Please write the journals in a Word document using APA format. Pro

Please write the journals in a Word document using APA
format. Provide a 3-4 page response (i.e., double-spaced, plus
title page and references). You may wish to talk about your,
'learning edge' or the point at which you become less
comfortable with the idea of working with Indigenous children
and communities. What do you know now, and what do you
want to learn?
Journals allow the instructor to witness the learning and thought
process of each student. Some of the course materials and
historical information may be difficult to process and students
may need support and instructor feedback from time to time. It
would be ideal to keep a journal notes every week or each time
you review course material and reflect on this course:
"Supporting Indigenous Infants and Young Children within the
Context of Their Communities" and what this means to you
now, during and near the end of the course.
Students are asked to submit two personal Journals documenting
their learning and authentic reflections per week in the 5 week
summary. In addition, students are encouraged to document the
struggles, interests, curiosities and other ideas experienced
throughout the course. Journal writings should document the
student’s learning, areas of struggle, challenges, interests and/or
passions. You may want to consider including personal
reactions or responses to some of the course content and reading
or resource material. Considering the following questions:
· What reactions do you experience in your body? In your mind?
· What helps you to explore these topics in greater depth and
integrate the material into your existing repertoire of
knowledge?
It may be helpful to acknowledge your, 'working edge' at the
start of your Journal writing. A 'working edge' is the point
where you become less comfortable with your knowledge of
working with Indigenous families in an early childhood
educational context. When you identify your working edge, ask

yourself the following questions:
· What areas would you like to or do you need to know more
about?
· Who or what could support you in this learning?
Native Social Work Journal Vol 7, pp. 139-161
The Cree Medicine Wheel as
an Organizing Paradigm
of Theories of
Human Development
Annie Wenger-Nabigon
Abstract
This paper explores the Cree Medicine Wheel
as an
organizing construct for examining some
contemporary theories of
human development. Various aspects of Medicine
Wheel concepts are
discussed along with aspects of knowledge about
human development
from the mainstream paradigm (Eurocentric) that is
dominant in the
academy. Perspectives on indigenous wisdom and
ways of knowing
are presented from an ecologicalposition linking human
development
concerns to a wholistic view of human development
through the Cree

Medicine Wheel. The article highlights aspects of
the teachings which
deepen understandings of parallels in human
development theories.
Medicine Wheel teachings support development that
maintains
positive adaptation to a natural world, and
can provide a description
of contemporary human developmental theory from
the perspective
of traditional Aboriginal knowledge. Theories
about different stages
of human development and knowledge about
assets that facilitate
positive development at each stageare presented,
illuminating current
concerns in human development theoretical
perspectives.
140
Nishnaabe Kinoomaadwin Naadmaadwin
Introduction
This article uses the foundational structure and teachings of the
Cree
Medicine Wheel (Nabigon & Mawhiney, 1996) as an
organizational
structure for examining some contemporary understandings of
human de-
velopment. Human development is defined as the physical,

social, emo-
tional, intellectual, and spiritual development of the individual
human
being, as well as the cultural, social, and technological
development of
human families and societies.
The Cree Medicine Wheel mirrors and explains concepts of
human
development in an elegant and comprehensive manner, but its
origin from
within the paradigm of non-western Aboriginal traditions has
generally
confined it to a position of academic discredit. Medicine Wheel
concepts
have experienced a rise of influence in academic writing in the
recent
past. Figure 1 gives an outline of the basic concepts of the Cree
Medicine
Wheel referenced in this article.
The article begins with a brief literature review of Medicine
Wheel
concepts, followed by a brief description of the fundamental
teachings
of the Cree Medicine Wheel. (Readers are encouraged to
reference Nabi-
gon and Mawhiney (1996) for additional explication of the
concepts used
here.) This is followed by a discussion of several contemporary
approach-
es to individual human development contextualized by the Cree
Medicine
Wheel teachings.
Concepts of human development arising from the Eurocentric

para-
digm dominant in the academy cannot be completely integrated
into
Medicine Wheel models, nor do they subsume Indigenous
teachings. The
different paradigms do not articulate the other, yet they can be
contextual-
ized in relationship to each other through deepening our
understandings
of parallels. (A visual image of the Two-Row Wampum Belt and
accom-
panying teachings comes to mind). This article contrasts and
contextu-
alizes different paradigms of understanding human
development, and,
while attempting to avoid evaluation, is intended to provide a
framework
for relationship. The goal is to open discussion in the academy
of deeper
understandings of Indigenous knowledge regarding human
development.
141
Native Social Work Journal
The Cree Medicine Wheel as an Organizing
Paradigm of Theories of Human Development
The Medicine Wheel
There exists a range of presentations of differing concepts of
the Medi-
cine Wheel, by writers who are both Aboriginal and non-

