible in these leaders’
rhetoric, is that these were Islamic countries. Bush
notoriously referred to the ‘‘war on terror’’ as a
‘‘crusade’’ (White House 2001), and Blair described
the ‘‘mutual enmity toward the West’’ of Islamic
extremists and their host regimes (BBC 2004). This
calls to mind the ‘‘clash of civilizations,’’ a term coined
by Samuel Huntington for whom ‘‘the most pervasive,
important and dangerous conflicts . . . are along the
line separating peoples of Western Christianity, on the
one hand, from Muslim and Orthodox people on the
other’’ (1996, 28). In short, it appears that U.S. and
U.K. elite military decisions are influenced by both the
regime type and the dominant faith in the target state.
This article is about public support for war and
whether it too is influenced by these factors. Are the
democ.
This document summarizes the challenges of implementing a federal system of governance in Somalia. It discusses how the current 4.5 power-sharing model and federal structure were adopted by political elites but have further polarized clans and caused recurring conflicts. It also analyzes different theories of federalism and notes that while federalism aims to prevent disintegration, if the central government is too weak, it can cause the national community to break up. The document examines the factors that contributed to the unification of southern and western Somalia after independence but also the grievances of westerners in the new republic that degenerated into armed conflict.
The Politics of Clan Hegemonic States In Somalia: A Contestation Without Reco...Abdullahi Hersi
This document summarizes a research article about the challenges of implementing a federal system of governance in Somalia. It discusses how clan loyalty has undermined peace and state-building efforts. While federalism was intended to devolve power, in Somalia it has exacerbated competition and conflict among clans and sub-clans. The document reviews different models of federalism and decentralization that have been proposed for Somalia. It also analyzes the problems with the clan-based federal system that has been adopted, including how it risks further dividing Somali society and fueling new conflicts over power and resources.
The politics of clan Hegemonic States in Somalia: Contestation without Reconc...Abdullahi Hersi
This article presents the theoretical framework of the federal system of governance in the modern world. It attempts to provide highlights on the factors that contributed the unification of south and west parts of the country and the grievance of westerners in the new republic that degenerated into full-blown armed conflict. It discusses federal states and clan dominance in Somalia where exclusionary system is being created causing discontent from ‘marginalized’ clans. It also analysis challenges facing all the states in Somalia where different clan compete access to power and resources. This article explains the necessity of social reconciliation model for management of protracted conflict. It argues that the conflict in Somalia requires a new social reconciliation model that is aimed at restoring the broken relationship among different clans while reaching consensus on the future governance of the country. Using values of Somali customary laws, it propose Jilib-Aro restorative model for intractable clan conflict in Somalia.
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Science is a double blind peer reviewed International Journal edited by International Organization of Scientific Research (IOSR).The Journal provides a common forum where all aspects of humanities and social sciences are presented. IOSR-JHSS publishes original papers, review papers, conceptual framework, analytical and simulation models, case studies, empirical research, technical notes etc.
A systematic study of comparative government the world over points out that, there are, undeniably, four basic elements of the State, namely; population; territory; government and sovereignty which constitute the subject of this article.
Whether you are using the works of Lenski, Svalastoga, Sorokin, .docxhelzerpatrina
Whether you are using the works of Lenski, Svalastoga, Sorokin, or the data using Brazil as an example, please use the passage to support your own interpretation of how social stratification manifests itself in American society, and how it may work to the benefit or detriment of society as a whole.
Societal Stratification
ARCHIBALD O. HALLER
Encyclopedia of Sociology. Vol. 4. 2nd ed. New York, NY: Macmillan Reference USA, 2001. p2864-2874.
Copyright: COPYRIGHT 2001 Macmillan Reference USA, COPYRIGHT 2006 Gale, COPYRIGHT 2007 Gale, Cengage Learning
Listen
Page 2864
SOCIETAL STRATIFICATION
Societal stratification phenomena are the relatively enduring, hierarchically ordered relationships of power among the units of which society is composed. The smallest units are adults, gainfully employed men and/or women, nuclear families, or sometimes extended families or households. Such units are ordered from highest to lowest in terms of power: political power, acquisitional power, the power of prestige, and the power of informational standing. Everybody experiences stratification every day, although a person often notices it only in the sense that some people seem better or worse off than he or she is. Social thinkers, powerful people, and revolutionaries have always been especially concerned with stratification.
Page 2865 | Top of Article
Secure knowledge of the varying forms stratification structures may take is important because of the effects those structures have on many aspects of human experience, such as people's dreams of a better life, efforts to improve their situations, strivings for success, fear of failure, sympathy for the less fortunate, envy of others' good fortune, and even feelings about revolution.
A complete understanding of stratification requires several kinds of knowledge: first, what stratification structures consist of and how they vary; second, the individual and collective consequences of the different states of those structures; and third, the factors that make stratification structures change. This article reviews current thinking on the first of these elements.
HISTORY: CLASSICAL THEORY
Two different lines of thought inform modern theory on societal stratification. One is classical theory; concerned with political power and privilege, it employs historical evidence. The other is the empirical tradition, which deals with systematic data on stratification as it exists contemporarily. Present-day theory of the behavior of stratification phenomena can be traced to Karl Marx's challenge to the manufacturing and financial elites of his day. Behind his concerns and those of the working class for which he was Europe's chief spokesman for many years lay the great economic and political upheavals of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The American and French revolutions and their aftermath culminated in legislation that made adults in many countries equal before the law. The related wave of emancipation of slaves and serf ...
Religion versus Ethnicity as a Source of Mobilisation: Are There Differences?African Affairs
This document provides an overview of the debate around whether religious or ethnic identities are more potent sources of mobilization for violent conflict. It discusses similarities and differences between mobilization along religious versus ethnic lines. Some key points made include:
- Both religious and ethnic identities are used instrumentally by leaders to mobilize people, but are also "essentialized" and genuinely believed in by followers.
- For mobilization to occur, leaders must cultivate in-group identity and an "other" out-group to induce violence.
- Religious organization and external support networks may be stronger than ethnic ones, but there is no evidence religious conflicts are inherently more deadly.
- In conflicts with overlapping religious and
This document discusses the nature and causes of international conflict. It provides several key points:
1. International conflict arises from incompatibilities between nations' goals and the absence of a global authority in international relations. Mainstream IR theories view conflict as normal in international life.
2. Theories argue that differences between nations, such as ideological differences during the Cold War or civilizational differences post-Cold War, can lead to conflict. Ethnic conflict, driven by differences in ethnic identity, is a major source of wars today.
3. Nationalism, the prioritization of one's national interests, has been a powerful force shaping conflicts over territories and states' borders. The principle of self-determination
Soveriegnty and Aboriginal Self-DeterminationJames Umpherson
This document provides an overview of the concepts of Northern sovereignty, Aboriginal self-determination, and internal colonialism. It examines self-government agreements, using the Tłįchǫ Agreement in the Northwest Territories as a case study. The document defines colonialism and internal colonialism, outlining the domination of one group over another through political, economic, social and cultural means. It explores how self-government agreements can help indigenous groups gain more autonomy and independence from colonial frameworks.
