S a n t a R o s aS a n t a R o s a
Henry Mayhew, From “Labor and the Poor: The Metropolitan Districts, Letter I,”
Morning Chronicle (1849, 1862)
THE CONTRASTS OF LONDON.
[…] But London is essentially a city of antithesis - a city where life itself is painted in pure
black and white, and where the very extremes of society are seen in greater force than
anywhere else. This constitutes, as it were, the topographical essence of the Great
Metropolis - the salient point of its character as a Capital - the distinctive mark which
isolates it from all other towns and cities in the world; for though the middle class and the
medium forms of civilized life prevail in the Metropolis to an unparalleled extent, this does
not constitute its civic idiosyncrasy; but it is simply the immensity of the commerce which
springs from this same unparalleled prevalence of merchant people in London, and the
consequent vastness of its wealth, as well as the unprecedented multitude of individuals
attracted by such wealth to the spot, that forms the most prominent feature in every one's
ideal picture of the town.
Of the Riches and Poverty of London.
Again, at night it is, that the strange anomalies of London life are best seen. As the hum of
life ceases, and the shops darken, and the gaudy gin palaces thrust out their ragged and
squalid crowds to pace the streets, London puts on its most solemn look of all. On the
benches of the parks, in the niches of the bridges, and in the litter of the markets, are
huddled together the homeless and the destitute. The only living things that haunt the
streets are the poor wretched Magdalens, who stand shivering in their finery, waiting to
catch the drunkard as he goes shouting homewards. There, on a door-step, crouches some
shoeless child, whose day's begging has not brought it enough to purchase even the penny
night's lodging that his young companions in beggary have gone to. Where the stones are
taken up and piled high in the road, while the mains are being mended, and the gas streams
from a tall pipe, in a flag of flame, a ragged crowd are grouped round the glowing coke fire -
some smoking, and others dozing beside it.
Then, as the streets grow blue with the coming light, and the church spires and roof-tops
stand out against the clear sky with a sharpness of outline that is seen only in London
before its million chimneys cover the town with their smoke - then come sauntering forth
the unwashed poor; some with greasy wallets on their backs to hunt over each dust-heap,
and eke out life by seeking refuse bones, or stray rags and pieces of old iron; others, whilst
on their way to their work, are gathered at the corner of some street round the early
breakfast-stall, and blowing saucers of steaming coffee, drawn from tall tin cans that have
the red-hot charcoal shining crimson through the holes in the fire-pan beneath them; whilst
already the little slattern girl, with h.
S a n t a R o s aS a n t a R o s aHenry Mayhew, Fr.docx
1. S a n t a R o s aS a n t a R o s a
Henry Mayhew, From “Labor and the Poor: The Metropolitan
Districts, Letter I,”
Morning Chronicle (1849, 1862)
THE CONTRASTS OF LONDON.
[…] But London is essentially a city of antithesis - a city
where life itself is painted in pure
black and white, and where the very extremes of society are
seen in greater force than
anywhere else. This constitutes, as it were, the topographical
essence of the Great
Metropolis - the salient point of its character as a Capital - the
distinctive mark which
isolates it from all other towns and cities in the world; for
though the middle class and the
medium forms of civilized life prevail in the Metropolis to an
unparalleled extent, this does
not constitute its civic idiosyncrasy; but it is simply the
immensity of the commerce which
springs from this same unparalleled prevalence of merchant
people in London, and the
consequent vastness of its wealth, as well as the unprecedented
multitude of individuals
attracted by such wealth to the spot, that forms the most
prominent feature in every one's
ideal picture of the town.
2. Of the Riches and Poverty of London.
Again, at night it is, that the strange anomalies of London
life are best seen. As the hum of
life ceases, and the shops darken, and the gaudy gin palaces
thrust out their ragged and
squalid crowds to pace the streets, London puts on its most
solemn look of all. On the
benches of the parks, in the niches of the bridges, and in the
litter of the markets, are
huddled together the homeless and the destitute. The only living
things that haunt the
streets are the poor wretched Magdalens, who stand shivering in
their finery, waiting to
catch the drunkard as he goes shouting homewards. There, on a
door-step, crouches some
shoeless child, whose day's begging has not brought it enough
to purchase even the penny
night's lodging that his young companions in beggary have gone
to. Where the stones are
taken up and piled high in the road, while the mains are being
mended, and the gas streams
from a tall pipe, in a flag of flame, a ragged crowd are grouped
round the glowing coke fire -
some smoking, and others dozing beside it.