Aboriginal, who
have written with various purposes, some more notable than
others. A
First Nations Films documentary by Richard Hersley, “The
Medicine
Wheel”, presents an artistic, balanced and integrated overview
of the
Medicine Wheel and includes research on stone Medicine Wheel
sites
worldwide (Hersley, 2005). This film conveys the integral idea
of spiri-
tuality which is embedded in the concepts of the Medicine
Wheel across
time, place and culture.
The Medicine Wheel has also been used clinically in various
treatment
settings. Coggins (1990), a therapist, acknowledges his own
heritage
(Ojibwa and Ottawa) as well as influence from other Canadian,
Alaskan,
Mexican and American Southwestern cultures, but does not
make clini-
cal distinctions among different cultural representations of the
Medicine
Wheel (p. 80).
Blackwolf Jones, a licensed psychotherapist and national
speaker of
Ojibwa heritage in the United States, has published in
professional jour-
nals on the integration of his understandings of the Medicine
Wheel, and
other traditional ceremonial approaches, into his work as a
counselor. In
one of his several books he states, “The Sacred Hoop is the

circumfer-
ence of the Medicine Wheel, a healing symbol of balance”
(Jones, 1996,
p. 307).
Lewis Mehl-Madrona, M.D., of Cherokee-European descent
from the
U.S., is a widely published medical doctor and researcher who
has made
a practice of combining western medical treatments with
wholistic and
Aboriginal methods of treatment. Lessons from Native
American healing
practices are described in his books, Coyote Medicine (1997)
and Coy-
ote Wisdom (2005), and include teachings on the Medicine
Wheel from
various North American Aboriginal cultures. Some of his most
significant
uses of Medicine Wheel concepts and other teachings are
demonstrated
in his work with natural childbirth, mental illnesses, diabetes,
cancer and
other severe illnesses (Mehl-Madrona, 1997; 2005).
142
Nabigon and Mawhiney (1996) provide a deep description of the
Cree
Medicine Wheel in the context of social work treatment

theories. They
present this model as an “…approach to healing individuals,
groups, and
communities” (p. 18). The primary author (of Oji-Cree descent)
acknowl-
edges the original teachings and training he received over many
years
from Cree Elders, including Elder Eddie Bellerose from Alberta,
and oth-
ers, who guided his work and provided the foundational
knowledge and
theory found in the chapter. Nabigon (2006) goes deeper into
the Cree
Medicine Wheel concepts through his autobiographical account
of its use
as a personal healing tool.
Jones, Coggins, Mehl-Madrona and Nabigon all work from the
stance
of the Medicine Wheel as a sacred source of healing. The theme
of sacred-
ness is at the heart of all Medicine Wheel teachings used by
Aboriginal
peoples in North America. Sacredness is not generally an aspect
referred
to in western, or Eurocentric, models of knowledge and healing,
but is
fundamentally integral to understanding Aboriginal theory and
praxis.
The Medicine Wheel is a pathway for healing among many
Aboriginal
peoples across the continent, used in reclaiming identity and
purpose for
individuals and communities.
Seeing the World with Aboriginal Eyes: A

Four Directional Perspective
on Human and non-Human Values, Cultures and
Relationships on Turtle
Island (2005), by Brian Rice, Ph.D., is an exploration of the
world view
of Aboriginal traditional knowledge through concepts of the
Four Sacred
Directions. This work provides a window into the following:
patterns of
thought; concepts of time, sacredness and the natural world;
develop-
ment and role of consciousness, perception, language, dance and
song;
understandings of relationships (metaphorical and literal);
morality and
ethics; the environment; knowledge, wisdom stories and
creation stories;
and many other aspects of Aboriginal traditional knowledge.
The author
works to provide a bridge between traditional knowledge and
western
knowledge, and explores some connections of understandings
from the
different ways of knowing, including the perspectives of
Aboriginal cul-
tures from other continents.
Rice (2005) states, “There are a number of correlations that one
can
make between Aboriginal understandings of consciousness and
Jungian
psychology” (p. 65).
143