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selec.docxdeanmtaylor1545
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selected unit in their reflections. For example, if students choose to do a reflection based on Unit 2, the paper must draw on the Dicken (2011) reading and the Knox et al. (2015) reading.
Although students are expected to demonstrate a clear understanding of the readings, reflection papers are not intended to simply summarize the readings. Rather, students should outline the main points of the readings and use this as the basis for a critical reflection.
Critical reflections should demonstrate depth in thinking about the material they are learning, and evaluate critically how theories and practices of geography can influence their own lived experiences and observations about the world.
Students are encouraged to draw on other sources in addition to course materials, including the weekly discussion postings from previous Units if applicable.
All sources, including the course readings, lecture notes, and discussion postings must be properly cited using APA.
Reflection papers are to be written according to academic scholarship standards (1,000 +/- 100 words excluding title page and references).
Unit reference notes below
https://issuu.com/wiley_publishing/docs/fouberg_hg11e_c05identityraceethnic
Pg 117-142
Unit 5 Notes: Geographies of Culture and Identity
The reading this week comes from chapter 5 in the textbook, Human geography: People, place, and culture, by Fouberg, Murphy, and De Blij (2015). This chapter begins by examining the intersections of culture and identity, and in particular the gendered division of labour in different societies. Gender is an important identity category that human geographers seek to understand, especially how it relates to power and intersections with other identity categories, such as ethnicity, race, class, and sex. Human geographers are especially concerned with investigating how identity categories are propped up by unquestioned assumptions and stereotypes. Different societies often impose well-defined identity categories that conceptualize people not as individuals, but as members of a category assumed to behave and act in certain ways.
Geographers understand identity in two ways: as a way that individuals define themselves, and as a way individuals are defined by others. Both often rely on processes of inclusion and exclusion, where identity relies on what political and gender theorist Judith Butler (1993) refers to as a 'constitutive outside': defining a particular subject according to what it is not, or according to what it excludes. Place and connections to place can also deeply influence the construction of identity, most obviously at the national scale (think of images often associated with being “Canadian”), but also at more local scales. Race continues to define an identity category, even though a scientific consensus has emerged that physical differences in human appearances do not constitute significant differences in the hu.
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selec.docxorlandov3
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selected unit in their reflections. For example, if students choose to do a reflection based on Unit 2, the paper must draw on the Dicken (2011) reading and the Knox et al. (2015) reading.
Although students are expected to demonstrate a clear understanding of the readings, reflection papers are not intended to simply summarize the readings. Rather, students should outline the main points of the readings and use this as the basis for a critical reflection.
Critical reflections should demonstrate depth in thinking about the material they are learning, and evaluate critically how theories and practices of geography can influence their own lived experiences and observations about the world.
Students are encouraged to draw on other sources in addition to course materials, including the weekly discussion postings from previous Units if applicable.
All sources, including the course readings, lecture notes, and discussion postings must be properly cited using APA.
Reflection papers are to be written according to academic scholarship standards (1,000 +/- 100 words excluding title page and references).
Unit reference notes below
https://issuu.com/wiley_publishing/docs/fouberg_hg11e_c05identityraceethnic
Pg 117-142
Unit 5 Notes: Geographies of Culture and Identity
The reading this week comes from chapter 5 in the textbook, Human geography: People, place, and culture, by Fouberg, Murphy, and De Blij (2015). This chapter begins by examining the intersections of culture and identity, and in particular the gendered division of labour in different societies. Gender is an important identity category that human geographers seek to understand, especially how it relates to power and intersections with other identity categories, such as ethnicity, race, class, and sex. Human geographers are especially concerned with investigating how identity categories are propped up by unquestioned assumptions and stereotypes. Different societies often impose well-defined identity categories that conceptualize people not as individuals, but as members of a category assumed to behave and act in certain ways.
Geographers understand identity in two ways: as a way that individuals define themselves, and as a way individuals are defined by others. Both often rely on processes of inclusion and exclusion, where identity relies on what political and gender theorist Judith Butler (1993) refers to as a 'constitutive outside': defining a particular subject according to what it is not, or according to what it excludes. Place and connections to place can also deeply influence the construction of identity, most obviously at the national scale (think of images often associated with being “Canadian”), but also at more local scales. Race continues to define an identity category, even though a scientific consensus has emerged that physical differences in human appearances do not constitute significant differences in the hu.
Students must draw on all of the readings for the particular selec.docx
The Soviet Federalist Bargain
1. Gross 1
1917: The Soviet Federalist Bargain
Elizabeth Gross
POLS 482: Independent Study
Professor Laible
21 March 2016
2. Gross 2
Introduction
Social instability has a long record in ethnically fraught Eastern Europe. Deep Soviet
history recalls the tumultuous years of the 1920s when korenizatsiia (“indigenization”) allowed
formal support for the right of national self-determination, actually encouraging subnational
ethnic identities with the hope of addressing historic minority oppression (Connor 1984, 34).
Many scholars point to this overall federal structure as contributing to the ethnic mobilization
seen today – the policy of federalismthat started in 1917 with the establishment of the Soviet
Union (Bunce and Watts 2005; Cornell 2002). However, others emphasize the long historical
nature of nationalism even before the Soviet Union, and that federal design is largely a result of
preexisting nationalism (Grigoryan 2016; Martin 2001). Is there any possibility of reconciling
these two disparate views? More generally, scholars of federalismunderscore the need for
institutions to adapt if they were initially poorly conceived or simply became unsuitable over
time (Bednar 2009, 3). Bearing this in mind, is there a more constructive approach to
institutional change that diminishes the effects of nationalism? Understanding these
perspectives is important to trace the causes of a divisive institutional arrangement, and
ultimately to attain a clearer picture of viable options.
This research reframes the debate in terms of a bargaining framework. How does
instituting a federalizing process contribute to competitive ethnic behavior? What sort of
perverse incentives are present when a federation is being formed? This study focuses on
federalization’s effect of creating new ethnic minorities and majorities, who then compete for
their own respective language rights, territory, and administrative and workplace
representation (Martin 2001). This competition, in turn, contributed to the characteristic
3. Gross 3
ethnic nationalist tensions. To demonstrate this theory, I pursue a small-n case study approach,
focusing on Tatarstan, Kazakhstan, and Belorussia from 1917-1930.
Literature Review
This section addresses the central debates concerning how federalism may or may not
promote nationalist tendencies. While proponents of federalism’s effect on nationalism
emphasize the mobilizational and identity-preserving function of a federal arrangement, critics
point to inconsistencies in federalism’s record and nationalism’s preexisting role in determining
a federal institutional arrangement. I then move to reconcile these opposing views, refocusing
the debate to determine what causes instability in federal bargains.