Then, as the streets grow blue with the coming light, and the
church spires and roof-tops
stand out against the clear sky with a sharpness of outline that
is seen only in London
before its million chimneys cover the town with their smoke -
then come sauntering forth
3. the unwashed poor; some with greasy wallets on their backs to
hunt over each dust-heap,
and eke out life by seeking refuse bones, or stray rags and
pieces of old iron; others, whilst
on their way to their work, are gathered at the corner of some
street round the early
breakfast-stall, and blowing saucers of steaming coffee, drawn
from tall tin cans that have
the red-hot charcoal shining crimson through the holes in the
fire-pan beneath them; whilst
already the little slattern girl, with her basket slung before her,
screams, "Water-
creases!" through the sleeping streets.
Charlotte Brontë, “Letter 541,” in Clement King Shorter, ed.
The Brontës; life and letters.
1857-1926, vol 2 (New York: C. Scribner's sons, 1908), 215-16.
A visit to the Crystal Palace, 1851
Letter 514
Yesterday I went for the second time to the Crystal Palace. We
remained in it about
three hours, and I must say I was more struck with it on this
occasion than at my first
visit. It is a wonderful place – vast, strange, new and impossible
to describe. Its
grandeur does not consist in one thing, but in the unique
assemblage of all things.
Whatever human industry has created you find there, from the
great compartments filled
with railway engines and boilers, with mill machinery in full
work, with splendid carriages
4. of all kinds, with harness of every description, to the glass-
covered and velvet-spread
stands loaded with the most gorgeous work of the goldsmith and
silversmith, and the
carefully guarded caskets full of real diamonds and pearls worth
hundreds of thousands
of pounds. It may be called a bazaar or a fair, but it is such a
bazaar or fair as Eastern
genii might have created. It seems as if only magic could have
gathered this mass of
wealth from all the ends of the earth – as if none but
supernatural hands could have
arranged it this, with such a blaze and contrast of colours and
marvellous power of
effect. The multitude filling the great aisles seems ruled and
subdued by some invisible
influence. Amongst the thirty thousand souls that peopled it the
day I was there not one
loud noise was to be heard, not one irregular movement seen;
the living tide rolls on
quietly, with a deep hum like the sea heard from the distance.
https://miami-
primo.hosted.exlibrisgroup.com/primo_library/libweb/action/dis
play.do;jsessionid=C4ADA6553CC8313FBE84DD09A0D824D8
?tabs=detailsTab&ct=display&fn=search&doc=01UOML_ALM
A21238006780002976&indx=1&recIds=01UOML_ALMA21238
006780002976&recIdxs=0&elementId=0&renderMode=poppedO
ut&displayMode=full&frbrVersion=&query=any%2Ccontains%
6. consume in due quantity and quality becomes a mark of
inferiority and demerit.
This growth of punctilious discrimination as to qualitative
excellence in eating,
drinking, etc. presently affects not only the manner of life, but
also the training and
intellectual activity of the gentleman of leisure. He is no longer
simply the successful,
aggressive male, — the man of strength, resource, and
intrepidity. In order to avoid
stultification he must also cultivate his tastes, for it now
becomes incumbent on him
to discriminate with some nicety between the noble and the
ignoble in consumable
goods. He becomes a connoisseur in creditable viands of various
degrees of merit, in
manly beverages and trinkets, in seemly apparel and
architecture, in weapons, games,
dancers, and the narcotics. This cultivation of aesthetic faculty
requires time and
application, and the demands made upon the gentleman in this
direction therefore
tend to change his life of leisure into a more or less arduous
application to the business
of learning how to live a life of ostensible leisure in a becoming
way. Closely related
to the requirement that the gentleman must consume freely and
of the right kind
of goods, there is the requirement that he must know how to
consume them in a
seemly manner. His life of leisure must be conducted in due
form. Hence arise good
manners in the way pointed out in an earlier chapter. High-bred
manners and ways
of living are items of conformity to the norm of conspicuous
7. leisure and conspicuous
consumption.