Jung’s development of the theory of the collective unconscious,
its com-
position of “…archetypes or primordial thought patterns that
can become
conscious and give form to psychic contents” (p. 65) comes
very close to
an understanding of the development of the Aboriginal psyche
that “…
play[s] an integral part in forming the Aboriginal
consciousness…” (p.
66). Rice’s work encompasses all the concepts of human
development
from birth through death as perceived through Aboriginal
knowledge sys-
tems, compared to western knowledge systems based on
technology that
has “…advanced by leaps and bounds in the past few
centuries…” (p.
83). He writes, “What is being lost in this process is knowledge
that is
learned through introspection such as the introspection
practiced through
prayers, dreams and meditation” (p. 83).
The Cree Medicine Wheel
Few academic works exist describing specifically the Cree
Medicine
Wheel theory, necessitating reliance on first generation peer-
reviewed

publications. Hart (2002) includes the Medicine Wheel, and the
Cree
Medicine Wheel, as part of his excellent foundational approach
to Ab-
original helping, but does not focus solely on teachings from
Cree Elders.
The Cree version of the Medicine Wheel as put forth by
Nabigon and
Mawhiney (1996) appears in the academy for the first time in a
theory
textbook for Social Work (Turner, 1996). In their work, human
develop-
ment concepts are described through discussion of the Four
Sacred Direc-
tions in terms of two aspects of life – external and internal.
They write:
There are two parts of life that each person needs to pay atten-
tion to or risk imbalance…We cultivate our external self to fit
into the current culture and times…We take care of our inner
life
by personal reflection…Through reflection we change and grow
spiritually (p. 21).
The Cree Medicine Wheel is conceptualized as a circle divided
into
four quadrants. The inside of the circle represents the positive
(light), the
outside represents the negative (dark), with the center
representing the
core of the person, which also has a light and dark side. This
establishes
a visual structure (refer to Figure One) of the Aboriginal theory
which is
applied to understanding human development, providing
problem iden-

144
tification tools and solution identification pathways when things
are out
of balance. “Native people who walk the red road attempt to
balance their
lives between positive and negative cycles of life” (p. 22). The
use of the
Cree Medicine Wheel facilitates balance, thus promoting health,
growth,
and positive development, and minimizing risk factors that
impede balance.
The literature review did not reveal sources which explore
Medicine
Wheel concepts regarding specific human development theories.
The fol-
lowing figure, adapted from the work of Nabigon and Mawhiney
(1996),
depicts the Cree Medicine Wheel, and locates the stages of
individual hu-
man development in the four quadrants. Childhood is
represented in the
East Door, adolescence in the South Door, adulthood in the
West Door,
and the elderly stage in the North Door. Other aspects of the
development
of human society are also located around the Cree Medicine
Wheel (see

pg. 145).
To better understand teachings of the Cree Medicine Wheel,
concepts
are usually oriented on the “Doors”, or directions, of east,
south, west and
north. The center represents the Self, “…the spiritual fire at the
core of
one’s being” (p. 21), which also has a light and a dark side,
either heal-
ing or jealousy. The Four Colors represent the four races of
humankind.
Traditional Cree teachings convey the belief that at one time all
four races
lived together in peace on one body of land before it broke into
separate
continents. This teaching contributes to multi-cultural
perspectives in un-
derstanding human development.
The East Door (spring) represents beginnings, positive aspects
of re-
newal, good feelings, good food, vision, purpose and direction.
Being
able to have an awareness of emotions and an ability to share
them with
appropriate language and expression, as well as being able to
reduce
stress through laughter and sharing is integral to mental health.
Having
a core sense of self-esteem and self-love makes it possible to
deal with
inferiority, which is the “rascal” of the East Door, or the
negative (dark)
side of life. This negative aspect of the East Door creates
shame, anger,

feelings of inequality, powerlessness and victimization. “Let us
not forget
that we co-create our lives with our souls (minds), and so we
must learn
how to empower ourselves so that we can create the kind of life
we really
want” (p. 22). Teachings about affection, sexuality,
companionship, sac-
145
RED
Feelings
YELLOW
Relationships
BLACK
Respect
WHITE
Caring
Healing