Ethnofederalism is a specific type of federalism that is defined as a federal political
system in which component territorial governance units are linked with ethnic content (Roeder
1991). In cases of ethnoterritoriality, territorial control is linked to ethnicity (Cornell 2002), but
jurisdiction of the governing body is primarily based on territory, as territory is only a proxy for
ethnicity (Rothchild and Roeder 2005). An alternative to this arrangement is ethnocorporatism,
in which jurisdiction of a regional governing body is solely limited to an assigned ethnic group,
and not necessarily every resident within the territory (Rothchild and Roeder 2005). A federal
system is generally characterized by a division of authority between central and regional
government, where the regional government possesses a high degree of decision-making
autonomy (Hale 2008, 294).
Nationalism is categorized into three types: “nationalizing” nationalism, homeland
nationalism, and minority nationalism (Brubaker 1996). “Nationalizing” nationalismis the type
outlined best in Anderson’s Imagined Communities (2006), where nation-building requires “a
4. Gross 4
systematic, even Machiavellian, instilling of nationalist ideology through the mass media, the
educational system, administrative regulations” (Anderson 2006, 163). This situation calls for
the recognition of a “core nation,” an acceptance that the core nation “owns” the polity, and
language and cultural promotion (Brubaker 1996, 83). Homeland nationalism assert states’
right to monitor the welfare and promote the rights and interests of “their” ethnic nationals in
other states, insisting that this right transcends state boundaries. Finally, minority nationalism
typically invokes state recognition or the assertion of collective cultural and political rights
based on their distinct ethnonational identity (Brubaker 1996, 5-6).
As for theorizing federalism’s nationalist effect, many scholars argue that the
autonomous institutions of a federal arrangement allows for mobilization and legitimizes
minorities’ grievances. Specifically, this federalized system grants minorities the institutional
resources and leadership necessary for later independence movements. These independence
movements are, in turn, encouraged by minority group isolation and intergroup distrust
characteristic of federal arrangements (Bunce and Watts 2005, 254). Moreover, the official
powers granted to minorities imbues their grievances with a degree of legitimacy – official
governments and parliaments give minorities a legitimate platform from which to challenge
state authorities for more decision rights (Cornell 2002; Roeder 2007, 63). Additionally, while
the platform of ethnic leadership provides something around which nationalists can unite, it
also is self-reinforcing, as leaders have a vested interest in maintaining nationalist sentiment to
augment their region’s own level of autonomy (Cornell 2002).
Another approach emphasizes the role of federalism in shaping ethnic identity. Suny
illustrates that, “rather than a melting pot, the Soviet Union became the incubator of new
5. Gross 5
nations” (Suny 1993). Scholars argue that federalismestablishes a distinction between
nationality and statehood or citizenship, and raises popular awareness of ethnic distinctions
(Brubaker 1996; Hale 2008). Issues such as administrative control of territory and land
ownership become intertwined with ethnic identity and sow division amongst ethnic groups
(Martin 2001, 42; Roeder 2007, 63). Some even argue that, in the case of the Soviet Union, had
oblasts been based on economic efficiency rather than nationality, nationalist challenges would
have been prevented (Roeder 2007). Autonomous institutions are argued to preserve identity
through specific mechanisms such as administrative appointments and economic opportunities
(Rothchild and Roeder 2005) and through their authority over education, cultural policies, and
local language media (Cornell 2002).
However, critics of the former theory emphasize federalism’s inconsistent record and
nationalism’s existence preceding Soviet federalism. Grigoryan makes a point of many Soviet
republics that seceded rather successfully, such as Russia itself. Other non-Soviet federal
successes include India, Canada, Belgium, and Switzerland (Grigoryan 2016, 530-531).
Furthermore, some call attention to the reactionary approach to federalism in managing Soviet
republics’ nationalist tendencies. They argue surrendering a degree of sovereignty is not done
willingly, and that for a Marxist and therefore anti-nationalist government, federalism would
not have been their first preference; in this way, the causal arrow is claimed to be flipped
(Grigoryan 2016; Martin 2001). Grigoryan (2016) specifically makes the point that nationalism
had been a problem for the Russian empire for several decades before the creation of the
Soviet Union, and therefore is not a direct product of federalism. Moreover, resentment of
Russian cultural superiority was commonplace in many of the republics, and the policy of
6. Gross 6
federalismwas viewed appealingly as a form of decolonization (Martin 2001). In this way, the
choice of federalismwas made as a compromise to placate preexisting nationalist sympathies
(Grigoryan 2016, 524-525). From the Soviet perspective, the policy of federalism was a
“necessary evil” even if it wasn’t desirable (Slezkine 1993, 421).
I would argue that both theories have their merits, and that they don’t have to be
mutually exclusive. While nationalismdid predate Soviet federalism, that does not preclude
the nationalist-enforcing effect of a federalist arrangement. However, critics do have
something to offer – if a federal arrangement was chosen because of preexisting nationalism,
then that preexisting nationalismis the initial determinant of later events. In this way,
nationalism is the institutional environment Soviet bureaucrats had to contend with, shaping
what choices were available to them. State formation, then, was less about asymmetrical
dictates from above, and more of a bargaining framework, a give-and-take between Soviet
bureaucrats and ethnic minorities. Hale has started work on examining these bargaining
interactions, demonstrating how credibility of Soviet commitment to minority protection
affects the degree of separatism(Hale 2008). In addition, Rothchild and Roeder (2005) have
described how some features of federalism, such as mutual vetoes, can be used to begin a
game of brinkmanship, threatening a deadlock until one side grants concessions (Rothchild and
Roeder 2005, 37). However, this area of research is greatly understudied in political science.
Grigoryan (2016) states as much, saying students of federalism have been focusing on the
wrong question – “whether ethnofederalism ameliorates of exacerbates separatism and
conflict” – as if federalismis exogenous to separatismand conflict. Instead, Grigoryan
7. Gross 7
proposes, scholars should focus on “what makes ethnofederal bargains stable or unstable”
(533).
If the question is refocused on the problem of stability, federalist literature has much to
offer in understanding what can induce change. Some scholars maintain that federal conflicts
are merely “surface manifestations” of deeper conflicts due to societal differences, and that
change is the result of slow shifts between cultural, lingual, religious, and economic cleavages
(Livingston 1956; Erk 2008). Others point to how formal institutions and informal routines in
federal systems are targeted for deliberate change, as the constitutional setup, separation of
powers, level of centralization, the presence and degree of symmetry in intergovernmental
relations all affect the nature of federal change (Benz and Broschek 2013). Another approach
focuses on the changing norms or ideas that actors use to interpret the social and political
environment (Beland and Lecours 2011), which can vary in the moral foundation of the state
constitution, an individualistic or communitarian political discourse, or the degree of self-
identification as a mono- or multiethnic community. A final approach focuses on the
arrangement of political actors, such as the varying strength and institutional resources of
territorial governments and political parties, which results in varied interactions (Scharpf 1997).
