This paper is meant to read together with the paper ‘The reconfirmation and reinforcement of the Indus script thesis: a logical assessment and inquiry as to the elusive and enigmatic nature of this script‘, which was published in the ICFAI Journal of History and Culture in January 2011. In the aforementioned paper, we had clearly shown that the Indus script used in the Indus Valley civilization which flourished from 2600 BC to 1900 BC, was a logo-syllabic script. In this paper, we show that the case for the lost manuscript hypothesis has never been stronger than it has been in the past one decade. This hypothesis has had many adherents even in the West even earlier when very little of the Indus had been excavated, but few will now deny that no other scenario is likely. This hypothesis was earlier based on hunches, now its adherents can base it on science and valid epistemology. The Indus Valley Civilization has always amazed legions of archeologists since the 1920’s and has been taught to students all over the world: it can now take its pride of place among old world civilizations. This paper also introduces Logo-syllabic thesis B as opposed to the older logo-syllabic thesis A and lays bare the differences between the two. We insist that only approaches such as those detailed in this paper can be applied for the study of the Indus script given the low quantum of archaeological data in relation to the total known size of the IVC. (This ratio is the lowest for all known civilizations). This paper is meant to be read after ‘Syncretism and Acculturation in Ancient India; a new nine phase acculturation model explaining the process of transfer of power from the Harappans to the Indo-Aryans’ which was published in two parts in the peer-reviewed ICFAI journal of History and culture in January 2009 and January 2010. This paper detailed methods to reconstruct the languages spoken in the IVC.
The document discusses the Indus script and proposes that it can be deciphered by identifying the underlying language as Dravidian. It provides background on the Indus civilization and summarizes previous unsuccessful attempts to decipher the script. It then examines evidence suggesting the script encodes a Dravidian language, including loanwords in Vedic Sanskrit, shared phonological features between Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, and the geographic distribution of Dravidian languages. The document analyzes the evolution of the Indus script and argues it represents a fully developed writing system, not just non-linguistic symbols. It concludes by proposing a Dravidian solution could enable decipherment of the long unsolved Indus script
Sujay alphabetic scripts and_other_forms_of_literacy in post-harappan indiaSujay Rao Mandavilli
This document discusses theories on the origin and development of the Brahmi script in ancient India. It summarizes the main theories that Brahmi was derived from (a) the Kharosthi script introduced by the Achaemenid Empire, (b) that it developed independently in India, or (c) that it derived from the Indus Valley script. The document argues that the theory of Kharosthi/Achaemenid influence is outdated and refuted by evidence. While an independent or Indus Valley origin is possible, there is lack of clear evidence to support these theories. The document makes the case that Proto-Canaanite script of 1500 BC, which was used in West Asia, may have influenced
In our previous papers, we had dealt with the Aryan problem, the identity of the Harappans, the origin of Brahmi and the Indus script, besides other related topics. We had also observed that the autochthonous Aryan theory and the Vedic Indus theories were untenable, and that the conventional theory that immigrants speaking the PIE, or one of the constituents of the PIE, now to be known as Base Indo-European, migrated to India from Central Asia would still hold good. We had proposed that the Dravidian and the Paramunda Indus theories would be untenable, and that the Harappans were intensely multi-lingual, speaking languages that were remote ancestors of the Prakrits of the Gangetic plains. We had shown how linguistic transformations had taken place: this issue was studied as an interplay between two language groups: an ancestor of Vedic Sanskrit spread in a part of India, died out as a spoken language, and became a liturgical language, and a lingua franca of the elite. The speakers of IE languages then took on the languages of the descendants of the Indus for everyday use due to the transfer of populations to the Ganga-Yamuna doab. Sanskrit then re-influenced the languages of the region, even after it disappeared as a spoken language. We had also discussed the origin of the term ‘Aryan’ which had a cultural connotation in the Rig Veda. We had also proposed that the migrations into India perhaps took place in around 2750 BC, long before the Rig Veda was compiled. In this paper, we discuss the importance of modernizing Indology for various fields of science and the need to replace the now effectively dead Mid-Nineteenth Century school of Indology and Marxist historiography with modern paradigms. We also explain why inaction could be fraught with disastrous consequences. This paper may therefore be construed as a clarion call to scholars from all over the world to take up research on Ancient India, and to raise awareness among scholars of related fields of study. The scientific and the intellectual rewards associated with such an endeavour would be enormous. We also attempt to lay out the contours and identify the key drivers for Twenty-first century Indology.
Part One of this paper provides a case for rejecting the Autochthonous Aryan theory and
proposes an alternative to the Aryan Migration Theory, i.e. it examines why the genetic input from
Central Asia may have been extremely small and how the Spread of IE language and culture in
India might have occurred in trickle in scenarios i.e. when movements of IE speakers were small. It
suggests that the IE speakers first migrated into and settled in the northernmost tip of the subcontinent,
trickled into the plains due to climatic changes in the northernmost tip of India,
synthesized with the Harappans, fused with them and got the upper hand when the transfers of
population from North-West India into the Gangetic plains took place around 1900 BC, and then
desynthesized with whatever was left of the Harappan civilization till it vanished around 1400 BC.
Cultural contacts with West Asia and then with South India would complete the process of Spread
of IE language and culture in India. This paper suggests the need for delinking race with spoken
and written forms of language and culture while studying the identity of the Harappans, analyzes
the role of internal and external migrations in shaping Indian culture and questions some other longheld
assumptions about Post-Harappan India. This paper also suggests that an integrated
framework be developed for studying Ancient India. This paper stresses the need for adopting via
media approaches for resolving the Aryan issue and comes up with a new hypothesis which the
author hopes will be taken up for a debate and discussion. This also proposes a concurrent dating
paradigm and a new heuristic framework which the Author hopes will be useful both for future
cultural studies of Ancient India and for conducting further archeological excavations, and then uses
this framework to make his own inferences about the cultural and religious history of the subcontinent.
The methodology the author adopts is to take the Aryan Migration Theory (1500 BC) as a
base and work backwards to arrive at a fresh set of conclusions. Part Two contains all the major
conclusions such as methods to derive and reconstruct the languages of the IVC, the origin of IA
languages etc.
The document discusses the development of writing systems throughout history from early pictograms to modern alphabets. It describes the evolution from pictographic scripts to ideographic, logographic, and syllabic systems. Key developments include the Sumerian cuneiform, Egyptian hieroglyphs, and Phoenician alphabet which later influenced the Greek and Latin alphabets. The document also examines how writing systems encode different levels of meaning through capitalization, punctuation, abbreviations and other graphical contrasts to enhance readability and convey semantic information.
The document provides an overview of ancient scripts and their decipherment, including hieroglyphics, cuneiform, Indus Valley script, Brahmi, and Kharosthi. It discusses how each script was deciphered, such as the Rosetta Stone facilitating the translation of hieroglyphics. The document also examines the fields of epigraphy and palaeography, explaining how they help study inscriptions and reconstruct history from ancient scripts. Inscriptions provide insight into political, social, economic, religious, and other aspects of past civilizations. However, epigraphical studies face challenges like weathering of inscriptions and difficulties in dating and identification.
The document summarizes the development and evolution of various writing systems throughout history. It discusses 6 stages: 1) picture writing, 2) hieroglyphics invented by ancient Egyptians, 3) cuneiform developed by Sumerians, 4) logographic writing using symbols to represent words, 5) ideographic writing using symbols to represent ideas, and 6) phonetic writing assigning symbols to represent sounds. The document provides examples and details for many influential writing systems that advanced from earlier systems and ultimately influenced the development of the alphabet.
The document discusses the Indus script and proposes that it can be deciphered by identifying the underlying language as Dravidian. It provides background on the Indus civilization and summarizes previous unsuccessful attempts to decipher the script. It then examines evidence suggesting the script encodes a Dravidian language, including loanwords in Vedic Sanskrit, shared phonological features between Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, and the geographic distribution of Dravidian languages. The document analyzes the evolution of the Indus script and argues it represents a fully developed writing system, not just non-linguistic symbols. It concludes by proposing a Dravidian solution could enable decipherment of the long unsolved Indus script
Sujay alphabetic scripts and_other_forms_of_literacy in post-harappan indiaSujay Rao Mandavilli
This document discusses theories on the origin and development of the Brahmi script in ancient India. It summarizes the main theories that Brahmi was derived from (a) the Kharosthi script introduced by the Achaemenid Empire, (b) that it developed independently in India, or (c) that it derived from the Indus Valley script. The document argues that the theory of Kharosthi/Achaemenid influence is outdated and refuted by evidence. While an independent or Indus Valley origin is possible, there is lack of clear evidence to support these theories. The document makes the case that Proto-Canaanite script of 1500 BC, which was used in West Asia, may have influenced
In our previous papers, we had dealt with the Aryan problem, the identity of the Harappans, the origin of Brahmi and the Indus script, besides other related topics. We had also observed that the autochthonous Aryan theory and the Vedic Indus theories were untenable, and that the conventional theory that immigrants speaking the PIE, or one of the constituents of the PIE, now to be known as Base Indo-European, migrated to India from Central Asia would still hold good. We had proposed that the Dravidian and the Paramunda Indus theories would be untenable, and that the Harappans were intensely multi-lingual, speaking languages that were remote ancestors of the Prakrits of the Gangetic plains. We had shown how linguistic transformations had taken place: this issue was studied as an interplay between two language groups: an ancestor of Vedic Sanskrit spread in a part of India, died out as a spoken language, and became a liturgical language, and a lingua franca of the elite. The speakers of IE languages then took on the languages of the descendants of the Indus for everyday use due to the transfer of populations to the Ganga-Yamuna doab. Sanskrit then re-influenced the languages of the region, even after it disappeared as a spoken language. We had also discussed the origin of the term ‘Aryan’ which had a cultural connotation in the Rig Veda. We had also proposed that the migrations into India perhaps took place in around 2750 BC, long before the Rig Veda was compiled. In this paper, we discuss the importance of modernizing Indology for various fields of science and the need to replace the now effectively dead Mid-Nineteenth Century school of Indology and Marxist historiography with modern paradigms. We also explain why inaction could be fraught with disastrous consequences. This paper may therefore be construed as a clarion call to scholars from all over the world to take up research on Ancient India, and to raise awareness among scholars of related fields of study. The scientific and the intellectual rewards associated with such an endeavour would be enormous. We also attempt to lay out the contours and identify the key drivers for Twenty-first century Indology.
Part One of this paper provides a case for rejecting the Autochthonous Aryan theory and
proposes an alternative to the Aryan Migration Theory, i.e. it examines why the genetic input from
Central Asia may have been extremely small and how the Spread of IE language and culture in
India might have occurred in trickle in scenarios i.e. when movements of IE speakers were small. It
suggests that the IE speakers first migrated into and settled in the northernmost tip of the subcontinent,
trickled into the plains due to climatic changes in the northernmost tip of India,
synthesized with the Harappans, fused with them and got the upper hand when the transfers of
population from North-West India into the Gangetic plains took place around 1900 BC, and then
desynthesized with whatever was left of the Harappan civilization till it vanished around 1400 BC.
Cultural contacts with West Asia and then with South India would complete the process of Spread
of IE language and culture in India. This paper suggests the need for delinking race with spoken
and written forms of language and culture while studying the identity of the Harappans, analyzes
the role of internal and external migrations in shaping Indian culture and questions some other longheld
assumptions about Post-Harappan India. This paper also suggests that an integrated
framework be developed for studying Ancient India. This paper stresses the need for adopting via
media approaches for resolving the Aryan issue and comes up with a new hypothesis which the
author hopes will be taken up for a debate and discussion. This also proposes a concurrent dating
paradigm and a new heuristic framework which the Author hopes will be useful both for future
cultural studies of Ancient India and for conducting further archeological excavations, and then uses
this framework to make his own inferences about the cultural and religious history of the subcontinent.
The methodology the author adopts is to take the Aryan Migration Theory (1500 BC) as a
base and work backwards to arrive at a fresh set of conclusions. Part Two contains all the major
conclusions such as methods to derive and reconstruct the languages of the IVC, the origin of IA
languages etc.
The document discusses the development of writing systems throughout history from early pictograms to modern alphabets. It describes the evolution from pictographic scripts to ideographic, logographic, and syllabic systems. Key developments include the Sumerian cuneiform, Egyptian hieroglyphs, and Phoenician alphabet which later influenced the Greek and Latin alphabets. The document also examines how writing systems encode different levels of meaning through capitalization, punctuation, abbreviations and other graphical contrasts to enhance readability and convey semantic information.
The document provides an overview of ancient scripts and their decipherment, including hieroglyphics, cuneiform, Indus Valley script, Brahmi, and Kharosthi. It discusses how each script was deciphered, such as the Rosetta Stone facilitating the translation of hieroglyphics. The document also examines the fields of epigraphy and palaeography, explaining how they help study inscriptions and reconstruct history from ancient scripts. Inscriptions provide insight into political, social, economic, religious, and other aspects of past civilizations. However, epigraphical studies face challenges like weathering of inscriptions and difficulties in dating and identification.
The document summarizes the development and evolution of various writing systems throughout history. It discusses 6 stages: 1) picture writing, 2) hieroglyphics invented by ancient Egyptians, 3) cuneiform developed by Sumerians, 4) logographic writing using symbols to represent words, 5) ideographic writing using symbols to represent ideas, and 6) phonetic writing assigning symbols to represent sounds. The document provides examples and details for many influential writing systems that advanced from earlier systems and ultimately influenced the development of the alphabet.
The document discusses the origins and development of writing systems around the world. It begins by describing early pictograms and rock paintings from prehistoric times. It then summarizes the evolution of writing in three ancient cultures - the Sumerians developed cuneiform writing using wedge-shaped impressions on clay tablets, the Egyptians created hieroglyphic writing using reed pens on papyrus, and the Chinese developed logographic characters that later became phonetic. The document explores how different writing materials influenced script forms and provides examples of the world's earliest writing systems.
Writing originated as pictograms but evolved to become more phonetic over time. Early writing systems included logographic scripts like Sumerian cuneiform and Egyptian hieroglyphs which represented morphemes and words. Later, the rebus principle was developed where symbols began representing sounds, moving towards syllabic scripts. The Phoenician alphabet was adapted by Greeks to create a true alphabet representing individual phonemes, which was then adapted by Romans. Runic writing also developed as an offshoot of early European scripts.
The Indus script was used from 2600-1900 BC in the Harappan civilization and was written from right to left with 400-600 principal signs. Scholars believe it was a logo-syllabic script, but it remains undeciphered due to a lack of bilingual texts for comparison and the short lengths of inscriptions, with the longest being only 27 signs; there have been many attempted decipherments but none have proven correct.
The document traces the development of writing from early pictograms and ideograms through syllabic and alphabetic systems. It notes that pictograms represented concepts rather than sounds, and some took on conventional meanings. Over time, some symbols came to represent words as logograms or parts of words as syllabic scripts. Alphabets developed by using symbols for individual sounds, as in early Semitic scripts. The mismatch between written and spoken English developed due to influences from Latin and French spellings that were fixed in printing in the 15th century.
The document discusses the development of writing systems throughout history. It traces the origins of writing back a few thousand years to early pictographic and ideographic forms of communication in places like Mesopotamia and Egypt. Over time, these systems became more standardized and evolved into the first true writing using logograms, syllabaries, alphabets, and other forms representing linguistic units. The document also examines specific scripts like cuneiform, hieroglyphics, and the development of the Roman alphabet used for modern English.