GREEN
Mother Earth/
Fire
NORTH
Winter
Elderly
Bear
‘Not caring’
EAST
Spring
Childhood
Turtle
‘Inferiority’
SOUTH
Summer
Adolescence
Eagle
(The Eagle feather
represents balance)
‘Envy’
WEST
Fall
Adulthood
Thunderbird

‘Fear’
(Father of all Rascals)
Figure One – The Cree Medicine Wheel
146
rifice and loyalty help to create balance. This is also the
direction contain-
ing teachings about childhood.
The South Door (summer) teaches about relationships with self,
family
and community, and is the place where values and identity are
learned.
Nabigon and Mawhiney write:
Adolescence is often a time of crisis. For young Natives, it is a
time to define their Nativeness. The process of defining cultural
heritage takes precedence over all activities, including
education.
It is during this period of self-exploration that a young person’s
academic grades may begin to decline…Elders and traditional
teachers can help to understand and defuse the crisis. (p. 30)
The negative side of this direction is the “rascal” of envy,
defined by
the Elders as wanting something without being willing to work
for it.

Patience is taught as a gift of time which helps build strengths
and cre-
ate better balance. Spiritual reflection, quietness and self
awareness are
taught as ways to “…become aware of our mind, body, and
spirit” (p. 30).
The West Door (fall) represents respect, reason, and water. This
is also
the Door which is entered when it comes time for a person to go
into the
Spirit world, thus death is often referred to as “through the
West Door.”
Resentment is the “rascal” of this direction, which prevents
individuals
from showing respect for self and others, contributing to
imbalances and
problems in personal development and community relationships.
Humil-
ity – “looking twice” – is taught as recognizing “our place
within nature”
(p. 31), the way to learn and earn respect. Nabigon and
Mawhiney write:
Caring is represented at the north door…It is action…being
will-
ing to change, and keeping the focus on ourselves rather than
what others do are the keys to action… Some cultures say it is
selfish to think of ourselves first. This is a misunderstanding of
the dynamics involved. Providing space to care about ourselves
allows others the space to start caring for themselves without
be-
ing overly dependent (p. 25).

147
Understanding the North Door (winter) holds a key to
understanding
the process of change. This is the direction of caring, change,
move-
ment, and air, which has the power to move things around. The
teach-
ings instruct how to deal with the “rascal” of this direction, “not
caring”,
through natural methods of healing by “…yelling, laughing,
sweating,
crying, yawning, and shaking. These can help a person move
through
fear” (p. 31). Consequences of misunderstandings in this
direction cre-
ate imbalances in individuals, families, communities and even
the larger
world as the impact of apathy, thoughtlessness (not caring) and
disregard
for others impacts all directions. The teachings are clear, “…we
cannot
receive caring from another unless we already care about
ourselves” (p.
23). Between the West Door and the North Dorr is the “rascal”
of fear.
At the center of the Cree Medicine Wheel is found the fire of
the soul
(Figure 1), the identity of the person. The color green represents
Mother

Earth. Here is the place of healing, the positive side, and the
place of jeal-
ousy, the negative side. Nabigon (2006) writes:
If we do not honour the negative side of life we as humans
either
fall very ill or, worse, inflict our pain upon each other. Touch-
ing the negative aspects of life can be beneficial. If we learn to
honour and recognize all of our emotions, including the
negative
qualities, we can and will become the bearers of our own pearls
of wisdom (pp. 53-54).
Perspectives on Aboriginal Knowledge
Traditional teachings regarding relationships with Mother Earth,
the
Spirit World, and relationships with the Creator and all of the
Creation
contribute to a full understanding of the Cree Medicine Wheel
concepts.
Aboriginal teachings encompass a totality of the human
condition – phys-
ical, spiritual, mental and emotional – and the significance of
balance is
emphasized. All aspects of life are intricately interconnected.
Relation-
ships are fundamental to understanding the nature of events, and
estab-
lishing standards of behavior. Separating things out from each
other and
studying them as singular entities without a wholistic viewpoint
as an
organizing point does not fall within the natural way of thinking
in Ab-
original epistemology. Dominance, subordination and