In this case, bureaucratic capacities, the scope of exclusive jurisdictions, and internal executive-
legislative relations can cause interactions to vary between unilateralism, coordination,
cooperation, or highly interdependent forms of decision-making (Bolleyer 2009). The degree of
vertical integration between federal and state levels of a political party can also impact how
federal change occurs (Hepburn 2009; Swenden and Maddens 2009; Jeffery and Wincott 2010).
8. Gross 8
Without denying the merits of any of the preceding arguments, historian Terry Martin
contributes the theory that ethnic groups mobilized to avoid becoming a minority as territory
boundaries were being drawn and adjusted (Martin 2001, 56). In this way, federalization’s
problematic creation of new minorities and majorities contributed to Soviet nationalism in the
1920s and 1930s.
H1: The process of federalization creates new ethnic minorities and majorities, who
compete for and bargain with the central government fortheir own respective
language rights, territory, and administrative and workplace representation. This
competition tied to ethnic identity reinforced nationalism.
It is worth noting that the central government was only willing to cater to national identity
because it was the only choice to maintain the integrity of the state. As indicated by Grigoryan
(2016) and Martin (2001) ethnic identity was already a strong force to contend with upon
Soviet establishment. Moreover, even the central government competes with its national
republics for sovereign control of their republics (Martin 2001).
Methods
This research will be conducted through a small-n case study approach. This will be
both cost-effective and convenient, as it would be extremely difficult to retroactively reach and
interview people from this time period, and impossible to observe first-hand. Moreover, most
previous research addresses questions of nationalismfrom this methodological approach.
Grigoryan (2016) draws from the examples of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia to prove the
long-standing history of ethnic nationalism within each countries’ borders. Hale uses a single
in-depth case study of the Ukrainian republic to demonstrate how a varying levels of
9. Gross 9
demonstrated credible commitment to minority protection affects Ukrainian nationalist
movements (2008). Cornell (2002) analyzes various ethnic conflicts in the Caucasus to
demonstrate the role of autonomy in ethnic mobilization.
Tatarstan, Kazakhstan, and Belorussia were chosen as case studies for this paper.
Tatarstan and Kazakhstan, while drastically different territorial sizes, are both autonomous
republics and archetypal eastern “backwards” ethnic communities (Soviet terminology),
embodying the issues of border establishment and preferential hiring policies in the 1920s
(Martin 2001). On the other hand, Belorussia is a more legally distinct union republic, and one
of the key western ethnic communities demonstrating the language disputes of the 1920s
(Martin 2001).
The time period will be limited to the years 1917-1930, which is the period in which the
Soviet Union established itself as a federal state and struggled with questions of minority
inclusion (Martin 2001). This is an important time period to study, as path-dependence
indicates these institutions will not change as dramatically as time progresses (Pierson 2000);
what characterizes the beginning of a state can have a great deal of implications for its end.
However, in order to uncover direct causation, this study will not cover the entire history of the
Soviet Union – such an endeavor is far too large and unwieldy to find specific and meaningful
conclusions.
Federalist bargaining will be measured and defined as agreements between ethnic
groups and the central government, and bargaining stability will depend on the level of
nationalist protest and violence. Therefore, the case studies will trace for issues of political
competition between ethnic minorities and ethnic majorities resulting in nationalist protest and
10. Gross 10
violence. Issues of competition will include, but are not limited to, language rights, territorial
holdings, and administrative and workplace representation.
Findings
Tatarstan
Tatarstan proved to have a considerable nationalist upsurge as a result of federalist
bargaining. Initially asymmetrical bargaining interactions by the central government gave way
to more conciliatory policies, but implementation remained inequitable in the eyes of some,
which resulted in more ethnic divisions and hostility.
However, these divisions were not because of a strong national identity before this
period; years preceding the Soviet Union, Turks were much more aware of shared religious
faith than any common ethnic origin. This manifested itself in 1905 and 1906, when the leading
representatives of the Moslem intelligentsia met in three successive congresses to declare the
unity of all Russian Moslems and establish a Moslem Union. In the Third Congress in August
1906, they adopted resolutions advocating regional autonomy in Russia, but did not specify
whether it was based upon national principle (Pipes 1997, 14). It wasn’t until May 1917 that
separation based upon nationality was introduced, when Muslims in the Russian Duma decided
to convene an All-Russian MoslemCongress in Moscow. There, a leader of the Azerbaijani
delegation, Mehmed Emin Rsul-zade, as well as the Bashkirs and Crimean Tatars, successfully
voted in favor of a federalist proposal of territorial self-rule for each nationality. However in an
instance of intergroup bargaining conflict, the Volga Tatars desired a more centralized
administration, as they lacked a separate territory, and were scattered among Russians and
Bashkirs (Pipes 1997, 77). Pipes notes that the All-Russian Moslemmovement was generally
11. Gross 11
weak, as their populations resided in scattered regions separated from one another (Pipes
1997, 79).
As weak as the indigenous movement may have been, the Soviet government was
keenly aware of its lack of influence in the Moslem borderlands, and in November 1917 Stalin
attempted to win favors with the All-Russian Moslemmovement by reaching out to the
chairman of the Executive Council, Akhmed Tsalikov. Couched in Communist rhetoric and
offering him an advantageous position in the Soviet government, Stalin advocated a
“straightforward and loyal relationship, so that their united efforts on behalf of the Moslem
toiling masses may proceed at full speed.” The bargain initially failed when Tsalikov refused the
offer, strongly attacking the Soviet government for their treatment of the minorities. Stalin
ultimately found a willing Volga Tatar in Mulla Nur Vakhitov, to hold the chairmanship of
Stalin’s Commissariat of Moslem Affairs (Pipes 1997, 156-158). This Commissariat was
responsible to Stalin and, according to Pipes, “established to organize party cells, spread
Communist propaganda, and help the Soviet regime destroy independent parties and
organizations among Russian Moslems” (Pipes 1997, 158).
The National Assembly of the Islamic community, the Medzhilis, was meanwhile trying
to decide the appropriate type of autonomy for the Tatars. Ethnic bargaining was divided,
however, as a territorialist faction wanted an autonomous Volga-Ural state, while another, the
Turki faction wanted a system that would unite all the Turks of Russia. Eventually, an
appointed committee chose a Volga-Ural autonomous state in February 1918. However, this
proved to be an occasion where federalist bargaining failed and the Soviet government applied
coercion – Soviet authorities overturned the appointed committee’s decision by demanding all
12. Gross 12
Moslem organizations, (i.e. the Medzhilis), subordinate themselves to the Soviet Moslem
Commissariat. Having refused, the central government was unwilling to negotiate, arrested key
leaders, and suppressed the All-Russian Moslemmovement – all functions and properties
reserved by the Medzhilis were transferred to the Moslem Commissariat (Pipes 1997, 158-159).
In May 1918, Vakhitov convened a conference of Communists and sympathizers from
the Kazan area, to discuss the founding of a Tatar-Bashkir state. However, in the summer of
1918, a Czech rebellion resulted in the evacuation of the Kazan province, and Vakhitov was
executed in the process. Therefore, in November 1918 the Central Committee of the Russian
Communist Party convened a congress of Moslem Communists, and decided to dissolve the
Russian Party of Moslem Communists, subordinating it to the Russian Central Committee.