Sujay the indo europeanization-of_the_world_from a central asian homelandSujay Rao Mandavilli
In this paper, we bring together the concepts put forth in our previous papers and throw new light on how the Indo-Europeanization of the world may have happened from the conventional Central Asian homeland and explain the same using maps and diagrams. We also propose the ‘Ten modes of linguistic transformations associated with Human migrations.’ With this, the significance of the proposed term ‘Base Indo-European’ in lieu of the old term ‘Proto Indo-European’ will become abundantly clear to most readers. The approaches presented in this paper are somewhat superior to existing approaches, and as such are expected to replace them in the longer run. Detailed maps and notes demonstrating and explaining how linguistic transformations might have taken place in South Asia are available in this paper as understood from our previous research papers, and scholars from other parts of the world are invited to develop similar paradigms with regard to their home countries as far as the available data or evidence will allow them. This will help piece together a gigantic jig-saw puzzle, and lead to a revolution of sorts in the field, leading to a ripple-effect that will strongly impact several other related fields of study as well. We also re-emphasize our epigrammatic catch-phrases ‘The Globalization of Science’ and ‘Scientific Progress at the Speed of Light’, and attempt to show how the former will inexorably lead to the latter. This is done in a respectable level of detail, as zany and theoretical concepts gain respectability only if corroborated with real-world data from across the world. The end-result will be a transformation and a revolution in human knowledge, with inevitable cascading changes in cultural and social paradigms and relationships across nationalities and cultures, and rich rewards for scholars and students of Indo-European studies across the world.
Introduction; Decipehring and Rawlinson who deciphered Cuneiform; multi-lingual inscription on the Behustun hill; writing materials, picture to pictogram, to ideogram, to alphabet; Hammurabi’s Code.
The document discusses theories about the nature and origins of the Indus script. It argues that:
1) The transformation from the Early Harappan phase to the mature Harappan phase was rapid, within a century or two, bringing new architecture, artifacts, and symbols.
2) The Harappans executed complex engineering projects by 2600 BC that would have been easier with a more advanced writing system than currently believed.
3) The Indus civilization was likely highly multi-lingual, and its script would have needed to be read by many occupational groups, arguing against theories of a very simple script.
The earliest known example of an Indus seal dates to 1873 in the form of a drawing
published by Alexander Cunningham. Since then, thousands of examples of the Indus script have
been discovered, and the Indus script has been subject to very serious analysis by many scholars
from all over the world and still continues to fascinate, enchant and frustrate innumerable
researchers who have made many a vain attempt to understand its true nature and meaning. The
nature of the Indus script remains elusive and there are currently many different schools of
thought – some think it represented a Dravidian language, some think it represented an Indo-
Aryan language, while some are convinced it belongs to a third language group. Some argue that
it represented a language while others argue it was only a complex ‘symbol system’, either with or
without a linguistic content. In an earlier paper, ‘Syncretism and Acculturation in Ancient India; A
new Nine Phase Acculturation model explaining the process of transfer of power from the
Harappans to the Indo-Aryans’, which was published in two parts in the ICFAI Journal of History
and Culture (January 2009 and 2010), we proposed methods to reconstruct the languages of the
Harappans with ‘smoking guns’, and concluded that the Harappans spoke neither a Dravidian
language nor Sanskrit but were intensely multi-linguistic and spoke several languages which
included remote ancestors of languages which much later came to be known as Prakrits. In this
paper, we take a parsimonious approach with regard to the Indus script, attempt to understand its
nature, examine the logical flaws of current theories with regard to the Indus script and conclude
that it is impossible to draw any hasty conclusions about the nature of the Indus script without
building rock solid theoretical models and that the Indus script issue is probably less simple than
the most simplistic of theories make it out to be. More importantly, we also refute ‘Sproat’s
smoking gun’ which cannot prove that the Indus writing system was not stable, that is was not a
writing system or that it did not have a linguistic component. We will conclude, that all things
considered, further research is only likely to reinforce the idea that it was a logo-syllabic script
and that any other scenario is highly unlikely.
The document discusses the origins and development of writing systems around the world. It begins by describing early pictograms and rock paintings from prehistoric times. It then summarizes the evolution of writing in three ancient cultures - the Sumerians developed cuneiform writing using wedge-shaped impressions on clay tablets, the Egyptians created hieroglyphic writing using reed pens on papyrus, and the Chinese developed logographic characters that eventually became less pictographic. The document goes on to discuss other scripts and factors that influenced their development such as available writing materials.
SUJAY Dynamics of language spread in multilingual societies FINAL FINAL FINAL...Sujay Rao Mandavilli
This document discusses language spread in ancient and modern India based on a study of languages throughout Indian history. It introduces concepts like the Theory of Win-Win Propositions and the Yoyo model of cultural diffusion. Regarding ancient India, it suggests the Indus Valley civilization was multilingual, with many Indo-Semitic languages. These later synthesized with Proto-Indo-European, forming Sanskrit and various Prakrit languages. It argues the Indus Valley likely had no single lingua franca due to its linguistic diversity and lack of overarching political authority.
Sujay dynamics of language spread in multilingual societies final final finalSujay Rao Mandavilli
The objective of this paper is to formalize and document observations on language spread in multi-lingual or polyglot societies as understood from a study of spoken and written language in various phases in Indian history starting from the Indus Valley Civilization of Ancient India, the mature phase of which began in 2600 BC, to modern Post-independent India, and formalize them into principles wherever possible, so that these can be used as a basis to make further observations and draw further inferences from studies both in India and elsewhere, the ultimate goal being to prepare a dictionary of the universal principles of language spread in multi-lingual or polyglot societies, and the general principles of language spread for ready use anywhere in the world. Such an exercise can be carried out by collating the basic observations and principles as understood from this paper with observations culled from similar studies that have already been carried or may be carried out both in India and elsewhere in the world. Such a compendium would be a valuable heuristic tool for analysis and can be an indispensable tool for use by politicians, educationalists and others across the world for decision-making and policy-formulation, and as a part of the emerging discipline of Applied Linguistics. It will also be useful to the common man to help him understand the various seemingly mysterious forces that greatly impact his daily life. We also introduce several new concepts in this paper, such as the Theory of Win-Win Propositions, the Doctrine of Insubordination, the Theory of Linguistic Osmosis, Context and Role-based suitability, Context and Role-based indispensability, Yoyo model of cultural diffusion etc. Thus, this paper delineates much of the theoretical framework that can be used for a formal study of the spread of languages in any multi-lingual society.
This document discusses the history and evolution of the field of Indology over the past few centuries. It covers several key points:
1) William Jones in the late 18th century first proposed that Sanskrit and European languages were related, marking the beginning of modern Indology.
2) Max Muller in the 19th century put forth the Aryan migration theory, proposing that Aryans migrated to India from Central Asia. This became the dominant theory.
3) The discovery of the Indus Valley Civilization in the 1920s led some to believe it was destroyed by invading Aryans, though evidence for invasion is lacking.
4) Understanding of linguistic relationships and key terms like "Aryan
This document discusses the debate around whether the Harappan symbols represent a script. It summarizes two important contributions to this debate. First, Mahadevan identified and separated each unique Harappan symbol, but his interpretation that they encoded a Dravidian language was questionable. Second, Yadav et al. used computer analysis to find statistical correlations between symbols, suggesting they may have phonetic or semantic value. However, the document argues this does not prove the symbols represent a uniformly spoken language, as the script has not been found in public spaces where messages could be read. Further evidence suggests the symbols may have represented quantities rather than language.
From the article just published in Psychology Research to my presentation on Monday 20, Nobvember 2023 on DISJUNCTURE vs REVOLUTION, POSTGRESSION vs. PROGRESSION, the central question of the emergence of language and the passage from oral language will be central. A video presentation covering the first part of the general topic with the newly discovered Hominin Homo Naledi in Souith Africa in the background on IFIASA site, presents this Hominin who had reached the level of transcribing his oral language into symbolical geometric signs. The second part on the phylogeny of language from the emergence of oral articulatred language to the writing of of all languages will openly being the question of freedom and freedom of choice in archaeological times for Hominins. The third part on the Versailles Treaty and how it still dictates the present and future of the world will be kept for publication.
Within 15-20 years ouor appeoach to the emergence of Humanity on this planet has run a tremendous distance and we can now envisage that human mental and culturazl characteristics existed several hundred years earlier than we though around 2000. Somze of these chjaracteristics also existed in pre-Sapiens hominin species like Naledis and Neanderthals and certainly Denisovans, plus some even older species. That’s why the brutal events we are still going through in our times are pathetic. And miserable.
This document discusses theories on the origin and development of the Brahmi script in ancient India. It summarizes the main theories that Brahmi was derived from (a) the Kharosthi script introduced by the Achaemenid Empire, (b) that it developed independently in India, or (c) that it derived from the Indus Valley script. The document argues that the theory of Kharosthi/Achaemenid influence is outdated and refuted by evidence. It also questions theories of Brahmi being purely indigenous, suggesting more evidence is needed. The document provides historical context on the development of alphabets and proposes that Proto-Canaanite script may have influenced the development of early alphabetic scripts in
Amarigna & Tigrigna Qal Roots of Hindi LanguageLegesse Allyn
The Not So Distant African Roots of the Hindi Language
Authored by Legesse Allyn
https://www.amazon.com/Amarigna-Tigrigna-Roots-Hindi-Language/dp/153340335X
List Price: $14.95
8" x 10" (20.32 x 25.4 cm)
Black & White on White paper
94 pages
ISBN-13: 978-1533403353
ISBN-10: 153340335X
BISAC: Language Arts & Disciplines / Linguistics / Etymology
"The Hindi language is rooted in the east African, ancient Egyptian dual languages of Amarigna and Tigrigna. This book provides a small sampling of the not so distant African linguistic roots of the words in Hindi."
http://www.amazon.com/Amarigna-Tigrigna-Roots-Hindi-Language/dp/153340335X
This document provides information on the history and culture of India, focusing on language, literature, and writing. It discusses:
1) The major language families that have been spoken in India throughout history, from the pre-civilization era to present day.
2) How literature evolved from oral traditions to written texts over time, with Sanskrit literature being uniquely preserved through oral transmission rather than writing.
3) The development and evolution of various scripts in India, from the still undeciphered Harappan script to the introduction of Brahmi script under Ashoka.
4) How languages, literature, and writing progressed and changed through major historical eras in India, from the Vedic era
This document discusses the history and evolution of the field of Indology over the past few centuries. It outlines several key turning points, including William Jones' observations in the late 18th century about similarities between Sanskrit and European languages, leading to the proposal of the Proto-Indo-European language. Later, Max Muller put forth the Aryan migration theory in the 19th century. The discovery of the Dravidian language family in the early 19th century was another major development. Finally, the discovery of the Indus Valley Civilization in the 1920s led to further speculation about the identity of the Harappans and theories of an Aryan invasion or migration into India. The document argues that modernizing Indology with
Indian literature dates back over 5,000 years to oral traditions passed down through generations. Knowledge was shared orally through poems, songs and stories before being recorded on materials like palm leaves and paper. Various scripts were used to create Sanskrit manuscripts recording these oral traditions. The tradition of illuminated manuscripts containing illustrations and decorative elements was influenced by Persian styles during the Mughal period. Today thousands of manuscripts have survived documenting India's rich history and culture through both oral and written traditions.
This document provides an overview of various ancient scripts including Hieroglyphics, Cuneiform, Indus Valley script, Brahmi, and Kharoshthi. It discusses the origins and development of these scripts, key individuals involved in their decipherment, and ongoing debates around certain scripts like the Indus Valley script. The challenges around deciphering ancient scripts are also summarized, particularly the lack of bilingual texts or lengthy inscriptions for the Indus Valley script.
This document provides an overview of the history and evolution of Chinese handwriting and characters. It discusses how Chinese writing began with oracle bones around 1500 BC and evolved through different scripts over thousands of years, including bronze inscriptions, small seal characters, official script, regular script, cursive writing, and freehand cursive. It also describes how Chinese characters are formed and structured, as well as the standardization and simplification of characters that occurred in the 1950s-60s in mainland China.
The document discusses the origins and development of writing systems around the world. It begins by describing early pictograms and rock paintings from prehistoric times. It then summarizes the evolution of writing in three ancient cultures - the Sumerians developed cuneiform writing using wedge-shaped impressions on clay tablets, the Egyptians created hieroglyphic writing using reed pens on papyrus, and the Chinese developed logographic characters that later became phonetic. The document explores how different writing materials influenced script forms and provides examples of the world's earliest writing systems.
Writing originated as pictograms but evolved to become more phonetic over time. Early writing systems included logographic scripts like Sumerian cuneiform and Egyptian hieroglyphs which represented morphemes and words. Later, the rebus principle was developed where symbols began representing sounds, moving towards syllabic scripts. The Phoenician alphabet was adapted by Greeks to create a true alphabet representing individual phonemes, which was then adapted by Romans. Runic writing also developed as an offshoot of early European scripts.
The Indus script was used from 2600-1900 BC in the Harappan civilization and was written from right to left with 400-600 principal signs. Scholars believe it was a logo-syllabic script, but it remains undeciphered due to a lack of bilingual texts for comparison and the short lengths of inscriptions, with the longest being only 27 signs; there have been many attempted decipherments but none have proven correct.
The document traces the development of writing from early pictograms and ideograms through syllabic and alphabetic systems. It notes that pictograms represented concepts rather than sounds, and some took on conventional meanings. Over time, some symbols came to represent words as logograms or parts of words as syllabic scripts. Alphabets developed by using symbols for individual sounds, as in early Semitic scripts. The mismatch between written and spoken English developed due to influences from Latin and French spellings that were fixed in printing in the 15th century.
The document discusses the development of writing systems throughout history. It traces the origins of writing back a few thousand years to early pictographic and ideographic forms of communication in places like Mesopotamia and Egypt. Over time, these systems became more standardized and evolved into the first true writing using logograms, syllabaries, alphabets, and other forms representing linguistic units. The document also examines specific scripts like cuneiform, hieroglyphics, and the development of the Roman alphabet used for modern English.
Sujay the indo europeanization-of_the_world_from a central asian homelandSujay Rao Mandavilli
In this paper, we bring together the concepts put forth in our previous papers and throw new light on how the Indo-Europeanization of the world may have happened from the conventional Central Asian homeland and explain the same using maps and diagrams. We also propose the ‘Ten modes of linguistic transformations associated with Human migrations.’ With this, the significance of the proposed term ‘Base Indo-European’ in lieu of the old term ‘Proto Indo-European’ will become abundantly clear to most readers. The approaches presented in this paper are somewhat superior to existing approaches, and as such are expected to replace them in the longer run. Detailed maps and notes demonstrating and explaining how linguistic transformations might have taken place in South Asia are available in this paper as understood from our previous research papers, and scholars from other parts of the world are invited to develop similar paradigms with regard to their home countries as far as the available data or evidence will allow them. This will help piece together a gigantic jig-saw puzzle, and lead to a revolution of sorts in the field, leading to a ripple-effect that will strongly impact several other related fields of study as well. We also re-emphasize our epigrammatic catch-phrases ‘The Globalization of Science’ and ‘Scientific Progress at the Speed of Light’, and attempt to show how the former will inexorably lead to the latter. This is done in a respectable level of detail, as zany and theoretical concepts gain respectability only if corroborated with real-world data from across the world. The end-result will be a transformation and a revolution in human knowledge, with inevitable cascading changes in cultural and social paradigms and relationships across nationalities and cultures, and rich rewards for scholars and students of Indo-European studies across the world.