aggressiveness are
not valued, but assertiveness and strength are taught. Theories
of human
148
development which incorporate wholistic perspectives are more
closely
compatible with Medicine Wheel concepts than those theories
which seg-
ment various stages of development.
Traditional Aboriginal approaches to knowledge development
have not
been warmly welcomed by the Eurocentric model of the
academic world.
There are several possible explanations: first, traditional
approaches are
not seen as scientific and therefore it is not possible to validate
these ways
of knowing using the highly valued standard of scientific
models estab-
lished in the academy; secondly, Aboriginal scholars have been
cautious
in articulating traditional concepts in ways that are readily
applicable to
the dominant paradigm. There are some good reasons for that
caution.
Protecting traditional knowledge is a focus of concern for

Indigenous
people worldwide, and for governmental bodies that seek to
protect and
preserve the knowledge ways of Aboriginal people. Battiste and
Hender-
son (2005) correctly state:
Survival for Indigenous People is more than a question of
physic-
al existence. It is an issue of protecting, preserving, and enhan-
cing Indigenous worldviews, knowledge systems, language, and
environments. It is a matter of sustaining spiritual links with
eco-
systems and communities. Unfortunately, these ecosystems and
communities are often critically endangered. The awareness that
the demise of Indigenous populations and the loss of their lan-
guages are causing the demise of Indigenous knowledge and the
loss of biological diversity has not stopped the rush on Indigen-
ous knowledge systems by outsiders. These outsiders have not
attempted to prevent the extermination of Indigenous Peoples
or their ecosystems; instead they have intensified their efforts
to access, to know, and to assert control over this endangered
knowledge and these endangered resources. This is such a tragic
response…. (pp. 242-243).
Better understanding of indigenous knowledge worldwide may
be a
key to the survival of people and the planet. It will certainly be
a key to
the survival of indigenous peoples; however, expropriating
concepts such
as the Medicine Wheel in order to gain control and management
over

149
Aboriginal people is an abhorrent prospect. Rice (2005) writes:
Based on a tradition of some non-Aboriginal academics
misrepre-
senting or not acknowledging elders’ teachings, Aboriginal
auth-
ors are reluctant to delve deeply into Aboriginal spiritual know-
ledge for fear of being exploited. There is some truth to these
concerns. However, based on my experiences as an Aboriginal
academic involved in ceremonial life, and on others who are
more
knowledgeable than myself, there is no truth to the fear of giv-
ing away the secrets of sacred knowledge by writing them
down.
Most written literature provides only some basic fundamentals
of
sacred knowledge; … years of training in sacred knowledge
can-
not be replicated by simply writing about the
experience…There-
fore, our fears of exploitation must not prevent us from writing
about Aboriginal spiritual or cultural knowledge. It cannot be
ex-
ploited (sic) only misrepresented. (Rice, p. xi)
Jane Korkka (2005), in her literary analysis of Rudy Wiebe’s
writings
(a non-Native Canadian author whose works often feature
Native themes

or characters), asks:
Does this, then, suggest that native (sic) peoples may still find
themselves pushed into a marginal position, in danger of being
deprived of their own voice? Yes, it does. What it does not
mean
is that no white person should ever be involved in telling native
stories. An injustice will not be remedied if all dialogue is sev-
ered. Though clashes of views will emerge as long as the
dialogue
continues, they do reflect the ongoing interaction between
Native
people and the mainstream Anglo-Canadian society… If there is
no one willing to work as a mediator, or no one who is allowed
to do so, there is no chance at all of changing an unbalanced
rela-
tionship between different peoples (p. 372).
What is called for is an approach of working cooperatively and
in bal-
ance with Aboriginal “ways of knowing”. The Medicine Wheel
concepts
convey the wisdom traditions of cultures with tens of thousands
of years
of knowledge evolution embedded within the traditional ways of
life and
150
worldviews. Working within these concepts provides potential