Conspicuous consumption of valuable goods is a means of
reputability to the
gentleman of leisure. As wealth accumulates on his hands, his
own unaided effort
will not avail to sufficiently put his opulence in evidence by
this method. The aid of
friends and competitors is therefore brought in by resorting to
the giving of valuable
presents and expensive feasts and entertainments. Presents and
feasts had probably
another origin than that of naive ostentation, but they required
their utility for this
purpose very early, and they have retained that character to the
present; so that their
utility in this respect has now long been the substantial ground
on which these usages
rest. Costly entertainments, such as the potlatch or the ball, are
peculiarly adapted
to serve this end. The competitor with whom the entertainer
wishes to institute a
comparison is, by this method, made to serve as a means to the
end. He consumes
vicariously for his host at the same time that he is witness to the
consumption of that
excess of good things which his host is unable to dispose of
single-handed, and he is
also made to witness his host’s facility in etiquette.
In the giving of costly entertainments other motives, of more
genial kind, are of
course also present. The custom of festive gatherings probably
originated in motives
of conviviality and religion; these motives are also present in
8. the later development,
but they do not continue to be the sole motives. The latter-day
leisure-class festivities
and entertainments may continue in some slight degree to serve
the religious need
and in a higher degree the needs of recreation and conviviality,
but they also serve an
invidious purpose; and they serve it none the less effectually for
having a colorable
non-invidious ground in these more avowable motives. But the
economic effect of
these social amenities is not therefore lessened, either in the
vicarious consumption
of goods or in the exhibition of difficult and costly
achievements in etiquette.
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NOTES ON ENGLAND
BY
H. TAINE
B.C.L. OXON.. KTC.
TRANSLATED, WITH AN INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER, BY
9. W. F. RAE
Author f "Westward by Rafl."
WITH A PORTRAIT OF THS AUTHOK.
NEW YORK
HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY
1885
IV.
VISIT TO EPSOM AND TO CREMORNB GARDENS.
RACES
at Epsom : it is the Derby day, a day of
jollification ; Parliament does not sit ; for three
days all the talk has been about horses and their
trainers.
We start from Waterloo Station. The sky is cloud-
less, free from mist ; my English neighbours remark
that they had never seen such a day in London. All
around may be witnessed green husbandry, meadows
encompassed with hedges, and the hedge-row is often
interspersed with trees. The splendour of this green,
10. the mass and the vigour of lustrous, golden, bursting
flowers, are extraordinary. Velvets constellated with
diamonds, watered silks, the most magnificent em-
broideries do not match this deep hue ; the colour is
excessive, beyond the reach of painting : but never
have the blooming and blossoming of plants, the
luxury and the joy of the adorned earth, dazzled me
with such bright pomp.
Epsom course is a large green plain, slightly undu-
lating ; on one side are reared three public stands and
several other smaller ones. In front, tents, hundreds
of shops, temporary stables under canvas, and an in-
credible confusion of carriages, of horses, of horsemen,
38 NOTES ON ENGLAND.
of private omnibuses ; there are perhaps 200,000 human
heads here. Nothing beautiful nor even elegant ; the
carriages are ordinary vehicles, and toilettes are rare ;
one does not come here to exhibit them, but to witness
a spectacle ; the spectacle is only interesting on account
11. of its size. From the top of the Stand the enormous
ant-heap swarms and its din ascends. But beyond, on
the right, a row of large trees, behind them the faint
bluish undulations of the verdant country, make a
magnificent frame to a mediocre picture. Some clouds
as white as swans float in the sky, and their shadow
sweeps over the grass ; a light mist, charged wit}?
sunshine, flits in the distance, and the illuminated air,
like a glory, envelops the plain, the heights, the vast
area, and all the disorder of the human carnival.
It is a carnival, in fact ; they have come to amuse
themselves in a noisy fashion. Everywhere are gipsies,
comic singers and dancers disguised as negroes, shoot-
ing galleries where bows and arrows or guns are used,
charlatans who by dint of eloquence palm off watch-
chains, games of skittles and sticks, musicians of all
sorts, and the most astonishing row of cabs, barouches,
droskies, four-in-hands, with pies, cold meats, melons,
fruits, wines, especially champagne. They unpack ;
they proceed to drink and eat ; that restores the
creature and excites him
12. ;
coarse joy and open laugh-
ter are the result of a full stomach. In presence of
this ready-made feast the aspect of the poor is pitiable
to behold
; they endeavour to sell to you penny dolls,
remembrances of the Derby ; to induce you to play at
Aunt Sally, to black your boots. Nearly all of them
resemble wretched, hungry, beaten, mangy dogs,
waiting for a bone, without hope of finding much on
it. They arrived on foot during the night, and count
THE DERBY. 39
upon dining off the crumbs from the great feast.