Introduction; Decipehring and Rawlinson who deciphered Cuneiform; multi-lingual inscription on the Behustun hill; writing materials, picture to pictogram, to ideogram, to alphabet; Hammurabi’s Code.
The document discusses theories about the nature and origins of the Indus script. It argues that:
1) The transformation from the Early Harappan phase to the mature Harappan phase was rapid, within a century or two, bringing new architecture, artifacts, and symbols.
2) The Harappans executed complex engineering projects by 2600 BC that would have been easier with a more advanced writing system than currently believed.
3) The Indus civilization was likely highly multi-lingual, and its script would have needed to be read by many occupational groups, arguing against theories of a very simple script.
The earliest known example of an Indus seal dates to 1873 in the form of a drawing
published by Alexander Cunningham. Since then, thousands of examples of the Indus script have
been discovered, and the Indus script has been subject to very serious analysis by many scholars
from all over the world and still continues to fascinate, enchant and frustrate innumerable
researchers who have made many a vain attempt to understand its true nature and meaning. The
nature of the Indus script remains elusive and there are currently many different schools of
thought – some think it represented a Dravidian language, some think it represented an Indo-
Aryan language, while some are convinced it belongs to a third language group. Some argue that
it represented a language while others argue it was only a complex ‘symbol system’, either with or
without a linguistic content. In an earlier paper, ‘Syncretism and Acculturation in Ancient India; A
new Nine Phase Acculturation model explaining the process of transfer of power from the
Harappans to the Indo-Aryans’, which was published in two parts in the ICFAI Journal of History
and Culture (January 2009 and 2010), we proposed methods to reconstruct the languages of the
Harappans with ‘smoking guns’, and concluded that the Harappans spoke neither a Dravidian
language nor Sanskrit but were intensely multi-linguistic and spoke several languages which
included remote ancestors of languages which much later came to be known as Prakrits. In this
paper, we take a parsimonious approach with regard to the Indus script, attempt to understand its
nature, examine the logical flaws of current theories with regard to the Indus script and conclude
that it is impossible to draw any hasty conclusions about the nature of the Indus script without
building rock solid theoretical models and that the Indus script issue is probably less simple than
the most simplistic of theories make it out to be. More importantly, we also refute ‘Sproat’s
smoking gun’ which cannot prove that the Indus writing system was not stable, that is was not a
writing system or that it did not have a linguistic component. We will conclude, that all things
considered, further research is only likely to reinforce the idea that it was a logo-syllabic script
and that any other scenario is highly unlikely.
The document discusses the origins and development of writing systems around the world. It begins by describing early pictograms and rock paintings from prehistoric times. It then summarizes the evolution of writing in three ancient cultures - the Sumerians developed cuneiform writing using wedge-shaped impressions on clay tablets, the Egyptians created hieroglyphic writing using reed pens on papyrus, and the Chinese developed logographic characters that eventually became less pictographic. The document goes on to discuss other scripts and factors that influenced their development such as available writing materials.
SUJAY Dynamics of language spread in multilingual societies FINAL FINAL FINAL...Sujay Rao Mandavilli
This document discusses language spread in ancient and modern India based on a study of languages throughout Indian history. It introduces concepts like the Theory of Win-Win Propositions and the Yoyo model of cultural diffusion. Regarding ancient India, it suggests the Indus Valley civilization was multilingual, with many Indo-Semitic languages. These later synthesized with Proto-Indo-European, forming Sanskrit and various Prakrit languages. It argues the Indus Valley likely had no single lingua franca due to its linguistic diversity and lack of overarching political authority.
Sujay dynamics of language spread in multilingual societies final final finalSujay Rao Mandavilli
The objective of this paper is to formalize and document observations on language spread in multi-lingual or polyglot societies as understood from a study of spoken and written language in various phases in Indian history starting from the Indus Valley Civilization of Ancient India, the mature phase of which began in 2600 BC, to modern Post-independent India, and formalize them into principles wherever possible, so that these can be used as a basis to make further observations and draw further inferences from studies both in India and elsewhere, the ultimate goal being to prepare a dictionary of the universal principles of language spread in multi-lingual or polyglot societies, and the general principles of language spread for ready use anywhere in the world. Such an exercise can be carried out by collating the basic observations and principles as understood from this paper with observations culled from similar studies that have already been carried or may be carried out both in India and elsewhere in the world. Such a compendium would be a valuable heuristic tool for analysis and can be an indispensable tool for use by politicians, educationalists and others across the world for decision-making and policy-formulation, and as a part of the emerging discipline of Applied Linguistics. It will also be useful to the common man to help him understand the various seemingly mysterious forces that greatly impact his daily life. We also introduce several new concepts in this paper, such as the Theory of Win-Win Propositions, the Doctrine of Insubordination, the Theory of Linguistic Osmosis, Context and Role-based suitability, Context and Role-based indispensability, Yoyo model of cultural diffusion etc. Thus, this paper delineates much of the theoretical framework that can be used for a formal study of the spread of languages in any multi-lingual society.
This document discusses the history and evolution of the field of Indology over the past few centuries. It covers several key points:
1) William Jones in the late 18th century first proposed that Sanskrit and European languages were related, marking the beginning of modern Indology.
2) Max Muller in the 19th century put forth the Aryan migration theory, proposing that Aryans migrated to India from Central Asia. This became the dominant theory.
3) The discovery of the Indus Valley Civilization in the 1920s led some to believe it was destroyed by invading Aryans, though evidence for invasion is lacking.
4) Understanding of linguistic relationships and key terms like "Aryan
This document discusses the debate around whether the Harappan symbols represent a script. It summarizes two important contributions to this debate. First, Mahadevan identified and separated each unique Harappan symbol, but his interpretation that they encoded a Dravidian language was questionable. Second, Yadav et al. used computer analysis to find statistical correlations between symbols, suggesting they may have phonetic or semantic value. However, the document argues this does not prove the symbols represent a uniformly spoken language, as the script has not been found in public spaces where messages could be read. Further evidence suggests the symbols may have represented quantities rather than language.
From the article just published in Psychology Research to my presentation on Monday 20, Nobvember 2023 on DISJUNCTURE vs REVOLUTION, POSTGRESSION vs. PROGRESSION, the central question of the emergence of language and the passage from oral language will be central. A video presentation covering the first part of the general topic with the newly discovered Hominin Homo Naledi in Souith Africa in the background on IFIASA site, presents this Hominin who had reached the level of transcribing his oral language into symbolical geometric signs. The second part on the phylogeny of language from the emergence of oral articulatred language to the writing of of all languages will openly being the question of freedom and freedom of choice in archaeological times for Hominins. The third part on the Versailles Treaty and how it still dictates the present and future of the world will be kept for publication.
Within 15-20 years ouor appeoach to the emergence of Humanity on this planet has run a tremendous distance and we can now envisage that human mental and culturazl characteristics existed several hundred years earlier than we though around 2000. Somze of these chjaracteristics also existed in pre-Sapiens hominin species like Naledis and Neanderthals and certainly Denisovans, plus some even older species. That’s why the brutal events we are still going through in our times are pathetic. And miserable.
This document discusses theories on the origin and development of the Brahmi script in ancient India. It summarizes the main theories that Brahmi was derived from (a) the Kharosthi script introduced by the Achaemenid Empire, (b) that it developed independently in India, or (c) that it derived from the Indus Valley script. The document argues that the theory of Kharosthi/Achaemenid influence is outdated and refuted by evidence. It also questions theories of Brahmi being purely indigenous, suggesting more evidence is needed. The document provides historical context on the development of alphabets and proposes that Proto-Canaanite script may have influenced the development of early alphabetic scripts in
Amarigna & Tigrigna Qal Roots of Hindi LanguageLegesse Allyn
The Not So Distant African Roots of the Hindi Language
Authored by Legesse Allyn
https://www.amazon.com/Amarigna-Tigrigna-Roots-Hindi-Language/dp/153340335X
List Price: $14.95
8" x 10" (20.32 x 25.4 cm)
Black & White on White paper
94 pages
ISBN-13: 978-1533403353
ISBN-10: 153340335X
BISAC: Language Arts & Disciplines / Linguistics / Etymology
"The Hindi language is rooted in the east African, ancient Egyptian dual languages of Amarigna and Tigrigna. This book provides a small sampling of the not so distant African linguistic roots of the words in Hindi."
http://www.amazon.com/Amarigna-Tigrigna-Roots-Hindi-Language/dp/153340335X
This document provides information on the history and culture of India, focusing on language, literature, and writing. It discusses:
1) The major language families that have been spoken in India throughout history, from the pre-civilization era to present day.
2) How literature evolved from oral traditions to written texts over time, with Sanskrit literature being uniquely preserved through oral transmission rather than writing.
3) The development and evolution of various scripts in India, from the still undeciphered Harappan script to the introduction of Brahmi script under Ashoka.
4) How languages, literature, and writing progressed and changed through major historical eras in India, from the Vedic era
This document discusses the history and evolution of the field of Indology over the past few centuries. It outlines several key turning points, including William Jones' observations in the late 18th century about similarities between Sanskrit and European languages, leading to the proposal of the Proto-Indo-European language. Later, Max Muller put forth the Aryan migration theory in the 19th century. The discovery of the Dravidian language family in the early 19th century was another major development. Finally, the discovery of the Indus Valley Civilization in the 1920s led to further speculation about the identity of the Harappans and theories of an Aryan invasion or migration into India. The document argues that modernizing Indology with
Indian literature dates back over 5,000 years to oral traditions passed down through generations. Knowledge was shared orally through poems, songs and stories before being recorded on materials like palm leaves and paper. Various scripts were used to create Sanskrit manuscripts recording these oral traditions. The tradition of illuminated manuscripts containing illustrations and decorative elements was influenced by Persian styles during the Mughal period. Today thousands of manuscripts have survived documenting India's rich history and culture through both oral and written traditions.
This document provides an overview of various ancient scripts including Hieroglyphics, Cuneiform, Indus Valley script, Brahmi, and Kharoshthi. It discusses the origins and development of these scripts, key individuals involved in their decipherment, and ongoing debates around certain scripts like the Indus Valley script. The challenges around deciphering ancient scripts are also summarized, particularly the lack of bilingual texts or lengthy inscriptions for the Indus Valley script.
This document provides an overview of the history and evolution of Chinese handwriting and characters. It discusses how Chinese writing began with oracle bones around 1500 BC and evolved through different scripts over thousands of years, including bronze inscriptions, small seal characters, official script, regular script, cursive writing, and freehand cursive. It also describes how Chinese characters are formed and structured, as well as the standardization and simplification of characters that occurred in the 1950s-60s in mainland China.
This document discusses the Indo-Europeanization of the world from a Central Asian homeland based on new approaches and insights from the author's previous research publications. It proposes 10 modes of linguistic transformations associated with human migrations and suggests the term "Base Indo-European" instead of "Proto Indo-European." Detailed maps in the paper demonstrate how linguistic transformations may have occurred in South Asia. The paper aims to revolutionize the field of Indo-European studies by piecing together evidence from across the world.
Development of an Efficient Computing Multilingualism Model for Diacritical M...CSCJournals
Language competence is a cognitive property of the individual speaker. There is a wide gap between commonly voiced representations of language, person, and place and actual practices of language use, identity assertion, and spatial occupation. It is noted that the one can focus on resolving related outstanding standardization issues in support of localization and multilingual requirements. This paper investigates the Diacritical marks and various typographic rules in Hindi and Arabic which are complex in multilingual documents. A computing Multilingualism model is developed which proposed a solution to the problem of position of Diacritical Marks in Multilingual documents. The developed model is found to be an efficient tool for solving the problem of positioning diacritical marks for multilingual fonts in True Type as well as Open Type format.
Sujay Laws of Language Dynamics FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL FINAL.pdfSujay Rao Mandavilli
This document provides a comprehensive overview of the history of linguistics. It discusses how linguistics evolved from early studies of language dating back to ancient Sumeria and Egypt, through developments in ancient Greece, Rome, China, and India. It outlines some of the earliest known experiments on language acquisition in the 7th century BC. The document then discusses the growth of linguistic studies and key figures throughout the medieval period, Renaissance, 18th century, and 19th century, including important developments like the reconstruction of Proto-Indo-European. It concludes by noting the major shift towards structuralism, formalism and behaviorism in linguistics in the early 20th century.
This document provides a historical timeline of notable linguists from ancient Hindu tradition to the 20th century. Some of the key figures mentioned include:
- Panini, who wrote the first Sanskrit grammar called Astadhyayi between 600-300 BC.
- Ferdinand de Saussure, who is considered the founder of modern linguistics and proposed that language be studied as a system of signs composed of both a signifier and signified.
- Noam Chomsky, who transformed linguistics in the 20th century with his theory of generative grammar and the idea that linguistic output is not simply related to input.
- Roman Jakobson, who helped spread Saussure's
This paper argues against three hypotheses about the identity of the Indus Valley Civilization: the Dravidian hypothesis, the Vedic hypothesis, and the Paramunda hypothesis. It provides a detailed discussion of why these hypotheses are no longer tenable based on evidence from multiple disciplines. The paper examines the complex history and meanings of the term "Aryan" and shows that the Dravidian hypothesis, which posited that the IVC spoke a Dravidian language, cannot be supported given what is known about the separation of language and ethnicity. Quotes from several scholars are presented to back up the paper's conclusions.
Similar to Sujay indus reintroducing lost manuscipt hypothesis (20)
Making India a scientific and intellectual powerhouse FINAL FINAL FINAL.pdfSujay Rao Mandavilli
Humans have let their creative juices flow since early times; the invention of fire, proto-writing, pottery,
arts and crafts, agriculture and metal-making would bear ample testimony to this. Among early
contributions to science and technology, the contributions made by early Mesopotamians are highly
impressive. They made stellar contributions to metal-working, glass and lamp making, architecture, the
production of textiles and weaving, flood control, water storage and irrigation. They also invented the
earliest form of true writing, namely Cuneiform in the middle of the fourth millennium before Christ.
Writing was usually mastered by scribes who were small in number in relation to the total population,
and was composed on clay tablets. The Epic of Gilgamesh is among the world’s earliest literature, and is
attributed to ancient Mesopotamia. Libraries are also believed to have existed in Ancient Mesopotamia.
Mesopotamians made stellar contributions to mathematics, map making, medicine and astronomy too,
though true intellectualism in the modern sense of the term probably did not exist then....
Sujay Religion in the twenty-first century and beyond FINAL FINAL FINAL.pdfSujay Rao Mandavilli
The term "Religion" refers to a wide range of social-cultural systems, which include beliefs, morals,
ethics, religious practices, thought worlds, worldviews, holy texts and scriptures, sanctified holy
places, and institutions that typically relate to the general belief in a God or a supernatural entity.