Moreover, the loss of Vakhitov’s leadership resulted in the Soviet government abandoning a
unified Tatar-Bashkir state, instead choosing to divide it into separate autonomous republics
based upon nationality (Pipes 1997, 159-161). This decision itself was due to the Bashkirs
collaborating with the Whites, but then experiencing growing dissatisfaction with the Whites’
unwillingness to commit to autonomy and grant their land demands. The Bashkirs therefore
recommitted to the Soviets, on the condition that they were willing to grant such concessions
(Pipes 1997, 161-162). Ironically, the Tatar Communists waited until the end of the Bashkir Civil
War in hopes of then establishing a single Tatar-Bashkir republic, but instead attained only a
separate Volga Tatar republic due to Moscow’s insistence on maintaining the preexisting
Bashkir Republic (Pipes 1997, 168).
In 1921, Tatarstan established a special government commission for the Soviet policy of
korenizatsiia (“indigenization”), which involved making the Soviet government better reflect
13. Gross 13
their indigenous populations. To Lenin, this policy represented an overt carrot in a bargain to
compensate for historic minority oppression, in the hopes of gradually transitioning to
communist internationalism in the long term (Connor 1984, 34). However, maintaining a
narrow Tatar plurality in their own republic, as well as struggling against a deeply entrenched
Russian bureaucracy, Martin describes “perpetual political conflict along ethnic lines,” in which
the republic cycled through six Communist Party secretaries in the first five years of the policy
(Martin 2001, 58). In light of these divisions, linguistic korenizatsiia was only made possible in
1924 with raionirovanie, or further territorial divisions along ethnic lines at the subrepublican
level. This was done to promote unilingual local governments, for the realization of the Tatar
language (Chanyshev 1924, 141).1
Korenizatsiia also had implications for hiring and firing – in April 1924 the Central
Committee established a decree giving preference to persons knowing the local languages in
government hiring (Martin 2001, 135). However, some perceived implementation as
inequitable, exacerbating the competition for jobs. In particular, an OGPU report (the early
Secret Police) revealed that minority Russians were upset with the agreed policy of Tatarization
because the head of the Tatar department of the State Bank refused their applications,
answering that “we need Tatars first of all and can do without Russians” (Martin 2001, 137). On
the other hand, there were also concerns with the manner in which bureaucratic korenizatsiia
was carried out, as a “hole in the middle” resulted in indigenous populations being recruited
into leadership or menial positions, leaving the technical positions – requiring the most
1 “…в целях создания единообразных волостей в отношении языка населения для удобства проведения в
жизнь реализации татарского языка” (Chanyshev 1924, 141).
14. Gross 14
extensive education – mostly to Russians. This was a problem because technical positions were
the very jobs that entailed the most contact with native populations, and which proponents of
korenizatsiia would have targeted for indigenization to portray the government as native-run
(Martin 2001, 140). In fact, Tatar officials claimed that institutions were fulfilling their quotas
by hiring “cleaning women, doormen, guards and coachmen [kuchery], which led to the popular
anecdote in Tatarstan that the government “was not carrying out korenizatsiia but
kucherizatsiia” (Martin 2001, 141). Finally, there were also concerns that titular national
exploited korenizatsiia strategically rather than embracing it with gratitude – one Tatar, when
Russians threatened not to elect him, said “elect [me] or else you are a great power chauvinist”
(Martin 2001, 143).
Overall, nationalist outbreak was the language of protest against a perceived
inequitable federal bargain. For instance, Chuvash ethnic groups mobilized to avoid becoming
national minorities, and the Tatar republic granted two Chuvash national districts later in 1924
to address their grievances. However, these districts then petitioned to separate and join the
Samara government “due to bad service from the Tatar republic” (Martin 2001, 59). The
strategy worked in attaining greater concessions, as in 1926 and 1930, Tatarstan passed
extremely generous national minority legislation to appease the Chuvash. Nationalist
sentiment also arose when Tatar Communists passed legislation giving Tatar peasants
preferential access to desirable agricultural land, and started to tax Russian villages more highly
on ethnic grounds. Attempts to remove Russians peasants from their land went almost “so far
as to provoke an uprising (Martin 2001, 59). In the summer of 1925, Russian petitions to
separate from the Tatar republic – even in non-border villages – “took on a mass character,”
15. Gross 15
usually due to sense of second-class status (Martin 2001, 59). Faced with these aggressive
protests, the Tatar government conceded and abolished their preferential policies for Tatar
peasants.
Kazakhstan
Kazakhstan holds the mantle for the republic with the largest nationalistic outbreak due
to anti-colonialist sentiment. Asymmetrical power dynamics in establishing the Kazakh republic
led to some initial conflicts over land and food distribution, which then gave way to conciliatory
land reform and hiring policies. However, as with Tatarstan, these reforms were far from being
equitable, and pitted various ethnic groups against each other.
Anticolonialism had its roots in a large influx of Russians beginning with the liberation of
serfs in Russia in 1861, which was only aggravated when the government itself undertook a
significant colonizing effort in the so-called Stolypin reforms from 1907 to 1911. Sharing
similarities to Tatars in their adherence to the Muslim faith, Kazakhs were traditionally nomadic
herders, relying on large expanses of land to sustain their livestock. Therefore, while the
colonization of the eastern steppe regions was meant to relieve pressure on overcrowded
Russian villages, it also had the consequence of expelling Kazakh-Kirghiz from the best grazing
lands. This resulted in attacks on Russian and Cossack settlements and indiscriminate murder
of officials in the 1916 Kazakh-Kirghiz revolt (Pipes 1997, 83).
In April 1917 native political figures such as Alikhan Bukeikhanov and Akhmed
Baitsursunov convened an All-Kazakh Congress in Orenburg, urging the return of all lands
confiscated by the previous regime, and the expulsion of all the new (post 1905) settlers from
the Kazakh-Kirghiz territories. In July 1917 another Kazakh-Kirghiz Congress met in Orenburg,
16. Gross 16
where the idea of territorial autonomy was first discussed and a national Kazakh-Kirghiz
political party was formed, named the Alash-Orda. Alash-Orda sought the unification of the
three Kazakh-Kirghiz hordes into one autonomous “Kirghiz” state, the separation of state and
religion, and special privileges for the Kazakh-Kirghiz in the distribution of land (Pipes 1997, 83-
85).
Toward the end of 1917, the Cossacks allied with the natives, and the Kazakh-Kirghiz
held a congress in which their autonomy was proclaimed. However, the Bolsheviks gained
strength at the end of 1918, and through communist appeal won the support of military
garrisons, railroad workers, and colonists. Being nomadic, the Kazakh-Kirghiz did not fit neatly
into the Bolshevist rule of workers, soldiers, and peasants, so they would not rule, but be ruled
(Pipes 1997, 86). Nonetheless, the Soviet government still hoped its prestige and personnel
could secure the support of the Alash-Orda, and called upon the Kazakh-Kirghiz fighting for the
White cause to side with the Communists, bargaining with the promise of full amnesty and
complete forgiveness of past activities. They reaffirmed this promise by offering safe-conduct
to the Kazakh-Kirghiz (including those connected with Alash-Orda,) who desired to attend the
Soviet-sponsored Kirghiz Congress in Orenburg (Pipes 1997, 172).