Many are lying on the ground among the feet of the
passers-by, and sleep open-mouthed, face upwards.
Their countenances have an expression of stupidity and
of painful hardness. The majority of them have
bare feet, all are terribly dirty, and most absurd-
looking ; the reason is that they wear gentlemen's
old clothes, worn-out fashionable dresses, small Don-
nets, formerly worn by young ladies. The sight of
these cast-off things, which have covered several bodies,
13. becoming more shabby in passing from one to the
other, always makes me uncomfortable. To wear
these old clothes is degrading ; in doing so the human
being shows or avows that he is the offscouring of
society. Among us a peasant, a workman, a labourer,
is a different man, not an inferior person ; his blouse
belongs to him, as my coat belongs to me it has
suited no one but him. This employment of ragged
clothes is more than a peculiarity ; the poor resign
themselves here to be the footstool of others.
One of these women, with an old shawl which
appeared to have been dragged in the gutter, with
battered head-gear, which had been a bonnet, made
limp by the rain, with a poor, dirty, pale baby in her
arms, came and prowled round our omnibus, picked up
a castaway bottle, and drained the dregs. Her second
girl, who could walk, also picked up and munched a
rind of melon. We gave them a shilling and cakes.
The humble smile of thankfulness they returned, it is
impossible to describe. They had the look of saying,
like Sterne's poor donkey,
" Do not beat me, I beseech
14. you, yet you may beat me if you wish." Their coun-
tenances were burned, tanned by the sun ; the mother
1
had a scar on her right cheek, as if she had been
40 NOTES ON ENGLAND.
struck by a boot; both of them, the child in par
ticular, were grown wild and stunted. The great
social mill crushes and grinds here, beneath its steel
gearing, the lowest human stratum.
However, a bell rings and the race is about to begin.
The three or four hundred policemen clear the course ;
the stands are filled and the meadow in front of them
is but a large black patch. We ascend to our places ;
nothing seems grandiose. At this distance the crowd is
an ant-heap ; the horsemen and the carriages which
move forward and cross each other resemble beetles,
May-bugs, large sombre drones on a green cloth.
The jockeys in red, in blue, in yellow, in mauve, form a
small group apart, like a swarm of butterflies which
has alighted. Probably I am wanting in enthusiasm,
but I seem to be looking at a game of insects. Thirty-
four run
15. ;
after three false starts they are off ; fifteen
or twenty keep together, the others are in small groups,
and one sees them moving the length of the ring. To
the eye the speed is not very great ; it is that of a
railway train seen at the distance of half a league ; in
that case the carriages have the appearance of toy-
coaches which a child draws tied to a string ; cer-
tainly, the impression is not stronger here, and it is a
mistake to speak either of a hurricane or of a whirl-
wind. During several minutes, the brown patch,
strewn with red and bright spots, moves steadily over
the distant green. It turns ; one perceives the first
group approach.
" Hats off I
"
and all heads are un-
covered, and every one rises ; a repressed hurrah
pervades the stands. The frigid faces are on fire ;
brief, nervous gestures suddenly stir the phlegmatic
bodies; below, in the betting-ring the agitation is
extraordinary like a general St. Vitus's dance ; pic-
16. Manifesto of the Communist Party
A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of communism. All
the powers of old Europe have
entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre: Pope and
Tsar, Metternich and Guizot,
French Radicals and German police-spies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as
communistic by its opponents in
power? Where is the opposition that has not hurled back the
branding reproach of communism,
against the more advanced opposition parties, as well as against
its reactionary adversaries?
Two things result from this fact:
I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers
to be itself a
power.
II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of
the whole world,
publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this
nursery tale of the
Spectre of Communism with a manifesto of the party itself.
To this end, Communists of various nationalities have
assembled in London and sketched the
following manifesto, to be published in the English, French,
German, Italian, Flemish and Danish
languages.
I. Bourgeois and Proletarians*
The history of all hitherto existing society† is the history of
17. class struggles.
Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-
master‡ and journeyman, in a
word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to
one another, carried on an
uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each
time ended, either in a revolutionary
reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the
contending classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a
complicated arrangement of society
into various orders, a manifold gradation of social rank. In
ancient Rome we have patricians,
knights, plebeians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords,
vassals, guild-masters, journeymen,
apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again,
subordinate gradations.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins
of feudal society has not done
away with class antagonisms. It has but established new classes,
new conditions of oppression,
new forms of struggle in place of the old ones.
* By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern capitalists,
owners of the means of social production and employers of
wage labour. By proletariat, the class of modern wage labourers
who, having no means of production of their own, are
reduced to selling their labour power in order to live. [Engels,
1888 English edition]
† That is, all written history. In 1847, the pre-history of society,
the social organisation existing previous to recorded
history, all but unknown. Since then, August von Haxthausen
(1792-1866) discovered common ownership of land in
Russia, Georg Ludwig von Maurer proved it to be the social
foundation from which all Teutonic races started in history,
18. and, by and by, village communities were found to be, or to
have been, the primitive form of society everywhere from
India to Ireland. The inner organisation of this primitive
communistic society was laid bare, in its typical form, by
Lewis Henry Morgan's (1818-1861) crowning discovery of the
true nature of the gens and its relation to the tribe. With
the dissolution of the primeval communities, society begins to
be differentiated into separate and finally antagonistic
classes. I have attempted to retrace this dissolution in The
Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State, second
edition, Stuttgart, 1886. [Engels, 1888 English Edition and 1890
German Edition (with the last sentence omitted)]
‡ Guild-master, that is, a full member of a guild, a master
within, not a head of a guild. [Engels, 1888 English Edition]
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1884/origin-
family/index.htm
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15 Manifesto of the Communist Party
Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however,
this distinct feature: it has
simplified class antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and
more splitting up into two great
hostile camps, into two great classes directly facing each other
– Bourgeoisie and Proletariat.
From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers
of the earliest towns. From these
burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up
fresh ground for the rising
bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the
19. colonisation of America, trade with the
colonies, the increase in the means of exchange and in
commodities generally, gave to commerce,
to navigation, to industry, an impulse never before known, and
thereby, to the revolutionary
element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.
The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production
was monopolised by closed guilds,
now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of the new
markets. The manufacturing system
took its place. The guild-masters were pushed on one side by
the manufacturing middle class;
division of labour between the different corporate guilds
vanished in the face of division of labour
in each single workshop.
Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever
rising. Even manufacturer no longer
sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionised
industrial production. The place of
manufacture was taken by the giant, Modern Industry; the place
of the industrial middle class by
industrial millionaires, the leaders of the whole industrial
armies, the modern bourgeois.
Modern industry has established the world market, for which the
discovery of America paved the
way. This market has given an immense development to
commerce, to navigation, to
communication by land. This development has, in its turn,
reacted on the extension of industry;
and in proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways
extended, in the same proportion
the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into
the background every class
handed down from the Middle Ages.
We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the
product of a long course of
20. development, of a series of revolutions in the modes of
production and of exchange.
Each step in the development of the bourgeoisie was
accompanied by a corresponding political
advance of that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the
feudal nobility, an armed and
self-governing association in the medieval commune*: here
independent urban republic (as in
Italy and Germany); there taxable “third estate” of the
monarchy (as in France); afterwards, in the
period of manufacturing proper, serving either the semi-feudal
or the absolute monarchy as a
counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, cornerstone of
the great monarchies in general, the
bourgeoisie has at last, since the establishment of Modern
Industry and of the world market,
conquered for itself, in the modern representative State,
exclusive political sway. The executive
of the modern state is but a committee for managing the
common affairs of the whole
bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie, historically, has played a most revolutionary
part.
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an
end to all feudal, patriarchal,
idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder the motley feudal
ties that bound man to his
“natural superiors”, and has left remaining no other nexus
between man and man than naked self-
interest, than callous “cash payment”. It has drowned the most
heavenly ecstasies of religious
* This was the name given their urban communities by the
townsmen of Italy and France, after they had purchased or
conquered their initial rights of self-government from their
21. feudal lords. [Engels, 1890 German edition] “Commune”
was the name taken in France by the nascent towns even before
they had conquered from their feudal lords and masters
local self-government and political rights as the “Third Estate.”