Religion has been known in a wide variety of geographical contexts and situations, and attested since
very early times; as a matter of fact, even before the dawn of human civilization. As a matter of fact,
there have been very few known human societies without some form of an organized or an informal
religion. In the past few centuries, technology has progressed at a rapid pace, and at a rate that
would have been unimaginable just two centuries ago. Many pundits predicted that the role played
by religion in society would invariably and inevitably diminish; alas, such prophecies have not come
to pass. Religion, and the role played by it in society, remains as deeply entrenched as ever before. As
a matter of fact, globalization has unleashed a clash of civilizations, and has brought different and
widely differing ideologies into direct contact with each other, often unleashing waves of terror. In
the wide array and assortment of papers that we have been publishing over the years, we have
introduced many different concepts that we believe can greatly help in understanding the role
religion plays in relation to society. Readers can easily reference these papers. In this paper, we
attempt to take our endeavours to a much higher level, to analyse how the beneficial aspects of
religion can be magnified and amplified, and the negative implications of religion curtailed. We also
lay out the contours of social science research that can effectively tackle the menace of religious
fanaticism and hatred, and draw out a road map and a course of action other researchers and
scholars can easily relate to.
Rebooting Pedagogy and Education systems for the Twenty-first Century: Why ...Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Education is the fundamental pillar upon which any human civilization rests. As a matter of fact, no civilization in any meaningful form or degree has been possible in human history that has not been built on the bulwark and edifice of education. While literacy may have been limited to the privileged few in early ancient civilizations, it was these privileged few who controlled the masses and set the tempo for meaningful progress in such civilizations; educational systems have proven to be the
bedrock and foundational pillar upon which much of human accomplishment and achievement have rested, too. In spite of the naysayers, the cynics and the pessimists, education has expanded greatly in the twentieth century; while the worlds’ earliest civilizations were not western in the canonical sense of the term, there is no denying that western civilizations have pulled away strongly since then. Riding on the shoulders on ancient Greece, western intellectualism has been the bulwark upon which the superstructure of modern civilization has been built. Even as recently as the middle of the twentieth
century, the rest of the world (as opposed to the west) had a lot of catching up to do.
Thankfully and mercifully, a lot has changed since then. India in the 1950’s and 1960’s emphasized higher education but neglected universal primary education as evidenced by low primary school enrollments, and a high rate of dropouts. Since then, programs and schemes such as the Sarva Siksha
Abhiyan or education for all programs have increased primary school enrollment considerably; India now comfortably stands on the threshold of universal adult literacy. While the quantity of education has been augmented, quality has often failed to keep pace. The tenets and the essential doctrines forming a part and parcel of the foundational pillars of pedagogy and education are antiquated and are still steeped in the western experience. What is worse is that is very little awareness on the issue
of the need for change; this must be the foundation of all meaningful change, but alas, that foundation has yet to be built. In this book, we draw upon our long list of papers on the social science, particularly
anthropological pedagogy and the sociology of science, and propose the direction we believe
pedagogy must take in the twenty first century. This can be no one man army; we invite other scholars to contribute in eminent measure. We also believe that this i.e., a foundational assessment of the
concepts of pedagogy must become one of the more important and vital movements of the twenty-first century.
This work is also at the heart of our globalization of science movement as many, if not most concepts in various fields of the social science are based on old and archaic western-centric paradigms. There is
also an unnatural gap between various fields of social sciences and the non-social sciences too, just as careerism is rampant across disciplines and what we called ....
Sujay Rao Mandavilli is an IT professional and anthropologist who founded the Institute for the Study of the Globalisation of Science. He has published extensively on topics including language dynamics, historiography, theories of socio-cultural change, identity theory, and Indo-European studies. He believes that incorporating diverse perspectives from around the world can lead to improved social science theories and greater scientific output globally.
Anti-Universe And Emergent Gravity and the Dark UniverseSérgio Sacani
Recent theoretical progress indicates that spacetime and gravity emerge together from the entanglement structure of an underlying microscopic theory. These ideas are best understood in Anti-de Sitter space, where they rely on the area law for entanglement entropy. The extension to de Sitter space requires taking into account the entropy and temperature associated with the cosmological horizon. Using insights from string theory, black hole physics and quantum information theory we argue that the positive dark energy leads to a thermal volume law contribution to the entropy that overtakes the area law precisely at the cosmological horizon. Due to the competition between area and volume law entanglement the microscopic de Sitter states do not thermalise at sub-Hubble scales: they exhibit memory effects in the form of an entropy displacement caused by matter. The emergent laws of gravity contain an additional ‘dark’ gravitational force describing the ‘elastic’ response due to the entropy displacement. We derive an estimate of the strength of this extra force in terms of the baryonic mass, Newton’s constant and the Hubble acceleration scale a0 = cH0, and provide evidence for the fact that this additional ‘dark gravity force’ explains the observed phenomena in galaxies and clusters currently attributed to dark matter.
SDSS1335+0728: The awakening of a ∼ 106M⊙ black hole⋆Sérgio Sacani
Context. The early-type galaxy SDSS J133519.91+072807.4 (hereafter SDSS1335+0728), which had exhibited no prior optical variations during the preceding two decades, began showing significant nuclear variability in the Zwicky Transient Facility (ZTF) alert stream from December 2019 (as ZTF19acnskyy). This variability behaviour, coupled with the host-galaxy properties, suggests that SDSS1335+0728 hosts a ∼ 106M⊙ black hole (BH) that is currently in the process of ‘turning on’. Aims. We present a multi-wavelength photometric analysis and spectroscopic follow-up performed with the aim of better understanding the origin of the nuclear variations detected in SDSS1335+0728. Methods. We used archival photometry (from WISE, 2MASS, SDSS, GALEX, eROSITA) and spectroscopic data (from SDSS and LAMOST) to study the state of SDSS1335+0728 prior to December 2019, and new observations from Swift, SOAR/Goodman, VLT/X-shooter, and Keck/LRIS taken after its turn-on to characterise its current state. We analysed the variability of SDSS1335+0728 in the X-ray/UV/optical/mid-infrared range, modelled its spectral energy distribution prior to and after December 2019, and studied the evolution of its UV/optical spectra. Results. From our multi-wavelength photometric analysis, we find that: (a) since 2021, the UV flux (from Swift/UVOT observations) is four times brighter than the flux reported by GALEX in 2004; (b) since June 2022, the mid-infrared flux has risen more than two times, and the W1−W2 WISE colour has become redder; and (c) since February 2024, the source has begun showing X-ray emission. From our spectroscopic follow-up, we see that (i) the narrow emission line ratios are now consistent with a more energetic ionising continuum; (ii) broad emission lines are not detected; and (iii) the [OIII] line increased its flux ∼ 3.6 years after the first ZTF alert, which implies a relatively compact narrow-line-emitting region. Conclusions. We conclude that the variations observed in SDSS1335+0728 could be either explained by a ∼ 106M⊙ AGN that is just turning on or by an exotic tidal disruption event (TDE). If the former is true, SDSS1335+0728 is one of the strongest cases of an AGNobserved in the process of activating. If the latter were found to be the case, it would correspond to the longest and faintest TDE ever observed (or another class of still unknown nuclear transient). Future observations of SDSS1335+0728 are crucial to further understand its behaviour. Key words. galaxies: active– accretion, accretion discs– galaxies: individual: SDSS J133519.91+072807.4
The cost of acquiring information by natural selectionCarl Bergstrom
This is a short talk that I gave at the Banff International Research Station workshop on Modeling and Theory in Population Biology. The idea is to try to understand how the burden of natural selection relates to the amount of information that selection puts into the genome.
It's based on the first part of this research paper:
The cost of information acquisition by natural selection
Ryan Seamus McGee, Olivia Kosterlitz, Artem Kaznatcheev, Benjamin Kerr, Carl T. Bergstrom
bioRxiv 2022.07.02.498577; doi: https://doi.org/10.1101/2022.07.02.498577
Discovery of An Apparent Red, High-Velocity Type Ia Supernova at 𝐳 = 2.9 wi...Sérgio Sacani
We present the JWST discovery of SN 2023adsy, a transient object located in a host galaxy JADES-GS
+
53.13485
−
27.82088
with a host spectroscopic redshift of
2.903
±
0.007
. The transient was identified in deep James Webb Space Telescope (JWST)/NIRCam imaging from the JWST Advanced Deep Extragalactic Survey (JADES) program. Photometric and spectroscopic followup with NIRCam and NIRSpec, respectively, confirm the redshift and yield UV-NIR light-curve, NIR color, and spectroscopic information all consistent with a Type Ia classification. Despite its classification as a likely SN Ia, SN 2023adsy is both fairly red (
�
(
�
−
�
)
∼
0.9
) despite a host galaxy with low-extinction and has a high Ca II velocity (
19
,
000
±
2
,
000
km/s) compared to the general population of SNe Ia. While these characteristics are consistent with some Ca-rich SNe Ia, particularly SN 2016hnk, SN 2023adsy is intrinsically brighter than the low-
�
Ca-rich population. Although such an object is too red for any low-
�
cosmological sample, we apply a fiducial standardization approach to SN 2023adsy and find that the SN 2023adsy luminosity distance measurement is in excellent agreement (
≲
1
�
) with
Λ
CDM. Therefore unlike low-
�
Ca-rich SNe Ia, SN 2023adsy is standardizable and gives no indication that SN Ia standardized luminosities change significantly with redshift. A larger sample of distant SNe Ia is required to determine if SN Ia population characteristics at high-
�
truly diverge from their low-
�
counterparts, and to confirm that standardized luminosities nevertheless remain constant with redshift.
ESA/ACT Science Coffee: Diego Blas - Gravitational wave detection with orbita...Advanced-Concepts-Team
Presentation in the Science Coffee of the Advanced Concepts Team of the European Space Agency on the 07.06.2024.
Speaker: Diego Blas (IFAE/ICREA)
Title: Gravitational wave detection with orbital motion of Moon and artificial
Abstract:
In this talk I will describe some recent ideas to find gravitational waves from supermassive black holes or of primordial origin by studying their secular effect on the orbital motion of the Moon or satellites that are laser ranged.
Microbial interaction
Microorganisms interacts with each other and can be physically associated with another organisms in a variety of ways.
One organism can be located on the surface of another organism as an ectobiont or located within another organism as endobiont.
Microbial interaction may be positive such as mutualism, proto-cooperation, commensalism or may be negative such as parasitism, predation or competition
Types of microbial interaction
Positive interaction: mutualism, proto-cooperation, commensalism
Negative interaction: Ammensalism (antagonism), parasitism, predation, competition
I. Mutualism:
It is defined as the relationship in which each organism in interaction gets benefits from association. It is an obligatory relationship in which mutualist and host are metabolically dependent on each other.
Mutualistic relationship is very specific where one member of association cannot be replaced by another species.
Mutualism require close physical contact between interacting organisms.
Relationship of mutualism allows organisms to exist in habitat that could not occupied by either species alone.
Mutualistic relationship between organisms allows them to act as a single organism.
Examples of mutualism:
i. Lichens:
Lichens are excellent example of mutualism.
They are the association of specific fungi and certain genus of algae. In lichen, fungal partner is called mycobiont and algal partner is called
II. Syntrophism:
It is an association in which the growth of one organism either depends on or improved by the substrate provided by another organism.
In syntrophism both organism in association gets benefits.
Compound A
Utilized by population 1
Compound B
Utilized by population 2
Compound C
utilized by both Population 1+2
Products
In this theoretical example of syntrophism, population 1 is able to utilize and metabolize compound A, forming compound B but cannot metabolize beyond compound B without co-operation of population 2. Population 2is unable to utilize compound A but it can metabolize compound B forming compound C. Then both population 1 and 2 are able to carry out metabolic reaction which leads to formation of end product that neither population could produce alone.
Examples of syntrophism:
i. Methanogenic ecosystem in sludge digester
Methane produced by methanogenic bacteria depends upon interspecies hydrogen transfer by other fermentative bacteria.
Anaerobic fermentative bacteria generate CO2 and H2 utilizing carbohydrates which is then utilized by methanogenic bacteria (Methanobacter) to produce methane.
ii. Lactobacillus arobinosus and Enterococcus faecalis:
In the minimal media, Lactobacillus arobinosus and Enterococcus faecalis are able to grow together but not alone.
The synergistic relationship between E. faecalis and L. arobinosus occurs in which E. faecalis require folic acid
TOPIC OF DISCUSSION: CENTRIFUGATION SLIDESHARE.pptxshubhijain836
Centrifugation is a powerful technique used in laboratories to separate components of a heterogeneous mixture based on their density. This process utilizes centrifugal force to rapidly spin samples, causing denser particles to migrate outward more quickly than lighter ones. As a result, distinct layers form within the sample tube, allowing for easy isolation and purification of target substances.
Sujay indus reintroducing lost manuscipt hypothesis
1. Why the Indus Script WAS true writing and why a larger
corpus of texts existed in the Indus Valley civilization:
Simple proof addressed to mainstream researchers &
archaeologists
Published in the International Journal of Philosophy and Social Sciences
(IJPSS), Vol II, No 2, 2012
Sujay Rao Mandavilli
This paper is meant to read together with the paper ‘The reconfirmation and reinforcement of
the Indus script thesis: a logical assessment and inquiry as to the elusive and enigmatic nature of this
script‘, which was published in the ICFAI Journal of History and Culture in January 2011. In the
aforementioned paper, we had clearly shown that the Indus script used in the Indus Valley civilization
which flourished from 2600 BC to 1900 BC, was a logo-syllabic script. In this paper, we show that the
case for the lost manuscript hypothesis has never been stronger than it has been in the past one
decade. This hypothesis has had many adherents even in the West even earlier when very little of the
Indus had been excavated, but few will now deny that no other scenario is likely. This hypothesis was
earlier based on hunches, now its adherents can base it on science and valid epistemology. The Indus
Valley Civilization has always amazed legions of archeologists since the 1920’s and has been taught
to students all over the world: it can now take its pride of place among old world civilizations. This paper
also introduces Logo-syllabic thesis B as opposed to the older logo-syllabic thesis A and lays bare the
differences between the two. We insist that only approaches such as those detailed in this paper can
be applied for the study of the Indus script given the low quantum of archaeological data in relation to
the total known size of the IVC. (This ratio is the lowest for all known civilizations). This paper is meant
to be read after ‘Syncretism and Acculturation in Ancient India; a new nine phase acculturation model
explaining the process of transfer of power from the Harappans to the Indo-Aryans’ which was published
in two parts in the peer-reviewed ICFAI journal of History and culture in January 2009 and January
2010. This paper detailed methods to reconstruct the languages spoken in the IVC.
2. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
In the earlier paper, ‘The reconfirmation and reinforcement of the Indus script thesis: a logical
assessment as to the elusive and enigmatic nature of this script’, which was published in the ICFAI
Journal of History and Culture in January 20111, we had shown very logically, and in a manner that
would have appealed to the skeptic and the layman alike, that the Indus script was a fully evolved logo-
syllabic script. In this paper, we take our earlier conclusions a step further and show irrefutably that a
larger corpus of texts existed in the Indus. The Lost Manuscript hypothesis has had many adherents
even in the West even decades earlier when very little of the Indus had been excavated, but few will
now deny that no other scenario is likely. This hypothesis was earlier based on hunches, now its
adherents can base it on science and valid epistemology. The Indus Valley Civilization has always
amazed legions of archeologists since the 1920’s and has been taught to students all over the world: it
can now take its pride of place among old world civilizations. Archeologists should always keep this in
mind: a longer corpus of texts may well turn up someday if inscribed on non-perishable materials.