As a temporary measure, the All-Russian Council of People’s Commissars appointed on
July 10, 1919 a Kirghiz Revolutionary Committee (“Kirrevkom,”) to rule over the provinces of
Uralsk, Turgai, Akmolinsk, Semipalatinsk, and part of the Astrakhan province. In addition, the
Council ordered all lands owned by Russian on Kazakh-Kirghiz territories be retained by their
present owners, and that all Kirghiz be subject to military duty (Pipes 1997, 172). Pipes notes
that from the beginning of Soviet occupation in 1919, Kirrevkom rested firmly in the hands of
17. Gross 17
officials selected by Moscow, among trust Communists and not local nationalists, leaving
Kazakh-Kirghiz nationalists powerless to oppose Kirrevkom policies despite their “autonomy”
(Pipes 1997, 173). Therefore, in January 1920 the Soviet central government convened a
Kirghiz conference, at which a new Kirrevkom was elected to admit members of the Alash-Orda,
and to establish an autonomous Kirghiz state. However, this bargaining carrot failed when
Russian provincial institutions in the urban centers of Orenburg and Semipalatinsk opposed
these measures, with Russians refusing to accept the autonomous republic’s authority (Pipes
1997, 173).
By the spring of 1920, there were frequent quarrels over political and economic issues
connected with food distribution and preparations for the upcoming Congress of Soviets of
Kirghiziia. Native nationalists appealed by telegram to Lenin, urging him to establish genuine
autonomy for the natives by restraining “local, provincial, and regional imperialists,” to end the
theft of native properties, and to equalize the distribution of food. However, the first Kirghiz
Congress of Soviets retained the status quo, stopping further colonization of the steppe, but
allowing the Russian colonists already settled there to keep their lands (Pipes 1997, 173-174). A
subsequent famine in 1921 and 1922 likely prevented any considerable native popular
resistance to the Soviet regime during the early 1920s.
Meanwhile, in September 1920 in neighboring Turkestan – parts of which would later
become Kazakhstan – the ninth Turkestan Congress of Soviets passed a decree for the removal
of illegal settlers, the equalization of native and European land holdings, and the prohibition of
future settlement from outside Turkestan (Martin 2001, 60). As Lenin’s bargaining attempt at
disproving Soviet reputation for imperialism and gaining native support, the land reform took
18. Gross 18
place from January 1921 to December 1922 and resulted in the mass expulsion of Russian
settlers and Cossacks (Kozlov 2012).2 Martin estimates a drop in Kazakhstan’s Russian
population from 2.7 to 2.2 million, but the Soviet center quickly realized that the process “took
place with excessive cruelty, and took on a character of revenge” (Martin 2001, 60). According
to one report, “the entire settlement of [Iurev], with 500 to 600 households, was driven out
into the frost” in a single day (Martin 2001, 60). Genis accounts for the reckless and foolish
offences against Russian peasants describing nightmarish demonstrative beatings of Russians in
the presence of Kirghiz (Genis 1998, 45, 48).3 The Soviet government viewed this as an
exceptional one-time measure and condemned the manner in which it was carried out. Having
failed to uphold humane treatment for all parties in their enactment of the bargain, Moscow
ended all expulsions in August 1922 and insisted on equal rights for all remaining Slavic settlers
(Martin 2001, 61).
However, from 1924-1927 the Kazakh government failed to equitably implement
Moscow’s commands, and encouraged a variety of illegal measures against Russian settlers by
refusing to punish native violators for their crimes, such as punitive taxation, false arrest, cattle
theft, armed seizures of land, the trampling of crops, and armed attacks with the intent to drive
Russians from their homes. As the OGPU monitored the mood of Russians in Kazakhstan,
Martin notes, “an almost universal call for the establishment of Russian national soviets,
preferably subordinated to the RSFSR, not Kazakhstan” (Martin 2001, 62). Kozlov notes open
confrontation in some places, such as in the Pavlodarsk District and Kustanaisk Okrug, with
2 “…доказать, что мы не империалисты…” (Kozlov 2012)
3 “…бесшабашно и глупо обиженных русских крестьян … дикого террора с демонстративными кошмарными
избиениями русских в присутствии киргиз и приказами последним бить первых” (Genis 1998,45, 48).
19. Gross 19
Russians and Cossacks demanding an end to national discrimination, and even calling for their
accession to Siberia (Kozlov 2012).4 The OGPU took seriously the possibility of a Russian
uprising in Kazakhstan, reporting hostile threats and desires of revenge against the Kirghiz. In
November 1924, the All-Russian Central Executive Committee formed a Commission under Avel
Enukidze “on the Question of Regulating the Position of Russians in the Autonomous Republics
and Oblasts” (Martin 2001, 62). Seen as the only solution to ethnic hostilities, the Enukidze
commission endorsed a recommendation for ethnic segregation into separate national soviets
in February 1926.
Around the same time as the formation of the Enukidze commission, a question of
Cossack hostility to Soviet nationalities policy was raised at an October 1924 Politburo meeting.
Similar to the Enukidze commission, Sergey Syrtsov suggested at the April 1925 Central
Committee Plenum the formation of separate Cossack districts. This bargaining carrot was
carried out a year later in North Ossetia and Chechnya, and served to intensify an already
strong movement for Cossack autonomy in Kazakhstan (Martin 2001, 63).
Also in October 1924, the Central Executive Committee formed a commission headed by
Serafimov, devoted exclusively to directing land reform in south Kazakhstan and Kirgiziia. This
commission was given the task of overseeing the formation of national soviets for Russians and
Cossacks in Kazakhstan. Serafimov proposed forming four Russian noncontiguous okrugi
(“districts,”) which would be combined to form the Kalinin Autonomous Oblast, and
controversially subordinate to the Central Committee in political matters and to the RSFSR
4 “…открытые столкновения между казахами и крестьянами-переселенцами. Жители станиц и деревень
требовали прекращения национальной дискриминации…” (Kozlov 2012)
20. Gross 20
Agricultural Commissariat in agricultural matters. This proposal and other ideas like it in the
bargaining process intensified the Kazakh leadership’s resistance, who equated it with the right
to secession even for territorially dispersed Russians. Therefore the Kazakh leadership refused
to cooperate (Martin 2001, 64). According to Martin, this bargaining failure “created an
environment of uncertainty that encouraged ethnic mobilization and ethnic conflict,” with
Serafimov claiming to have received 1500 separate complaints from local Russians (Martin
2001, 64). Martin is careful to specify that this was not solely the result of elite manipulation,
but also popular conception, citing Kirghiz taunts against Russians as guests that should be
forced to leave, and Russian statements resenting their role reversal (Martin 2001, 65).