Generally speaking, for the economical development of
the bourgeoisie, England is here taken as the typical country,
for its political development, France. [Engels, 1888
English Edition]
26 Chapter II: Proletarians and Communists
society fought its death battle with the then revolutionary
bourgeoisie. The ideas of religious
liberty and freedom of conscience merely gave expression to the
sway of free competition within
the domain of knowledge.
“Undoubtedly,” it will be said, “religious, moral, philosophical,
and juridical ideas have been
modified in the course of historical development. But religion,
morality, philosophy, political
science, and law, constantly survived this change.”
“There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice,
etc., that are common to all states of
society. But Communism abolishes eternal truths, it abolishes
all religion, and all morality,
instead of constituting them on a new basis; it therefore acts in
contradiction to all past historical
experience.”
What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all
past society has consisted in the
development of class antagonisms, antagonisms that assumed
different forms at different epochs.
But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to
all past ages, viz., the exploitation
22. of one part of society by the other. No wonder, then, that the
social consciousness of past ages,
despite all the multiplicity and variety it displays, moves within
certain common forms, or general
ideas, which cannot completely vanish except with the total
disappearance of class antagonisms.
The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with
traditional property relations; no
wonder that its development involved the most radical rupture
with traditional ideas.
But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to
Communism.
We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the
working class is to raise the
proletariat to the position of ruling class to win the battle of
democracy.
The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by
degree, all capital from the
bourgeoisie, to centralise all instruments of production in the
hands of the State, i.e., of the
proletariat organised as the ruling class; and to increase the
total productive forces as rapidly as
possible.
Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by
means of despotic inroads on the
rights of property, and on the conditions of bourgeois
production; by means of measures,
therefore, which appear economically insufficient and
untenable, but which, in the course of the
movement, outstrip themselves, necessitate further inroads upon
the old social order, and are
unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionising the mode of
production.
These measures will, of course, be different in different
countries.
Nevertheless, in most advanced countries, the following will be
23. pretty generally applicable.
1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of
land to public
purposes.
2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
3. Abolition of all rights of inheritance.
4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
5. Centralisation of credit in the hands of the state, by means of
a national bank
with State capital and an exclusive monopoly.
6. Centralisation of the means of communication and transport
in the hands of the
State.
7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned
by the State; the
bringing into cultivation of waste-lands, and the improvement
of the soil generally
in accordance with a common plan.
8. Equal liability of all to work. Establishment of industrial
armies, especially for
agriculture.
9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries;
gradual abolition of
all the distinction between town and country by a more equable
distribution of the
27 Chapter II: Proletarians and Communists
populace over the country.
10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition
of children’s
factory labour in its present form. Combination of education
with industrial
24. production, &c, &c.
When, in the course of development, class distinctions have
disappeared, and all production has
been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of the
whole nation, the public power will
lose its political character. Political power, properly so called,
is merely the organised power of
one class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its
contest with the bourgeoisie is
compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organise itself as a
class, if, by means of a
revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and, as such, sweeps
away by force the old conditions
of production, then it will, along with these conditions, have
swept away the conditions for the
existence of class antagonisms and of classes generally, and
will thereby have abolished its own
supremacy as a class.
In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class
antagonisms, we shall have an
association, in which the free development of each is the
condition for the free development of
all.
Required readig. MARX AND ENGLES. Communist Manifesto.
1848 (Primary source).pdfManifesto of the Communist
PartyEditorial IntroductionPreface to The 1872 German
EditionPreface to The 1882 Russian EditionPreface to The 1883
German EditionPreface to The 1888 English EditionPreface to
The 1890 German EditionPreface to The 1892 Polish
EditionPreface to The 1893 Italian EditionManifesto of the
Communist PartyI. Bourgeois and Proletarians*II. Proletarians
and CommunistsIII. Socialist and Communist LiteratureA.
Feudal SocialismB. Petty-Bourgeois SocialismC. German or
“True” SocialismIV. Position of the Communists in Relation to
25. the Various ExLetter from Engels to Marx, 24 November
1847*Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith*The Principles
of Communism*Demands of the Communist Party in
GermanyThe Paris Commune.�Address to the International
Workingmen’sEndnotes
Honoré Daumier, Intérieur d'un
omnibus (Inside an omnibus),
1839. Lithograph on newsprint.
Source: National Gallery of Art,
Washington D.C.
a
The Imperial Plan of City
Extension, ca. 1860. Source:
Vienna Museum.