The reasons why a large corpus of texts definitely existed, either on non-perishable or
perishable materials, and can be very reliably inferred are given below:
Reason # 1 The Dholavira Signboard
Fig 1. This signboard displays a high rate of sign repetition, more than Linear-Elamite inscriptions even. The fact that
the order of signs could have played a role in determining the meaning cannot be overlooked , and possible evidence for this can
come from the fact that the spoked wheel occurs in the second and third position in the signboard (also the seventh and the
tenth). This glyph may have encoded speech as this signboard may have represented the name of this place. Note how this
feature may have been put to use in land-locked and far-from Mesopotamia Dholavira for ornamental purposes, pointing out to a
greater use of this feature, because this relatively difficult to use option would have been imported only if it had served a greater
purpose. This automatically implies the existence of longer texts. This also proves one thing: speech-encoding could be
interpreted by a relatively large number of elites.
One of the most significant discoveries in the Indus was made in the Indus city of Dholavira,
now in Gujarat in India. It was a large signboard with ten characters discovered in 1999. Each sign
measured about 37 centimeters high and the board on which letters were inscribed was about 3 meters
long, making it very large by Indus standards. Some further facts about the Dholavira signboard are
presented below so as to reinforce our case.
1
The Reconfirmation and reinforcement of the Indus script thesis: A logical assessment as to the elusive and
enigmatic nature of this script Mandavilli, Sujay Rao ICFAI Journal of History and Culture January 2011
3. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
It is one of the most famous of Harappan inscriptions and has become instantly famous ever since
it was discovered in 1999. It also shows convincingly that the Indus script was put to a wide variety
of uses.
It was very large in size, and even giant if compared to the much smaller seals and measured 3
meters or so in length.
It was located in Far-from-Mesopotamia Dholavira, and in one of the furthest sites from
Mesopotamia. It was not even the largest city in the IVC.
It hung over the citadel there, and may have been a prominent landmark of the citadel. The fact
that it was hung over the citadel meant it was meant to be read by large sections of society and at
least by elites.
It must have represented the name of the place and must have been closely tied to speech: note
the sign repetition. The rate of sign repetition is much higher than most Linear-Elamite inscriptions.
The spoked wheel sign repeats four times.
Even Rongorongo glyphs, though unquestionably longer, do not display this kind of sign repetition.
There is no overwhelming evidence that Rongorongo branched off from a script which had reached
the linguistic stage, either.
The sign which was used as a determinative was a very common Indus sign. I.e. the spoked wheel
sign.
The sign used as a determinative appears to have been also similar to determinatives in other
writing systems such as Linear Elamite but not exactly identical to them. This feature is not available
in Proto-Elamite. On the other hand, Linear Elamite does not appear until around 2100 BC i.e. well
after the Indus script came into widespread use or closer to the end of the IVC. While the
relationship between Proto and Linear Elamite is yet to be established (there are several schools
of thought, and most consider the link to be tenuous)2, it would strongly imply that the Indus script
was logo-syllabic.
The glyph suggests that the determinative could be used either before or after another common
Indus sigh probably varying its meaning.
The other signs with which the determinative was used were also common Indus signs.
The Indus script was also related to Proto-Elamite but was developed after the scripts of West Asia
had become logo-syllabic which means it probably had a linguistic component.
It was put to the most frivolous use.
Few scholars will now dispute the fact that the Indus script was a logo-syllabic script on the basis
of this evidence. Few scholars will deny the fact that speech encoding was one of the major
functions of the Indus script and had this feature had reached a very precocious maturity. On the
basis of this evidence, we can even conclude that this appears to be a fully developed logo-syllabic
script. Human learned to code sound through the rebus principle and acrophony and the transition
from logographic to logo-syllabic scripts was often long drawn and messy. This glyph however,
appears to represent a logo-syllabic script in a mature form, perfectly adopted for use in the Indus.
One would only hope more such inscriptions were found, but to state that the discovery of this
inscription was probably a timely godsend would be a gross understatement and would only make
our case very strong, in a manner no other glyph perhaps can. The reasons would not have been
very far to seek: the Indus script would have had the benefit of being introduced later than the
scripts of Egypt or Mesopotamia and all the developmental effort was probably carried out there.
The Harappans were spared the trouble of experimentation and imported the script after it had
reached maturity.
This inscription was apparently more closely tied to speech than most Linear-Elamite inscriptions.
Speech encoding would have been a prized possession: no one would have used it just for a
decorative signboard at far-from-Mesopotamia Dholavira. Why would a man who had inscribed this,
done so
o If nobody else could read it?
o If it was hung so prominently, at least elites could certainly have read it
2
The archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of the Ancient Iranian state D.T.Potts
Cambridge University press, 1999
4. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
o if elites had been able to read it, they would have certainly written in it, otherwise they
wouldn’t have been trained in speech encoding to begin with.
o Why would he have learnt to encode speech only to inscribe this signboard? This
automatically implies the existence of longer texts. It also shows that the Indus elites used
more complex forms of communication.
This also proves that speech encoding could be interpreted by a large number of elites
If they had learnt to interpret speech encoding, why would they have wasted their time acquiring
these skills only to interpret this signboard? What other proof does one need for a lost corpus?
Even if we assume that speech-encoding was added in Mature Harappan 3B, this logic would still
hold good. This is of course a much less likely scenario.
This logic is already accepted by mainstream Indus archaeologists as a precursor to the existence
of longer texts
On the basis of this glyph, we can even make a very, very early attempt to ascertain the signs that
were meant to be used with determinatives and signs that were non-linguistic: no animated signs
appear in this glyph. In addition, we know that the other signs in this glyph are abstract. They are
less complex meaning it was designed with longer texts in mind.
The other signs that appear with the supposed determinative appear to be abstract and simple
lending weight to the theory that the Indus script was designed with longer texts in mind.
This glyph was found in Dholavira, the fifth largest city of the Indus, and was far away from
Mesopotamia. If true writing had existed here, it would have most certainly existed in major Indus
cities, given the fact that a small portion of the Indus has been discovered.
British archaeologist Jane McIntosh states (her conclusions very strongly reinforce the
conclusions presented here. Let us also recall the 1:x ratio we stated earlier in the paper):
“Farmer also draws attention to the absence of long Harappan inscriptions on potsherds. If the
Harappan signs were a script, he contends, this absence would make it unique among the scripts of
literate cultures, who all used potsherds often like scrap paper. This need only, imply however, that the
Harappans had other media that were easier to scribble on, such as cotton cloth or wooden boards, or
that the writing medium was not well suited for use on sherds. Likewise the absence of long monumental
inscriptions seems significant to Farmer, but the Harappans did not create monumental art or
architecture on which such inscriptions might have been written; the nearest they came to this is the
Dholavira signboard, which is quite possibly the tip of an iceberg of a now vanished public inscriptions.
He (Farmer) also considers that the proportion of singleton and rare signs is unusually high; other
scholars such as Parpola (2005) demonstrate that this is not so, since in general logo-syllabic scripts
contain a small corpus of frequently used signs and a large number of much less common ones.
Moreover, new signs are continuously added, even when the writing system is a fully developed one,
something Farmer also denies. Statistically the Harappan script does not differ significantly in its sign
proportions from other logographic scripts. A further point regarding the singletons is that Wells (n.d.)
has demonstrated that many are variants or ligatures of basic signs, rather than completely different
signs; again, this is something to be expected in a genuine script.
“Perhaps more significantly, the brevity of the majority of the Harappan texts (four to five signs
on average) makes it less likely that signs would repeat within them than it is in the longer texts with
which Farmer compares them (McIntosh 2008, p. 374). Farmer’s arguments fail to account convincingly
for the structural regularities that analyses have revealed in the use of the Harappan signs; these seem
strongly to support the hypothesis that the Harappan signs represent a writing system. The theory put
forward by Farmer and his collaborators has not been widely accepted, but it has been valuable in
compelling scholars to look afresh at their assumptions about the script and in provoking a stimulating
debate from which a deeper understanding of the script should emerge (McIntosh 2008, p. 374).3
3
McIntosh, Jane R. (2008). The ancient Indus valley: new perspectives. Santa Barbara, California: ABC CLIO.
ISBN: 978-1-57607-907-2 (hard copy; alk paper)
5. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
The Dholavira signboard would itself, constitute, in the eyes of most, an almost irrefutable proof
that a lost corpus existed, and views of mainstream western scholars were provided even in our earlier
paper in support of this very obvious observation, but let us now attempt to take our hypothesis much
further from our previous papers.
Reason # 2 Does not conflict with the history of Writing systems, writing materials,
implements and the availability of materials in the IVC. All other points raised by Farmer have
been refuted in our paper
The availability of longer texts does not in any way conflict with the history of Writing systems,
writing materials, implements and the availability of materials in the IVC. All other points raised by
Farmer et al have been refuted in our previous paper dealing with the Indus script in addition to the
refutations provided by Asko Parpola, Bryan Wells and several other scholars over the past several
years, both Western and Indian. 4 This should seek to drive home the point that the Non-script thesis is
a complete non-starter. However, Farmer has been correct in questioning the brevity of the inscriptions,
and the reasons for this were provided in our paper. As noted, the Indus script was clearly related to
the scripts of the Middle East and was developed only after the script there had morphed into logo-
syllabic scripts. Inscriptions in scripts such as Etruscan (Alphabetic), Mayan Hieroglyphs (Logo-syllabic)
and Proto-Canaanite (Alphabetic) were known to have been short but longer inscriptions were
unearthed subsequently. In very early days, people did not know whether Egyptian hieroglyphs were
true writing either. There are many cases where writing thought to be proto-writing turned out to be true
writing. In the case we can say given the small amount of data available that there is absolutely no
chance that longer writing won’t turn up in the IVC. The use of the determinative in the Dholavira
signboard shows this too. (The use of Proto-Elamite ended in 2700 BC. Linear Elamite did not appear
until 2100 BC. The Indus script was developed in 2600 BC and does not relate to the earlier very
rudimentary writing of the Indus Valley (please refer our earlier paper). 35 signs of the Indus script can
be compared to the Proto-Elamite script. It would also be illuminating to compare the Proto-Elamite
script, the Indus script & the Linear Elamite script on a sign by sign basis, and this would be an
interesting exercise to undertake.)
We have also covered the transformation of Harappan India to Post-Harappan India in greater
detail in our previous papers and have also dealt with literacy in Post-Harappan India. The Indus script
did survive in Post-Harappan India, but its usage had reduced as superior writing systems were
available.
None of the so-called symbol systems would pass these tests convincingly and there in lies a
huge and fundamental difference: can anyone say all that we have said in our earlier paper and in this
one about the Indus script about Vinca symbols and Pictish stones?
Reason # 3 The Hypothesis that the presence of many rare signs proves the instability
of the Indus script is not only just statistically unreliable at this stage: it is based on a
fundamentally wrong premise. Sign distributions can also be used to predict the existence of a
lost corpus of inscriptions
We have discussed this hypothesis in detail in our previous paper dealing with the Indus script.
This reasoning is wholly invalid for several reasons (all of which were discussed in our paper), the chief
of these being:
This hypothesis is statically unreliable at this stage, and only 5% of the IVC has been excavated.
This hypothesis also does not take into account the fact signs had to be read in conjunction with
other signs like in the contemporary Proto-Elamite script.
4
The Indus script: A positional –statistical approach, Michael Korvink, 2007
6. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
The number of rare signs does not vary significantly from contemporary scripts such as Proto-
Elamite and a comparative assessment is presented in this paper.
There are many reasons to adduce that the Indus-script was a writing system, and the idea that the
Indus script wasn’t even a writing system would fly in the face of all research done by many
mainstream scholars over the decades.
If the Indus script had a linguistic component as admitted by Farmer et all themselves, the rare sign
hypothesis ceases to be of any relevance.
Our assessment: it was a stable system, fully imported and was designed for both non-linguistic
and much longer texts and did not change because it was fully stable.
S. No Type of script Rare
signs
Total
number of
signs
Is this a
characteristic
of the Indus
script?
1 Logo-syllabic scripts High High Yes
2 Logo-syllabic scripts where the percentage of
Word signs out of the total number of signs is
high.
Higher Higher Yes
3 Logo-syllabic scripts where the percentage of
Word signs out of total number of signs is high
and where order of signs, position of signs and
sign combinations are important in determining
the meaning as observed in Proto-Elamite.
Even
higher
Even
higher
Yes
4 Logo-syllabic scripts where the percentage of
Word signs out of total number of signs is high
and where order of signs, position of signs and
sign combinations are important like proto-
Elamite and the script is used over a wide area
over a long period and by many people.
Much
higher
Much
higher
Yes
The nature of a Civilization and its bearing on the type of inscriptions
The percentage of long inscriptions out of the total number of inscriptions will vary depending
on the type of the civilization. For civilizations like they IVC, they will be very low. This certainly
reinforces the idea that longer texts existed. The percentage of inscriptions with linguistic content out
of the total number of inscriptions will again vary based on the type of the civilization. For civilizations
like the IVC, they will be very low.
S.no Type of Civilization Percentage of inscriptions with
linguistic content out of the
total number of inscriptions
Percentage of long
inscriptions out of a total
number of inscriptions
1 Multilingual Trade based
civilizations
Very low Very low
2 Trade based civilizations Low Low
3 Monarchies High High
The sign distribution in the Indus script, using the current corpus of inscription is presented
below. We also follow it up with a comparison with other scripts:
Frequency Number of signs
1000 or more 1
999-500 1
499-100 31
99-50 34
49-10 86
9-2 152
7. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Only once 112
This is not very different from the sign distribution frequencies in Proto-Cuneiform. In Proto-
Cuneiform, astonishingly, the number of rare signs is much, much higher, in spite of the fact that this
script was certainly used by a smaller number of people and over a lesser time span. In this respect,
the Indus script would appear to be one step above Proto-cuneiform, which is a Proto-writing system.
The total number of signs in Proto-Cuneiform is estimated to be 1617. 5
Frequency Number of signs
More than 100 104
99-10 370
9-2 610
Only once 530
In Proto-Elamite, Jacob L. Dahl states that there were 1900 signs, a number far higher than the
Indus script. Out of these 1050 were attested only once, 8 between 100 and two hundred times, 8
between 200 and 400 times, 1 between 400 and 500 times, 1 between 500 and 700 times, and one
over 700 times.
Such sign frequencies are not markedly different from the Indus script. In fact, going by this
metric, it would appear that the Indus script which was the youngest of the three was the most stable.
From our analysis, the Indus script should have had more signs that Proto-Cuneiform or Proto-Elamite
because it was used by much larger numbers of people and over a longer period. This wasn’t the case.
It had much less signs than either. The sign usage is less skewed than either, notwithstanding the fact
that the texts are short. 6 No texts in Proto-Elamite or Proto-Cuneiform display sign repetition in the
manner the Dholavira signboard does. This would imply that the Indus script was a step above Proto-
Cuneiform and Proto-Elamite. This would also imply that the Indus script was used more befittingly.