While Kirgizia, Bashkiria, and the North Caucasus autonomous regions finally agreed to
form Russian soviets, Kazakhstan continued to hold out because they feared legitimizing
existing Russian colonial presence, and in doing so invite another massive influx of settlers. The
Central Committee formed yet another commission under its own secretary Kiselev, with the
explicit backing of the central Soviet government and the purpose of attaining concessions in
Kazakh preferential land policy and control of immigration. Pressure from the central
government finally worked, and split the native Kazakh leadership in 1927, allowing Filipp
Goloshchekin to form a weak majority. Kazakhstan began forming Russian national soviets in
late 1927, and repealed preferential land policies and opened itself to immigration in April 1928
(Martin 2001, 66; Kozlov 2012).
This asymmetrical bargaining tactic did not end the hostilities however, but simply
reversed them, as Russians felt their time for vengeance had arrived. Mass repressions of
Kazakhs occurred in Semipalatinsk in the spring of 1928, and in the Cossack town of Sergiopol
21. Gross 21
later in 1928. On December 31, 1928, hostility broke out into a pogrom in which over four
hundred Russian workers engaged in a mass beating of Kazakhs (Martin 2001, 66-67).
The Central Committee’s 1924 decree about preferential hiring bargain with native
populations held true in Kazakhstan as well, drawing native Kazakhs and minority Russians into
direct competition with one another. In a report on korenizatsiia, Kazakhstan boasted that
“almost all commissariats, krai, and guberniia institutions have established a rule for every new
opening in the apparat, a Kazakh should first be invited and only when that position cannot be
filled by a Kazakh should it be given to a Russian” (Martin 2001, 135). However, low literacy
rates meant minimally qualified candidates, as in 1927 there were only 960 reported literate
Kirghiz in the entire republic. Already in 1927, Goloshchekin reported that he had recruited “all
the literate and half-literate Kazakhs we have” (Martin 2001, 136). In addition to that, a limited
number of job openings meant that they had to replace Russians directly with titular nations
(Martin 2001, 137). It was reported that Russians were being given “a certificate that they were
fired ‘as a result of korenizatsiia [and they] spread their understandable discontent among
other employees” (Martin 2001, 137).
As a result of this discontent, Stalin tasked Goloshchekin with managing korenizatsiia
and addressing the grievances it produced. In May 1926, Goloshchekin introduced “functional
korenizatsiia” in which general quotas would be replaced with a list of specific jobs
(nomenklatura) to be fulfilled, the old standard of basing selection upon ethnicity would be
replaced with the standard of Kazakh language mastery, and specialized short-term courses
would be introduced (Martin 2001, 143-144). In this way, Goloshchekin’s reforms limited the
number of jobs where korenizatsiia applied, Russians could keep their jobs as long as they
22. Gross 22
learned the Kazakh language, and improved preparation for technical workers with courses
(Martin 2001, 145).
Korenizatsiia in the industrial workplace proved to be the most controversial among
certain parties of the federalist bargain, pitting native Kazakhs against minority Russians. In
1926, Kazakhstan instituted a preferential hiring policy towards Kazakhs, despite Communist
preferences to keep the proletariat a purely international group (Martin 2001, 147). Once
again, a Central Committee investigation found other nationalities were commonly fired and
replaced with Kazakhs, and that as a result, “Russian workers have become embittered against
Soviet power and against the unions” (Martin 2001, 148). The Andreev commission
condemned this policy but did not call for abandoning the quota systemsince functional
korenizatsiia was unsuited for the hiring of unskilled industrial labor. By 1927, Central Asian
OGPU reports began to emphasize “growing interethnic hostility based on the battle for work”
(Martin 2001, 148). Martin notes that violence was not restricted to outbursts in the face of
injustice, but also a strategic form of resistance. At a mill in Kazakhstan, the GPU reported a
comment advocating giving “the Kazakhs a good whipping” to “put a fright into them and
others” in response to firing some of the Russian workers (Martin 2001, 150). Here again,
nationalist outbreak is the language of protest against the current policy arrangement.
Grigol Ubiria is careful to point out that ethnic lines during this time period were not an
objective reality, otherwise the delimitation debates about the correct “nationality” of various
ethnic groups would not have been so fierce. Instead, he describes the national-territorial
delimitation as artificial and Soviet-led (Ubiria 2016, 126). Indeed, Ubiria’s scholarship confirms
that Central Asian communities did not identify with nationality, but religion, and that the
23. Gross 23
Soviet government overlooked this factor and formally categorized the native populations
along nationality lines (Ubiria 2016, 134). This generated strategic ethnic identification, as
people chose the narodnost’ that would ensure better social and economic opportunities
(Ubiria 2016, 137). Indeed, Lenin’s policy of preferential hiring policy probably encouraged
greater identification with titular republic nationalities, as korenizatsiia required firing hundreds
of Russian or Slavic administrative and factory workers in favor of Kazakhs from 1923 to 1926
(Ubiria 2016, 150). In some cases it wasn’t even a matter of authentic nationality, but a means
to avoid ethnic harassment from the local government, which is extremely pertinent in the case
of Kazakhstan (Ubiria 2016, 137).
Belorussia
The Belorussian movement developed slowly in comparison to other republics, and in
general lacked strong nationalist tendencies due to the lack of a constant independent party
apparatus. However, some ethnic rivalry arose when the central government moved to add a
portion of the RSFSR to the Belorussian republic, particularly in regard to language rights in the
region.
Belorussia’s first moment of ethnic consciousness began at the start of the twentieth
century with its first newspaper in Belorussian, Nasha niva (Pipes 1997, 11). The first
Belorussian national party Hromada, founded around the same time in 1902, demanded federal
relations with Russia, with territorial autonomy for the provinces adjoining Vilna and national-
cultural autonomy for all minorities in the region (Pipes 1997, 11-12).
By 1917, Russian and Jewish socialist parties still dominated the political scene, but a
Belorussian National Committee was formed, which pressed for federal relations with Russia
24. Gross 24
and the granting of an autonomous status to Belorussia. Hromada gained the upper hand by
the summer, and merged with the Belorussian Military Council, renaming itself the Great
Belorussian Rada. Its goal was agrarian policy reform, in which landowners were excluded from
the right to participate. In December 1917 Hromada convened in Minsk a Belorussian National
Congress to discuss the repercussions of the Bolshevik coup, and then on December 17-18,
proclaimed the independence of Belorussia. Still, Pipes is careful to note that the Belorussian
nationalists lacked a strong popular following – one month before the Hromada’s participation
in the elections to the Constituent Assembly consisted of polling a mere 29,000 votes in an area
populated by several million (Pipes 1997, 73-75).