This map representing the
Ringstrasse project in Vienna was
printed on a lottery ticket in 1860.
Carlos María de Castro, Ensanche
de Madrid, Anteproyecto
26. (Expansion of Madrid, Preliminary
Project). Madrid: Imprenta de D.
José C. de la Peña, 1860. Source:
Biblioteca Digital Hispánica
Charles Booth, Life and Labour of the Poor in London. London:
Macmillan, 1902. Source:
Library of the London School of Economics
“Dining At Twenty Miles An Hour,” Frank
Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper (New York),
(August 28, 1887). Source: New York Public
Library
“Her Majesty's Glorious Jubilee 1897:
the record number of a record reign,”
The Illustrated London News, 1897.
Source: The Museum of London
A page from the color supplement
produced by the Illustrated London
News for the Queen Victoria’s Diamond
27. Jubilee Celebration. On the left are
scenes from 1837, when Victoria was
crowned queen. The scenes on the right
represent the year 1897.
“Maryland – The Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Strike,” Frank
Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, no. 1,140 (August 4, 1877).
Source: New York Public Library
5 10 15 20
Introduction
& Thesis
Statement
20%
The paper lacks clear
historical context that
introduces the topic. The
thesis statement is
28. missing.
The paper provides
some historical
context. It has a
partial or unclear
thesis statement.
The paper provides
good historical
context and an
adequate thesis
statement.
The paper provides
excellent historical
context, and a
superior thesis that
includes a position
on the essay prompt
and a clear
29. blueprint.
Organization
& Structure
20%
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disorganized. There is no
clear introduction, body
and/or conclusion and
topic sentences do not
reflect the content of the
thesis or corresponding
body paragraphs.
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partially organized
but lacks a clear
intro body or
conclusion. Some
topic sentences are
30. unclear.
Most of the
information is
organized with well-
constructed
paragraphs. The
paper has a clear
intro, body, and
conclusion. Most
topic sentences are
adequate.
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effectively
organized with well-
constructed
paragraphs. The
paper has a clear
introduction, body,
31. and conclusion. All
topic sentences are
clear and reflect the
argument and
blueprint in thesis.
Content &
Analysis
20%
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clearly relate to the essay
prompt. Ideas are
unclear and lack depth.
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writing relates to
the essay prompt,
but the paper lacks
clear examples and
support detail.
32. The writing relates to
essay prompt. Most
supporting details
and examples support
thesis.
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relates to the essay
prompt. It contains
excellent examples
that support thesis.
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Grammar &
Style
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33. excessive grammatical
and stylistic errors,
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inappropriate language
for a formal paper.
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contains some
grammatical and
stylistic errors. It
contains some
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understandable. It has
few grammatical and
34. stylistic errors.
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colloquialisms and
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carefully edited and
displays an
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does not include
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and uses a superior
style of writing.
Sources &
Citations
20%
35. There are no citations.
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required sources.
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some primary and
secondary sources,
but is missing some
footnotes. They are
not entirely in the
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sources. Most
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36. Manual of Style
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![S a n t a R o s aS a n t a R o s a
Henry Mayhew, From “Labor and the Poor: The Metropolitan
Districts, Letter I,”
Morning Chronicle (1849, 1862)
THE CONTRASTS OF LONDON.
[…] But London is essentially a city of antithesis - a city
where life itself is painted in pure
black and white, and where the very extremes of society are
seen in greater force than
anywhere else. This constitutes, as it were, the topographical
essence of the Great
Metropolis - the salient point of its character as a Capital - the
distinctive mark which
isolates it from all other towns and cities in the world; for
though the middle class and the
medium forms of civilized life prevail in the Metropolis to an
unparalleled extent, this does
not constitute its civic idiosyncrasy; but it is simply the
immensity of the commerce which
springs from this same unparalleled prevalence of merchant
people in London, and the
consequent vastness of its wealth, as well as the unprecedented
multitude of individuals
attracted by such wealth to the spot, that forms the most
prominent feature in every one's
ideal picture of the town.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/santarosasantarosahenrymayhewfr-230125130321-8079ff32/85/S-a-n-t-a-R-o-s-aS-a-n-t-a-R-o-s-aHenry-Mayhew-Fr-docx-1-320.jpg)