S.n
o
Script Age Numbe
r of
signs
Proof available
that pairing and
ordering of
signs played an
important role
Long
inscri
ptions
Inscriptions
with sign
repetition
Rare signs
1 Proto-
Cuneifor
m
3200 BC
(oldest)
1617 Yes Yes No. only Mature
Cuneiform was
true writing
High
2 Proto-
Elamite
2900 BC 1900 Yes Yes No. only Linear
Elamite glyphs
display sign
repetition
High
3 Indus
script
2600 BC
(The
youngest)
1348
extrapo
lated
Yes No Yes. Dholavira
signboard
High but not as
high as Proto-
Cuneiform and
Proto-Elamite
The number of signs is one determinant of the nature of the Indus script because it would imply
that the Indus script was based on the other two, and developed after Proto-cuneiform and Proto-
Elamite. Only the signs would have changed as a result of the process of ethno genesis. Thus, the
Harappans would have taken a state of the art script from West Asia in around 2600 BC when the
5
The Origins of Writing as a Problem of Historical Epistemology, Peter Damerow Cuneiform Digital Library Journal 2006:1
6
Proto-Elamite sign frequencies, Jacob L.Dahl, Cuneiform Digital Library Bulletin 2002:1 version 29 April 2002
8. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
magical transformation from the early to the mature Indus phase began and made changes to suit their
requirements. Some changes, as we explained, would have been deliberate. It would also have been
used differently, but this does not impact the nature of the script at all. Thus, the Indus script would have
been used befittingly and would have most certainly been used to inscribe longer texts. The Dholavira
signboard implies again, that it was one step above Proto-cuneiform and Proto-Elamite as the other two
do not consist of any inscriptions displaying sign repetition. This type of an intra-region approach can
stand us in extremely good stead as data expands and time progresses: it can then be used to solve
riddles further west as well.
This Indus script is closely related to these scripts and is obviously as vastly different from Vinca
Symbols, Tartaria tablets and Pictish stones as chalk is from cheese. Theories linking the Indus script
to such symbol systems are complete non-starters and we have discussed this in detail in our previous
paper. This, when taken together with all the other factors discussed in both our papers proves that it
was a log-syllabic script: occam’s razor applies, as always. It would be very obvious that Proto-Elamite
was related to the Indus script, and a sign-by-sign comparison was already done by Fairservis and
others. It was obvious that the split up happened when the transition from proto-Elamite to Linear
Elamite was taking place and after it had reached the linguistic stage. Kudurru stones, on the other
hand, are much later, dating to between the 16th and 13th century BC and a derivation of the Indus script
from Kudurru stones, or the other way round is well-nigh impossible. Kudurru stones contained
contracts as well, and these were usually in Cuneiform. What logical links does one see between
Kudurru stones and the Indus script? The Akkadian empire, likewise, began later than the IVC mature
phase, and the Indus script was clearly developed in 2700-2600 BC. This would rule out any source
other that Proto-linear Elamite as a source for the Indus script.
We will now develop a method to predict the existence of a lost corpus of texts in the Indus
which in addition to the Dholavira signboard will provide irrefutable evidence for the existence of a lost
corpus of texts as archeological data begins to expand.
First step: To predict the total number of signs in the Indus script using a Bell curve
The very first step will be to predict the Total number of signs in the Indus script using a bell
curve.The total number of signs in the Indus script has been arrived at using a bell curve – 1 new
sign per 25 new inscriptions found at the current rate– one of the higher if not the highest figures
Farmer mentions. This works out to a total of 1348 signs. This would include genuine singletons.
We include genuine singletons in the number of signs arrived at. We however assume that
genuine singletons also decrease at exactly the same rate as other signs with the increase in number
of inscriptions discovered. This assumption will not be valid in reality as singletons may continue to
crop up at a constant rate. This, will not however change the total number of signs arrived at; we
have arrived at a total number of 1348 signs, a figure far less than Proto-Cuneiform.
Our observations are as follows:
(1) The number of signs does not vary significantly from Proto-Cuneiform or from Proto-Elamite.
As a matter of fact, the total number of signs in Proto-Elamite and Proto-Cuneiform is
observed to be far greater at 1617 & 1900 signs, although these were used by smaller
numbers of people over a smaller area over a much lower timespan. The number of rare
signs in the Indus script is less.
(2) The total number of signs will not increase by a significant degree even if a lost corpus existed
(3) However, the Total actual number of signs in the Indus script will be equal to
Total Number of signs arrived at this method – Genuine singletons i.e. 1348-S
9. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Percentage
of the Indus
excavated
Number of
new signs
Percentage of the
Indus excavated
Number of
new signs
Percentage of
the Indus
excavated
Number of
new signs
0-5% 417 35-40% 54 70-75% 16
5-10% 160 40-45% 45 75-80% 13
10-15% 134 45-50% 38 80-85% 10
15-20% 110 50-55% 33 85-90% 7
20-25% 92 55-60% 29 90-95% 4
25-30% 76 60-65% 25 95-100% 2
30-35% 63 65-70% 20
Total Number of
Signs 1348
Therefore, the number of adjusted signs in Proto-Elamite is 1617 + Xa + Ya
Therefore, the number of adjusted signs in Proto-Cuneiform is 1900 + Xb + Yb
Where X is the differential added for the size of the IVC and Y is the differential added for the
time span of 7 centuries which denotes the time span of the usage of the script. While a reliable estimate
cannot be made of X and Y, they would be substantial in the eyes of most. We may note that these
figures are added to the two scripts to make it comparable to the Indus script which was used for a
longer time span and over a wider area. In other words, if these scripts were used in the IVC, they would
have had a larger number of signs because the number of bonafide singletons and defunct signs arising
due to internal changes in the script over seven centuries and usage over a much, much larger region.
Let us assume a conservative differential of 150 signs: this gives us 1767 signs for proto-
Elamite and 2050 signs for Proto-cuneiform.
But the figure of 1348 representing the total extrapolated signs in the Indus script is a far smaller
number, (It would remain significantly smaller even if it is rounded off to 1500 or even 1600 signs)
naturally implying along with other factors that the Indus script was ahead of these two in terms of
evolution, and it was also younger than these. This again would imply that a lost corpus existed when
considered along with several other factors which we have discussed as the Harappans would have
taken the state-of-the-art script further west and modified it to suit local needs. Even the most
conservative scholar, would, after studying all the evidence that has been present in this and our earlier
paper, concede that the Indus script was a logo-syllabic script that had reached a mature stage of
evolution, shorter texts notwithstanding, and the ‘non-script’ adherents, whatever that may mean, have
now very little to make their case. This test will like all others fall fully flat for Vinca symbols and Pictish
stones.
Second step: The Isolation of non-bonafide low frequency signs and singletons
In the second step, we shall attempt to isolate non-bonafide low frequency signs and
singletons. We shall do this as follows.
Low frequency signs showing up across a wide geographical region are not bona fide low
frequency signs. (Very reliable test for low frequency signs).
Singletons on mass-produced objects are not bonafide singletons because they would have
had to be read by many people.
10. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Low frequency signs or singletons bearing a close resemblance to Proto-Elamite signs or to
signs in other contemporaneous scripts will not be bona fide singletons or low frequency signs
because this would imply that these had to be used commonly. (very reliable test for singletons)
Low frequency signs appearing several times in different inscriptions always displaying
conditional entropy are not bonafide low frequency signs (reliable test for low frequency signs)
Low frequency signs or singletons which are variants of other signs will not be bona fide
singletons or low frequency signs.(fairly reliable test for singletons)
Signs such as anthropomorphic ones may not be bonafide singletons (fairly reliable test for
singletons).
Sings bearing close similarity to other signs i.e. those forming a part of a group. (a less reliable
test for singletons)
Signs appearing in successor cultures may not be bonafide singletons.(a fairly reliable test for
singletons)
Highly abstract singletons may not be bona fide singletons – this is not a reliable test but can
be combined with other tests to determine how bonafide a singleton is. Singletons can be
ranked on a scale of 0 to 5, 0 being pictorial and 5 being abstract. (We do not claim this is a
reliable test – a lost corpus can be inferred due to other reasons)
Low frequency signs appearing in identical glyphs which were not mass-produced from the
same mould may be bonafide low frequency signs. This test has to be made in conjunction with
other tests.
Singletons appearing as a part of a compound sign may not be bonafide singletons.
Singletons or low frequently sings always appearing alone may be bonafide singletons.
The changes that a singleton appearing in a longer glyph is a bonafide singleton is lower than
it may be if it is appearing in a shorter glyph.
The probability that a singleton appearing in a glyph with a linear arrangement is a bonafide
singleton is much lower than it may be if it is appearing in a glyph with a non-linear arrangement.
A singleton appearing in the middle of a glyph may not be a bonafide singleton.
A singleton appearing in a glyph with sign repetition may not be a bonafide singleton. This is a
particularly strong test.
Any other signs that can be dropped out of the bonafide list – to provide justification.
Each singleton must be assessed against multiple parameters to make a final decision.
Tests must get stricter and stricter as data increases; in the early days tests need be necessarily
strict. In other words, the probability that a singleton will remain a singleton in the early days is
extremely low.
These signs can be removed from the list of singletons or low frequency signs. A preliminary
analysis by Bryan Wells and other scholars would show that a large number of low frequency signs and
singletons are not low frequency signs and singletons at all. In order to do this, we may prepare a
singleton assessment checklist which tests all singletons and low frequency signs against all attributes
mentioned above. This would help us categorize singletons into bonafide and non-bonafide singletons.
Bonafide singletons may also be classified on the basis of probability that they are bonafide singletons,
the rest can be categorized as doubtful. For example, only signs analogous to the “duck in pond” sign
may be high-probability singletons. Many others bonafide singletons may be doubtful bonafide
singletons, but one may like to wait for hard evidence to manifest itself.
As assessment of singletons and low frequency signs can proceed as follows:
Name of assessor
Date
Assessment of singletons:
S.no Indus
sign:
Inscription
code:
Location of
discovery
Attribute Assessment
against
Attribute
Overall
assessment
1
11. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
2
Summary Bonafide
singletons
Non-
bonafide
Singletons
Doubtful
Singletons
Assessment of low frequency signs
S.no Indus
sign:
List of
Inscription
codes:
Discovery
locations
Attribute Assessment
against
Attribute
Overall
assessment
1
2
Summary Bonafide
singletons
Non-
bonafide
Singletons
Doubtful
Singletons
A summary table would give the following results:
Assessor No Name Number of
bonafide
singletons
Number of
doubtful
singletons
Number of
non-
bonafide
singletons
Assumptions
and remarks
A
B
C
Putting all these results in a summary, we get the following results:
Frequency Sign
distribution
existing
corpus
Sign
distributio
n 10%
Sign
distribution
15% -95%
Sign distribution
extrapolated
100%
1000 or more 1
999-500 1
499-100 31
99-50 34
49-10 86
9-2 (M) 152-X
12. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
9-2 (non-bonafide low frequency signs)
(N)
X
Only once (P) 112-Y
Only once (non-bonafide singletons)
(Q)
Y
Incremental new signs (X) Nil 160
Incremental low frequency signs and
singletons which may not be singletons
and low frequency signs (Y)
Nil
Incremental low frequency signs and
singletons which may not be singletons
and low frequency signs/ Incremental
new signs (Y/X)
Doubtful low frequency signs plus
singletons divided by total number of
low frequency signs and singletons
(N+Q)/(M+P)
Total number of signs (This has been
extrapolated using a bell curve – 1 new
sign per 25 inscriptions – one of the
higher if not the highest figures Farmer
mentions)
417 577 1348
Third step: Arriving at predicted Sign Distribution Frequencies
Sign distribution frequencies for each interval can be arrived at very easily. This may be done as
follows
Identify the number of new singletons likely to be discovered at each interval. We have already
done this in the first step.
Split up existing low frequency signs into bona fide low frequency signs and others using the
criteria that we have identified in the previous step.
Split up existing singletons into bona fide singletons and others using the criteria that we have
identified at the previous step.
The frequency for bona fide singletons and low frequency signs will not increase as the corpus
of inscriptions increases.
Predict the total number of signs under each of the frequencies for each of the intervals. One
may also study how the usage of low frequency signs and singletons which may not actually
be singletons or low frequency signs due to the reasons discussed, increases as the number
of inscriptions increases. Does the number of singletons or low frequency signs which are not
bona fide increase linearly, or at a faster rate or at a slower rate as the number of inscriptions
increase? This input will be crucial to make an accurate prediction of the number of signs
expected at each frequency.
The total must tie up with the number of inscriptions expected at an interval multiplied by the
average number of signs or 4.6.
x x
∑[f(k) x f] = ∑[n(i) X l]
1 1
Where l is the average length of an inscription, n(i) = number of inscriptions, f = frequency, f(k)
= number of signs in a particular frequency.
Refine the values as data increases. This will give us an idea of how accurate our computations
were.
If the number of singletons or low frequency signs which may not be low frequency signs or
singletons increases or remains large (Signs which are singletons or low frequency signs but do not
appear to be upon closer scrutiny (reasons discussed above) to be legitimate singletons or low-
13. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
frequency signs), then it would certainly imply that a large corpus of texts existed. It would be illuminating
to analyze the increase of the number of such signs as our data expands. These signs can tell us a lot
about the script. These are the little fellows one must always monitor.
Fig2. If the number of new non-bonafide singletons being discovered declines slowly or at a moderate pace, it means there is better chance of
a lost corpus being discovered. The reliability of this test increases as the percentage of Indus sites discovered increases. Therefore the possibility
of statistical error is inversely proportional to the percentage of Indus sites discovered. There may be sudden and rapid drops of non-bonafide
singletons after the discovery of hypothetical corpuses say C1,C2,C3,C4,C5 etc, but only the pattern of decrease thereafter has to be evaluated
and studied to determine the probability of discovery of further hypothetical corpuses.
Fig.3 If the number of new non-bonafide singletons being discovered declines rapidly, it does not imply automatically there is little chance of a lost
corpus existing However, this may well be a statistical error as a corpus can be inferred due to other reasons, and this is an extremely unlikely
scenario. This scenario can also of course be used to show that a corpus on perishable materials existed or can be used to show that archaeological
data is insufficient.
Either way, no one would now deny that a lost corpus existed. This reliability of this test increases as the percentage of the Indus sites discovered
increases. Therefore the possibility of statistical error is inversely proportional to the percentage of Indus sites discovered. There may be sudden
and rapid drops of non-bonafide singletons after the discovery of hypothetical corpuses say C1,C2,C3,C4,C5 etc, but only the pattern of decrease
thereafter has to be evaluated and studied to determine the probability of discovery of further hypothetical corpuses.
Fig 4. If bonafide singletons increase greatly as data expands, it would still imply that a lost corpus existed because of the other factors we have
discussed. Remember to take contradictory evidence always into account. Bonafide singletons can be expected in a large civilization where the
script was used by a large number of people. Moreover, the rare sign hypothesis is statistically unreliable at this stage. The percentage of rare
signs does not vary significantly from other scripts as we have shown. Signs formerly identified as bonafide singletons may drop off the list. They
may be marked as non-bonafide singletons if companions are discovered, but NEVER the other way around if the epistemology is correct.
The criteria for identifying singletons as was presented in our paper as bonafide is only indicative. if a lost corpus existed, many singletons could
drop off the bonafide list. This could again imply that a hidden corpus existed, and that the classification of singletons as bonafide was wrong
because evidence to make a reliable classification was inadequate.
0
50
100
150
200
250
10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
0
50
100
150
200
250
10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
14. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Tell-tale evidence of a larger corpus
The existence of a much larger corpus of texts can be inferred in case any of the following
conditions are observed:
The number of singletons or low frequency signs which may not be genuine low frequency
signs or singletons keeps on increasing.
The number of singletons or low frequency signs which may not be genuine low frequency
signs or singletons remains constant while the frequency of usage of more common signs
keeps on increasing.
The frequency of usage of such signs increases very slowly in comparison to the number
of new inscriptions discovered.