In addition, Minsk Bolsheviks commanded the pro-Soviet troops by the end of
December 1917, disbanded the Belorussian National Congress in an asymmetrical move, and
proclaimed the rule of the Bolsheviks (Pipes 1997, 150). Minsk communists’ authority extended
only to regions occupied by pro-Communist regiments and to the major cities, and lasted only
100 days. German troops marched east to occupy the region, and established a puppet
government under the title of an “independent” Belorussian National Republic. The Republic
applied to Kaiser for moral support and material aid, and Germany replaced some socialists and
nationalists with more conservative authorities. However, under German rule the urban
proletariat and peasantry became very restless, and in some areas took arms, resulting in the
1918 agrarian revolts (Pipes 1997, 151). This and other occurrences of resistance benefitted,
and was in fact encouraged by underground Communists (Pipes 1997, 152).
German troops evacuated in November 1918, leaving no nationalist organization
capable of assuming political authority. Therefore, authority was left to the soviets dominated
25. Gross 25
by Russian and Jewish parties (Pipes 1997, 152). At the congress of the Northwestern Regional
Committee of the Russian Communist Party meeting in December 1918 in Moscow, the Soviet
government decided that they were going to make Belorussia into a national republic
composed of left-wing adherents of the Belorussian National Committee that had returned to
the Communists after the end of German occupation. Request for a purely Belorussian
Communist Party was denied, restricting nationalist access even further (Pipes 1997, 152).
The Belorussian republic was merged with Lithuania in February 1919, and in March the
Communist parties of both regions were also combined, causing resentment at being used as a
mere tool for Soviet expansion. In April 1919 Poland conquered Lithuania and Belorussia, and
the Polish government offered Belorussians federal ties with Poland. However, Poland showed
little concern for social radicalismof the masses or nationalist tendencies of the intelligentsia,
returning land confiscated by the Communists to original landowners, and introducing Polish as
the official language (Pipes 1997, 153). In August 1920, Communists finally reestablished
control of Belorussia and reestablished the Belorussian Soviet Republic, but the idea of a
combined Lithuanian-Belorussian state was abandoned (Pipes 1997, 154).
By 1921, some Soviet party members expressed concern that the party was “artificially
cultivating” a Belorussian nationality which would not exist otherwise, but for reasons of
maintaining a buffer between the Soviet Union and independent Poland, as well as a
counterbalance to the Ukrainian republic and demonstration of commitment to non-Russians,
Stalin sustained the policy (Hirsch 2005, 150). In the fall of 1923, the Politburo decided to
enlarge the Belorussian republic, and organized a Commission on the Enlargement of the
Territory of Belorussia under the leadership of Aleksandr Osatkin-Vladimirskii, who was the
26. Gross 26
head of the Belorussian Communist Party (Hirsch 2005, 151). The proposal involved removing a
part of the RSFR to unite it with Belorussia, but concerns about forced introduction of the
Belorussian language in former RSFR territory caused residents to want to remain in the RSFR.
Here, competition over language rights emerged, but residents’ concerns were largely ignored.
Subcommission members argued that national self-determination did not necessarily apply to
political choices, and that despite “Russified” Belorussians not knowing their “true identity,”
they were entitled to Belorussian nationhood – in an asymmetrical fashion, whether they
wanted it or not (Hirsh 2005, 154-155).
Belorussia began forming national soviets in 1924, and initially denied Russians national
minority status. However, unlike neighboring Ukraine, foreign colonists were more dispersed in
Belorussia, so it was possible to form only a single Polish district. After the 1926 annexation of
Gomel guberniia, Belorussia dealt with Russian minority pushback, although Martin does not
describe further. By 1933, there were 40 Polish soviets, 24 Jewish soviets, 15 Russian soviets, 5
Latvian soviets, 2 German soviets, 6 Ukrainian soviets, and 1 Lithuanian soviets, for a total of 93
national soviets (Martin 2001, 48-49).
Conclusion
In general, the cases of Tatarstan, Kazakhstan, and to a certain extent Belorussia
demonstrate the effect of federalization in strengthening ethnic identity, by setting
nationalities against each other in competition for administrative territory, language rights, and
jobs in industry and bureaucracy. Nationalist outbreak was the language of protest against
perceived institutional injustice, a means of expressing dissatisfaction with an inequitable
federal bargain. Indeed, while other minorities did protest titular nationality favoritism,
27. Gross 27
Russian minority protest seemed to be the most consistent theme, given their perceived loss of
status outside of the RSFR. Kazakhstan proved to be the strongest case of this, given its history
of colonization by the Russian Empire. In this way, historic issues of nationalism do tend to lead
to further issues with nationalism down the road, but a lack of strong national identity
previously – as in Belorussia – tends to reduce the chance of problems.
Belorussia is also a strange case given the great power struggle that occurred at its
inception. The perpetual transition between Russian, German, and Polish authority, as well as
the overall lack of nationalist consciousness, did not allow its own strong national party system
to thrive. This likely dampened the degree of nationalist protest that republic experienced.
Furthermore, Richard Pipes’ research demonstrated a surprising amount of coercion by
the central government in the formation of the republics. Contrary to my optimistic
predictions, the central Soviet government often overrode minority political parties and
preferences in asymmetrical bargains, or perhaps, more aptly named, bargaining failures. This
was seen in Kazakhstan’s Alash-Orda, Tatarstan’s Medzhilis, and Belorussia’s Rada. The Soviet
government wanted to portray public support for national minorities, as long as they were
amicable Communist minorities. When the central government saw no room for agreement or
bargaining, they intervened decisively. In addition, in some cases failure to fairly enact the
agreed bargains resulted in outright ethnic violence, as with the Kazakh land reforms, or more
mildly, Tatar “kucherizatsiia”. Still, reforms to korenizatsiia and the policy of korenizatsiia itself
demonstrated a responsiveness on the part of the Soviet government to minority needs in a
federalist bargain, even if reforms to korenizatsiia centered mostly on the needs of Russian
minorities. The initial federalist arrangement was not permanent, but a flexible institution that
28. Gross 28
was at least partially open to input from the people it governed – if only to maintain sovereign
control over the extent of Soviet territory.
In fact, this conflict between maintaining centralized authority and addressing ethnic
grievances is a recurring theme through the course of Soviet history. It is no accident that the
Soviet Union under Gorbachev disintegrated along ethnic republic lines. Federalization based
on regional ethnic characteristics served to institutionalize this conflict between center and
ethnic periphery, as further centralization necessarily meant disempowering titular nationals.
In addition, simply addressing ethnic issues at the republic level immediately becomes
politicized when one ethnic group lays claimto the republic it has been granted – and giving
titular nationals authority over policy enactment in this area can be dangerous for reasons of
revenge or agency slacking. Especially when ethnic minorities are interspersed and border
delineation is unclear – as it was in the Soviet Union – federalismonly serves to bring statewide
ethnic conflict to the substate level. While Soviet leaders could not have anticipated these
policy implications, history can be a useful guide for those considering various options for
addressing interethnic strife. In dealing with matters of ethnicity, a federal bargain is
vulnerable to great instability.
29. Gross 29
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