The ratio that has to be monitored here is:
Total number of bonafide singletons - total number of singletons later discovered to be non-bonafide
singletons i.e. signs dropping out of the list
Total number of singletons
OR
Total number of bonafide singletons - total number of singletons later discovered to be non-bonafide
singletons i.e. signs dropping out of the list
Total number of signs
Examples of some other ratios that can be monitored in the context of increasing archaeological
data are the ratios of doubtful singletons out of singletons classified as bonafide singletons.
This is in addition to the Dholavira signboard which itself implies that a lost corpus existed. This
model will work much more reliably only as data expands but the advantage of this method is that it
can be put to use early and the total number of sign under each frequency can be predicted. This can
additionally be compared at every stage to the total number of signs of a logo-syllabic script of this
type. Refer our earlier section for a more complete and meaningful discussion. There are three
possible scenarios here:
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
140
10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
15. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Scenario A: The Indus script was not a stable writing system- this hypothesis was falsified in our
earlier paper on multiple grounds and cannot even hold up to the mildest of scrutiny. Most other
mainstream researchers have refuted this hypothesis already. Readers may wish to read the book by
Michael Korvink ‘The Indus script: A positional-statistical approach’ which has approached the issue
extremely systematically.
Scenario B: The Indus script was a proto-writing system.
Scenario C: Longer texts certainly existed in the Indus valley
Readers can make up their mind as to which of the three hypotheses is the most likely on the
basis of our discussions in this and our earlier papers. The following sub-scenarios apply for scenario
C.
Serial
no
Sub- Scenario Alternate hypothesis
1 Sub-scenario A: Lost corpus did exist If no lost corpus is found, scenario B applies
2 Sub-Scenario B: Lost corpus existed on
perishable materials (OR) archaeological data
is insufficient
‘Once a singleton, always a singleton’: How correct is this statement?
This statement is absurd because it assumes no further companions to singletons will be found,
and as only 5% of the IVC has been excavated, this statement is practically meaningless. Signs formerly
identified as bonafide singletons may drop off the list. They may be marked as non-bonafide singletons
if companions are discovered, and this is a logical process of analysis of such singletons, but NEVER
the other way around if the epistemology for identifying singletons as non–bonafide singletons is correct.
If no more companions for non-bonafide singletons are discovered even after persistent digging, it
would mean that archeological data is insufficient or a lost corpus of texts existed. (In addition, we have
shown that the fear the Indus script had too many singletons is unfounded – refer this and our earlier
paper.)
Sign redaction in scripts leading to a decline in number of signs in use
Proto-Cuneiform Proto-Elamite Indus script
Cuneiform Linear Elamite
The origin of the Indus script
The process of rationalization of signs
would have stopped after the split up. Most signs
would have been changed as a result of the
normal process of cultural ethnogenesis. Some
were clearly not modified at all. (This proves the
logo-syllabic thesis as Vinca symbols and Pictish
stones fail this test). A few more signs could have
been added, most probably singletons. (Our
study clearly proves the Indus script evolved with
these 2 scripts and not any other scripts,
imagined or real, and then branched off, proving
(along with other factors) beyond the shadow of
a doubt that it was logo-syllabic)
16. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
The idea that the Indus script derived from the rudimentary potters marks of the early Indus
phase is untenable as we discussed extensively in our earlier paper on the Indus script, and cannot
hold up to any scrutiny. The late Gregory Possehl says exactly this in his book, ‘The Indus Civilization:
A contemporary perspective’. We reproduce the relevant passages in the book..
“There is little, if any evidence for the beginning of writing in the early Harappan. Signs on pots,
both pre- and post-firing, begin early, in stage two, but this is not writing, and some of it is probably
simple potters marks, or marks of ownership. Logic suggests that the relatively developed writing
system of Mature Harappan has its roots in the Early Harappan- Mature Harappan phase transition.” 7
Diverse usage of the Indus script
Most recent research demonstrates the Indus script to be versatile; there were at least four
usages it was put to and this suggests different functions of the Indus script were used by different
groups. All of them of course used exactly the same signs and combinations, and all of which most
certainly required at least some amount of training for usage, but its usage to inscribe administrative
records would have required more complex training and this need not have been imparted to other
groups Neither Vinca symbols, Pictish stones or other ‘symbol systems’ display this kind of a versatility.
These were:
S.
no
Use Used by Required
training?
Linguistic? Was this the primary
usage of the Indus
script?
1 Personal
identify
Elites Yes. Both to read
and write
Possibly not Unlikely, if imported
(This would imply that
the elites used more
complex communication
as they were unlikely to
have been trained only
for this purpose)
2 Ritual use i.e.
mass
production of
seals
Elites and
shamans
Yes. Both to read
and write
Possibly not Unlikely, if imported
3 Trade and
commerce
Traders
and
merchants
Yes. Both to read
and write. Even a
small class of
Mesopotamian
merchants would
have been
trained in the
Indus script.
Certainly not if it
had to be read by
people who were
outside the
linguistic ambit of
the Indus.
Yes
4 Administrative
(The
Dholavira
signboard
being the tip
of the iceberg)
scribes Required much
greater training,
and this would
have been
imparted to small
groups
Yes. It’s
relationship to
(various) spoken
languages would
have been a
function of usage
Was one of the chief
functions
5 Graffiti – only
one such
example was
found and this
- Maybe No. this does however
imply versatility.
7
‘The Indus Civilization: A contemporary perspective’. Gregory Louis Possehl Altamira Press
2002.
17. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
was short, but
fairly large
Evolution of Ideograms and Logograms to Logo-syllabic scripts
Instead of lumping scripts from different geographic zones and time periods into an unsavoury
mess, it would be wise to analyze how ideograms morphed into logo-syllabic scripts; this was always
happening in Old World Civilizations, with underlying motives and objectives being more or less same
in all the three. However, the drivers for this could have operated differently in all three as the nature of
civilization was different: the process would not have been normally abandoned once begun unless
there was a major disruption such as the decline of the civilization due to other factors or the introduction
of new technology such as alphabetic scripts. In our case, there are three scenarios:
Scen
ario
Description Likelihood of
the scenario
Implication
A Was imported as a logo-syllabic script with predominantly
non-linguistic usage but its full functionality employed by
smaller groups.
The implications of this scenario are:
a. The Indus script was in all respects quite similar to
the contemporaneous scripts of West Asia.
b. It was only used differently because of the nature
of the IVC. There is enough evidence to support
this because the pairing and ordering of signs were
similar to the scripts of West Asia. It had a similar
number of signs as well.
c. The Indus script played a critical role in the
transformation of the early to the mature Harappan
phase which happened rapidly because smaller
groups of people who put the Indus script to
different uses allowed this to happen.
Near certain A lost corpus of
texts certainly
existed
B Evolved in linguistic directions internally
The implications of this are as follows:
a. Evolved in linguistic directions internally without
royal or centralized authority: not impossible but
relatively less probable. Most Indus archeologists
would even rule out this possibility entirely. In order
for such an evolution to take place there has to be
an evidence or royal authority or centralization, or
at least priestly authority (this would hold good for
the development of virtually all scripts) none of
which were observed in the IVC (the IVC
epitomized an anti-thesis of centralization with only
some aspects such as the layout of the cities, some
common cultural elements and of course the script
being the same), automatically vindicating thesis A:
this may account for Farmer’s non-change thesis.
The non-linguistic portion of the script which would
have been used by much larger groups of people
would have provided social cohesion in the
intensely multi-lingual IVC (as Farmer rightly points
out) and the script embodying full functionality
Low A lost corpus
would still have
existed because
the Dholavira
signboard
appears to
represent a
logo-syllabic
script in mature
form.(Even if
thesis B is
correct, there
have to be
several missing
links and the
context of its
discovery
proves the lost
manuscript
hypothesis)
18. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
would have enabled its rapid script and would have
facilitated record-keeping.
b. Does not account for the rapid transformation of the
early to the mature Harappan phase.
c. Does not explain why the Harappans would leave
out a vital feature when it was already available in
contemporaneous scripts. We may bear in mind
that they had taken other complex features such as
the ordering and pairing of signs.
d. Readers may make up their mind as to which of
these is more likely.
e. One can always argue that a few longer
inscriptions occur towards the end of the IVC. But
is this hypothesis statistically reliable at this stage
with the low quantum of data? Have these been
reliably been carbon dated? Does this hypothesis
account for contradictory evidence? We leave it
again to readers to judge.
C Had not yet reached the linguistic stage Impossible
because such
a hypothesis
would not
even take all
existing
evidence into
account
A lost corpus
could not have
existed.
What is the implication if the percentage of bonafide singletons out of the total number
of singletons is high?
This ratio is statistically unreliable at this stage because of low quantum of archeological data.
If would be useful to monitor this ratio over a period. Even if the ratio of bonafide singletons is to the
total number of singletons remains stubbornly high as data increases, appeals and entreaties that a lost
corpus of texts could not have existed will prove extremely chimerical: A lost corpus of can still be
assumed due to other reasons which were discussed in the paper. Furthermore, bonafide singletons
will drop off the list if a lost corpus did exist as our criteria for classifying signs as bonafide singletons
was only indicative.
Three-tier model to research the Indus script
Future studies must split up the study of the Indus script into the following three categories
instead of attempting to decipher the Indus script directly (a) A study of the nature of the script using a
multi-disciplinary approach (b) A study of the usage of the script (c) A decipherment of the Indus script
only if it is possible using a given corpus. Such analysis-driven approaches will stand us in very good
stead always, and would be preferred to decipherment-based approaches.
19. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Fig 5. This inscription is of the same length as the Dholavira signboard. However, the signs are non-repeating. This
kind of dual usage clearly shows that the Indus script was logo-syllabic
The late Dr Gregory Possehl had echoed similar sentiments in ’The Indus Civilization: A
contemporary perspective’ 8
“It may have been that the Indus scribes used a perishable material such as cloth or bark to
compose longer documents. Both materials served as paper in historical times. There is always a
chance that a large corpus of long inscriptions in the Indus script will emerge, perhaps on imperishable
materials. Bilingual texts might also appear. But after a lot of digging, there is no evidence for them
today, and this may suggest that we know the principal cultural contexts of Indus writing which is quite
unlike Mesopotamia and Egypt. The context of early writing in these civilizations or archaic states was
administration. In the Indus it seems to be personal identity. Professor J.Baines, an Egyptologist at
Oxford University, made an intriguing observation pertaining to Indus texts written on perishable
materials. There are many unique low frequency signs in the corpus of inscriptions on non-perishable
materials and Baines noted that this may well be evidence that the inscribed materials recovered are
sufficiently specialized and that the balance expression of corpus of signs is not present. If this is true,
then it implies that at least some of the unique and low frequency signs that are recorded are simply a
reflection of the deep bias on the corpus of texts and if we had the whole range of texts, e.g. on
perishable materials, this statistical point would vanish. A real writing system with 113 signs or one
where half the pictograms occur less frequently than five times is odd. The point that Baines makes is
not a complete answer but I think it is important and should be kept in mind by the students of this
ancient script.”
Some more common questions addressed
We now attempt to address some more common questions about the Indus script. Answers to common
questions people ask are presented below:
1. How important is the linear arrangement of symbols in determining whether a symbol system
may be construed as a writing system or not?
A) Conditional entropy cannot distinguish between Logo-graphic scripts and Logo-syllabic
scripts. It can at least be used to prove the stability of the system. All logographic scripts are writing
systems. The question should be "Did the Indus script reach the syllabic stage or not?". There is enough
evidence that it did. There is no such thing as a "symbol system". The classifications are logo-graphic
and logo-syllabic.
The term “Symbol system” is highly superfluous for the following reasons:
Reason Number one: Its progenitors acknowledge it was a system. What then is the difference
between a symbol system and a writing system? The onus is on them to provide a justification for this.
Reason Number two: A term to describe such a system already exists. There is no need to
invent new terminologies unless existing ones do not satisfy a particular need.
Reason Number three: All logographic scripts morphed into logo-syllabic scripts at this time. In
the case of the Indus script the process was under way, and there is enough evidence for this.
Therefore, the Indus script was a logo-graphic script.
2. If the symbols are pictographic, is it important that they be abstract and not realistic?
8
The Indus Civilization : A contemporary perspective, Gregory L.Possehl
20. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
A) Abstraction is a sign of the maturity of the system. Non-abstraction does not construe proof
of the non-stability of the system. Indus signs were more abstract than Egyptian Hieroglyphs.
Abstraction does however, prove the following
1. Abstraction proves the stability of the system as was the case with Vinca symbols which
were just proto-writing.
2. It proves its intended widespread usage as was the case with Vinca symbols (unlike
Egyptian Hieroglyphs which may have been deliberately kept non-abstract to prevent wide
usage)
3. Abstraction does prove that it was a system, as some sort of formal training would have
become necessary.
3. How important is the length of the "texts" in deciding whether a symbol system is writing or
not?
A) Length = function (usage). This length of Indus inscriptions was rightly questioned by Farmer
but is a function of several different factors discussed in the paper. This includes the nature of the IVC.
The existence of longer texts can be inferred due to reasons discussed in the paper. Again, there is no
such thing as "symbol system". There are two categories of writing, proto-writing and writing.
4. In order to judge whether something is writing, how important is it that symbols repeat?
A) Symbol repetition = Function (usage). The Dholavira signboard shows sign repetition. This
is proof that the Indus script was logo-syllabic when judged along with the context of its discovery. Most
other glyphs of similar length do not demonstrate symbol repetition but this is an accepted feature of a
logo-syllabic script and shows a kind of dual usage. A few other (short) glyphs have demonstrated sign
repetition.
5. How important is the number of distinct texts to decide that a symbol system is writing?
A) Relevant only if it is weighed against the size of the corpus and the contexts of inscriptions.
The presence of the same signs and sign combinations in a vast geographical region can however,
speak volumes about its stability. This proves that the Indus script was a writing system. Please refer
the tomes of research done on the Indus script by Western authors. There were many distinct
inscriptions in the Indus as discussed in our earlier paper. This does imply that the Indus script was a
writing system. Given the very low quantum of archeological data, the number of unique inscriptions
will increase as data increases. Mass production of inscriptions which is a unique Indus feature has
brought down the ratio of unique inscriptions out of the total inscriptions but proving it to be a logo-
syllabic script using different methods and much more importantly arguing for a larger corpus renders
this argument meaningless.
The difference between the Old logo-syllabic script thesis (Logo-syllabic thesis A) and the New
logo-syllabic script thesis (Logo-syllabic thesis B): fundamental differences between the old
and the new thesis
The wheel has now turned full circle and we are back where we originally began. There are
however many difference between the Old Logo-syllabic script thesis and the New logo-syllabic script
thesis and the differences can be summarized as follows:
Sno New logo-syllabic script
thesis (Logo-syllabic thesis
B)
Old logo-syllabic script thesis (Logo-syllabic thesis A)
1 Shows using valid
epistemology that the Indus
Assumes the Indus script to be logo-syllabic based on
supposed prefixes and infixes in the Indus script. Many
scholars have used a structural analysis to prove that
21. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
script had certainly reached
the syllabic stage.
the Indus script was Dravidian or Indo-European. This
thesis has many limitations because seals would have
been non-linguistic and would have been used in trade.
There may have been some exceptions to this rule.
(The term Indo-European or Indo-Aryan are too
ambiguous in today’s parlance – for a very detailed
discussion refer to the paper ‘Syncretism and
Acculturation in Ancient India –A new Nine Phase
Acculturation model explaining the process of transfer
of power from the Harappans to the Indo-Aryans Part
two.
2 Shows using valid
epistemology that a longer
corpus of inscriptions
existed.
The lost manuscript hypothesis has had adherents for
several decades. This hypothesis has however been by
and large irrelevant to decipherment efforts.
3 Supports the idea that most
seals were non-linguistic.
Assumes seals were linguistic
4 Supports the idea that the
IVC was multi-linguistic.
Assumes that the IVC was mono-lingual
55 Supports the Idea that
progress can only come
from a structural analysis of
the script. A decipherment
with the existing corpus is
unlikely.
Supports the idea that a decipherment of the script is
possible.
66 Does not consider the
decipherment of the Indus
script to be of major
relevance in Indology as a
whole; multi-disciplinary and
India-specific research
strategies must be the
starting point.
Supports the idea that the decipherment of the Indus
script is central to further progress in Indology.
The difference between the Old logo-syllabic script thesis (Logo-syllabic thesis A) and the new
logo-syllabic script thesis (Logo-syllabic thesis B): other differences between the old and the
new thesis
We also do not blindly assume that a Rosetta stone will be found. A historical analysis of the contacts
between the IVC and Mesopotamia & Egypt and a detailed study of the transformation of Harappan to
post-Harappan India as was examined in our papers ‘Syncretism and Acculturation in Ancient India: A
new Nine Phase acculturation model explaining the process of transfer of power from the Harappans
to the Indo-Aryans’ Part one and two, which was published in the ICFAI Journal of History and Culture
in January 2009 and January 2010 9 can help here. We had also proposed methods to reconstruct the
languages spoken in the IVC in these papers.
Also, we do not claim that the Indus script was wholly indigenous in origin: there is no nationalism in
any of our papers. We only claim that evidence is adequate to establish that it was a logo-syllabic script.
We reject the hypothesis that the Indus script was derived from the rudimentary potter’s marks which
were more ubiquitous in less developed societies found in the pre-mature Harappan phase. This
scenario is highly unlikely because the internal synergies or authority to carry out the whole scale
9
‘Syncretism and Acculturation in Ancient India: A new Nine Phase acculturation model
explaining the process of transfer of power from the Harappans to the Indo-Aryans Part one and two:
Sujay Rao Mandavilli, ICFAI Journal of History and Culture in January 2009 and January 2010
22. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
development of a logo-syllabic script would have been absent. This theory does not account for
similarities with West Asian scripts either. These are additional but very, very important differences
between the Logo-syllabic thesis A (or the old logo-syllabic thesis) and Logo-syllabic thesis B (the new
Logo-syllabic thesis). All future researchers must make a difference between the two (as they test
additional and new evidence against these two theses).
Transformation of Logograms to fully evolved Logo-syllabic scripts
We can map the transformation of Logograms to fully evolved Logo-syllabic scripts as follows, and
this model will be fully consistent with experiences culled from excavations from all over the world:
Stage Description Does this
feature provide
proof that a
script has
reached the
linguistic stage?
Has this feature been observed in
the Indus script?
Has this
feature
been
observed in
Vinca
symbols?
Early Visual puns Yes By inference No
Early Abstraction No Yes. These were more abstract
than Egyptian hieroglyphs. This is
a proof of its intended widespread
use unlike Egyptian hieroglyphs
which were for a restricted
audience.
Yes
Middle Pairing and order
of signs
No Yes , was a key component
of the Indus code
No
Late Systematic use of
determinatives
Yes Yes (Dholavira) No
Late The use of the
Rebus principle
Yes Not attested yet No
Late Acrophony Yes Not attested yet No
Factors increasing the probability of a lost corpus
The factors increasing the probability of a lost corpus are below
Sno Factor Implication
1 Test of interchangeability between the
Dholavira signboard and contemporaneous
scripts
Shows that the script had to be used
more befittingly
2 The frivolous nature of the Dholavira
signboard which means that longer texts
existed
Do
3 The fact that speech encoding could be read
by a large number of elites given the gigantic
size of the signboard and its conspicuous
position atop a citadel
Do
4 The fact that the glyph though short represents
a mature form of a logo-syllabic script that was
very obviously designed with longer texts in
mind.
Do
5 The multilingual nature of the IVC Increases the ratio of short:long
inscriptions and therefore the
probability of a lost corpus
23. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
6 The nature of use of seals: i.e. for commerce
and the crucial understanding that it was a
trade based civilization
Increases the ratio of short:long
inscriptions and therefore the
probability of a lost corpus.
7 Low percentage of the IVC discovered @5%,
this is the lowest by far among all the major
civilizations
Increases the probability of a lost
corpus when taken together with
other factors
8 Sophistication of the civilization and the
availability of wherewithal in the period in
question
Increases the possibility of a lost
corpus
9 The evolution of the Indus script which shared
features with the contemporaneous scripts of
the Middle East (as opposed to Vinca
symbols) Refer this and our earlier paper.
Increases the possibility of a lost
corpus when considered along with all
the other factors.
There are three possible scenarios as regards the Indus script and we have already
completed a balanced and logical assessment of the script in our earlier paper.
Scenario Description Conclusion
Scenario
A
The Indus script
wasn’t even a
writing system
This hypothesis is no longer valid given that so much
research has been done on the Indus script and its structure
both before and after 2005, all of which have disproven this
hypothesis already and the test of conditional entropy can at
least be used to prove the stability of the system if studied along
with several other factors.
Scenario
B
The Indus script
had reached the
syllabic stage
In all likelihood, this must have happened as admitted
by Farmer et al themselves. Therefore, the Indus script can be
considered logo-syllabic. From the example presented in the
paper, speech encoding does appear to have been one of the
functions of the script and this function appears to have been
built into the script and this implies that it was used commonly.
Scenario
C
Longer manuscripts
existed
Yes. The case for this has never been stronger than it
has been now.
(a) All the arguments for this are presented in the paper
(b) So little of the Indus has been excavated
(c) The low 1:x ratio only increases the probability that
longer texts existed
Royal inscriptions: The question of Royal inscriptions
doesn’t arise given the fact that it wasn’t ruled by monarchs
Literary records: Possible in theory, but such records
as a result of royal patronage or tutelage can be ruled out. An
assessment of how and why people wrote in contemporary
civilizations and a study of the transformation of Harappan to
Post-Harappan India can help here.
Administrative records: Almost certainly existed. The
logic and the reasoning are presented in this paper.
Therefore, the verdict would be obvious to the uninitiated and the layman alike, and those basing their
conclusions on the canons of sound judgment and common sense. The Indus script issue isn’t as easy
as meets the eye, and a moderately sized corpus of administrative records certainly did exist. The
changes in patterns of sign distributions as excavations progress can tell us extremely little about the
size of the corpus for reasons that will be extremely obvious to anybody: only a dynamic assessment
of the advancement of the Indus and the hierarchy and heterarchy of occupations and professions can
help us here.
24. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
A find has been claimed very recently in Kabul, Afghanistan but may turn out to be spurious, if it is true,
it may be the first in line in the discovery of longer texts. In the interim, we can reliably state
(a) Existing evidence is sufficient to establish that it was true writing
(b) Existing evidence is sufficient to establish that a lost corpus of texts existed
The direction of research: Indus archaeology as a driver of Indological research
Indus archeology must be indeed intensified because of the size of the IVC and its relative
advancement. No other old world civilization known or undiscovered will match the size of the Indus
valley civilization. The very fact that we now know that a lost corpus existed either on non-perishable or
perishable materials must motivate archaeologists to excavate the IVC further, and Indus archaeology
must become one of the pillars of Indological research. This can also improve our understanding of this
Indus script and can also throw up interesting clues for the study of contemporaneous scripts further
west. No one can deny that this will be of some importance to the rest of the world, and will even change
the relative importance given to the IVC in history textbooks.
Someone must now pass the good news around. Imposing models used for the study of Egypt and
Mesopotamia won’t work: the sooner the Indologists realize this, the better. A Rosetta Stone may not
surface for obvious reasons: readers may read our paper on the Aryan problem to figure out why: one
approach might be to reconstruct the spoken languages of the Harappans as proposed in these papers;
another may to compare the Indus script with the scripts found further west. Both may have to wait until
a lost corpus emerges. In the interim, any Western or Indian scholar must insist on the following:
(a) That the IVC is taught in all history textbooks around the world like its contemporaneous
civilizations further West and be accorded its pride of place;
(b) That the Indus script be discussed in the history of true writing systems;
(c) That the Indus script and the near-certain existence of a lost corpus be discussed in all articles
pertaining to the IVC, general literature and in textbooks.as well;
(d) That the IVC is not omitted in any encyclopedic literature or books discussing human
civilizations; those omitting it will be committing a cardinal error.
(e) That the fact that the Indus script is now known to be true writing become a driver in
archeological research as a lost corpus will certainly be found some day if inscribed on non-
perishable materials. It no such corpus is found, it would mean that longer texts were inscribed
on perishable materials. We have included a detailed discussion on writing materials in our
previous paper. This alone must motivate more researchers to take up research on ancient
India apart from other factors such as those discussed in our earlier paper which presented a
comprehensive solution to the Aryan problem.
25. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Fig 6. What a longer inscription (these most certainly would have existed to state the very,very obvious)
may have looked like: based on an extrapolation of signs from the Dholavira signboard which shows a
random outwardly repetition as could be expected in any true logo-syllabic script: what other proof could
one want that a lost corpus existed?
Whatever, one might say about Pictish stones or other “symbol systems”, the Indus script is clearly
not a part of this category. The term ‘symbols’ may not have much weightage because there is a
perfectly legitimate term for them: ideograms, pictograms and logograms. If Farmer wants to use the
term ‘symbol’ to represent ideograms which do not form a system at all, he may be but only partly right.
The Vinca symbols do form some kind of a system even though 85% of its symbols appear in isolation
unlike the Indus script. The Vinca symbol system does display abstraction and standardization which
implies that training was required to read the symbols and that it was designed to be used over a wide
geographical area. This term again would not hold any good for the Indus script if it had reached the
linguistic stage. Refer our earlier paper, ‘The reconfirmation and reinforcement of the Indus script thesis’
which was published in the ICFAI journal of History and Culture in January 2011. The theory that the
Indus script was not even a writing system has failed to stand all tests carried out since 2004 by Western
scholars of eminent repute and was a complete non-starter. This is apart from its blatant political
overtones, and the highly undesirable, irresponsible & unhealthy penchant of bringing an extreme
amount of personal prejudice & bias into science. We have furthermore, reproduced quotes from
scholars of UNIMPEACHABLE INTEGRITY such as Jane McIntosh and the late Gregory Possehl in
support of our stand. The compartmentalization of writing systems into symbol systems and scripts is
26. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
unhealthy and practically meaningless for many reasons, and future researchers would be well-advised
to avoid the term “symbol system” as far as possible due to the following fundamental reasons:
(a) Perfectly legitimate terms to describe symbols exist i.e. logograms, pictograms and ideograms
exist.
(b) Pictograms were always evolving into logo-syllabic scripts at the time the Indus valley
civilization flourished and in cases like the Vinca symbols this transition could not have certainly
happened because these were much, much older and pertained to a period when true writing
did not exist.
(c) Compartmentalizing writing systems into scripts and symbol systems pre-empts further
meaningful research as a multi-disciplinary approach must be applied for each of the scripts in
question to address the issue of whether scripts were logosyllabic or not. The great Russian
scholar Yuri Knorozov, who convincingly deciphered Mayan hieroglyphs, likewise argued that
scripts were rarely non-linguistic. He may have been partially right because speech-encoding
would have been an important feature, and if they had access to it, they would have borrowed
it.
(d) It automatically introduces bias and prejudice. In a narrow field of study where the number of
players is small, and ideas are generally not challenged easily or quickly, scholars must be
more responsible and accountable for their actions. One can use terms such as symbol
systems and scripts recklessly to mislead the general public. One can compartmentalize
civilizations based on his or her dislikes: as we observed, the Indus had a unique interpretation
of literacy, such as the mass production of writing and the ability of large sections of the Indus
population to read the Indus script. These kinds of approaches, and the introduction of a high
degree of personal bias sets a bad precedent not just for Indology, but for science as a whole
and are very unhealthy not only for the simple reason that they mislead the general public but
also because they preclude multidisciplinary approaches from being adopted and affect
research in writing systems in general.
(e) Given the fact that we now know it was a logo-syllabic script, this model can be used to research
scripts further west as data expands.
Therefore, the question should be ‘Did the Indus script reach the linguistic stage or not’. There is
enough evidence to adduce that it did.
As so little of the Indus has been excavated, drawing a priori conclusions about “non-literacy”
(whatever that may mean) is absurd, because it is against the principles of reasoning and epistemology
& is also a blatant misuse of the term besides containing leaps of logic and non-sequitors. The IVC was
literate in full conformity with well-accepted definitions of literacy. We have also shown in our earlier
paper that none of Farmer’s conclusions on the Indus script were correct, length notwithstanding: but
that can prove nothing; one can conclude that modern Indian scripts are not scripts on the basis of the
length of ‘inscriptions’ on signboards and shop signs because there were the only ‘inscriptions’ on non-
perishable materials and these were short in length; besides the brevity of the inscriptions is known
already. We have also validly and logically shown that a lost corpus of texts existed in the Indus even
with existing evidence and that existing evidence is adequate to establish that is was true writing. This
does not certainly violate any principles of epistemology. All these, were taken and studied together,
must be a great moment of epiphany for us and help us comfortably sidestep all perverse shenanigans;
More evidence must, of course, be obtained, (as unlike in contemporaneous civilizations, Indus
archaeology is in its infancy in any case, and therefore these approaches stand is much better stead)
and Indus archeology, needless to say must become one of the drivers of 21st century Indology.
27. @ Copyright Sujay Rao Mandavilli
Fig 7. Non-linguistic seals in all likelihood will keep showing up at a constant rate. The X axis represents the percentage of
the Indus discovered while the Y axis depicts the number of inscriptions discovered (cumulative).
Fig 8. Surviving non-linguistic texts may not throw up at a constant rate because these were perhaps few and far in between
and also were found closer together. All were probably not as closely tied to speech as the Dholavira signboard but would have
made use of features such as those discussed in the paper which means they were logo-syllabic. We say this because the
relationship with spoken language would have been a function of usage, and the tendency would have been for inscriptions to
have used as many non-linguistic signs as possible so that these could have been ready by a larger number of people. The
Dholavira signboard still suggests that speech-encoding was a primary function of the script, and this implies that such examples
also would have existed. The length of the text can alone mean nothing. Rongorongo inscriptions (which were long) were probably
not closely tied to speech either. We can also therefore argue that it is not necessary that the signs used in longer inscriptions
were the most frequently used ones. This does not upset the principles of this paper; the discovery of non-bonafide singletons
can still be used to predict the discovery of a lost corpus.
The end result of the decade-long debate, apart from the fact that it has phlebotomized the issue,
put an end to pseudo-decipherments that quite literally marred the field in earlier decades, and that it
has allowed the logo-syllabic thesis to be modified, is that it has allowed us to demonstrate that even
existing evidence is adequate to prove that a lost corpus of texts existed in the Indus, and that this
automatically boosts its pedigree, necessitates the expansion of archaeological research (because this
will also solve riddles further West like helping us to understand the relationship between Proto-Elamite
and Linear Elamite), apart from increasing the importance of old world civilizations in general. The
theory that the Indus script was not a logo-syllabic script is, of course, defunct. And it deserves to be
buried & forgotten, because the chances that it can be resurrected are virtually non-existent. Does
anybody still beg to differ?
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