for re-es-
tablishing balance between peoples, and with the environment.
Medicine Wheel concepts teach the idea of balance in human
develop-
ment in order to maintain the sustenance of all living beings,
including all
aspects of the planet, which is considered a living being.
Healthy human
development is inextricably linked with healthy environmental
condi-
tions, both physical and social, and it is possible to seek, and
find, ap-
proaches to sharing together in the promotion of human
development in
healthy environments in a balanced manner. No one “owns”
knowledge
and wisdom, and indigenous ways of knowing provide much
that is fun-
damental for adequate understandings of human development.
Indeed, it could be said that the final front of conflict between
forces
of colonization and traditional societies lies in this area of
indigenous,
or Aboriginal, knowledge. The struggle currently seen to restore
cultural
ways of knowing in Aboriginal communities everywhere is
becoming
more urgent and significant as the world faces calamities such
as eco-
nomic collapse and global climate change. The heritage of
colonization
on every continent continues to contribute to upheaval in social
and eco-
nomic stability. The pressure from an increasingly complex

technologi-
cal world presents challenges for families and individuals,
especially in
Aboriginal communities, at the most basic of levels. The
heritage of a
colonial history simply cannot be ignored. It must be addressed
in or-
der to adequately understand the human developmental
challenges facing
communities today.
When Albert Memmi first published his classic work, The
Colonizer
and the Colonized (1965), he could not have foreseen its far-
reaching im-
pact. First published in French in 1957, the description of the
social and
psychological effects with which colonialism impacts both
colonizer and
colonized became both anathema to the oppressive colonizer
and those
who profited from the effects of colonialism, as well as
inspiration to
those who would bring down the colonial system. The
developmental
impact on human populations is devastatingly described in his
work. His
words of fifty years ago sound a challenge, “To refuse
colonization is one
thing; to adopt the colonized and be adopted by them seems to
be another;
151

and the two are far from being connected” (p. 22-23). His
stance could be
seen to be compatible with those who make efforts toward
indigenization
of the academy.
Memmi’s challenge for connection remains to be addressed
adequate-
ly, but certainly one approach is to increase understanding of
how human
development is conceptualized by those within differing
paradigms and
systems. For this purpose, the following section will endeavor
to place
contemporary models of human development within the
paradigm pre-
sented by the Cree Medicine Wheel.
Contemporary Theories of Human Development
Human beings in all times everywhere have been integrally
social crea-
tures, observing and studying each other and their
environments, learn-
ing the best possible ways of surviving and developing
competence. The
study of the human development field is very broad,
encompassing the
disciplines of Biology, Sociology, Psychology, Political
Science, Anthro-
pology, Education, Economics, Multi-Cultural Studies,

Women’s Studies
and others. The discussion here will be limited primarily to
psychological
and sociological perspectives, highlighting key concepts.
In Uranjnik, Levin & Garg (2008) five major areas of child
develop-
ment are examined: maturation and learning, motor
development, cogni-
tive development, language, and emotional and social
development (pp.
386-389). Biological aspects of development are referred to in
each of
these areas and growth is described as being guided by an
“inborn matu-
rational blueprint”. They refer to Jean Piaget’s contribution, a
biological
blueprint of the process by which children move through the
stages of
development he names as sensorimotor, pre-operational,
concrete opera-
tional, and formal operational. They acknowledge that criticism
of Piag-
et’s work has been noted by contemporary psychology, but also
cite the
extensive research that has been conducted on Piaget’s
developmental
theories which have contributed to understanding the cognitive
processes
of children and adolescents. The majority of research has been
conducted
with Eurocentric models, settings and “subjects”, but aspects of
his theo-
ries can be located at various points on the Cree Medicine
Wheel.

152
Piaget’s perspective can be seen in teachings surrounding the
East and
South Doors. Good food (spiritual and physical) is represented
in the East
Door, which is applicable to the importance of appropriate
biological,
physical, cognitive, spiritual and psychological development of
the child.
As the child is born and develops within the safety and
nurturing that is
taught in the East Door, she learns about identity, choice and
personal
power. Children reared in traditional Aboriginal societies
learned by ob-
serving (Vision) and making their own choices. Language
development is
also located in the East Door. Nabigon and Mawhiney (1996)
state:
Unless children are allowed to feel they have some power of
choice over their own lives as they grow up, they are likely to
feel
they are victims, or at the very least, they will fear people they
perceive as having authority over them. This perception is often
carried over into adulthood and can lead to a sense of power-
lessness…and other psychological problems…we con-create our
lives with our souls (minds), and so we must learn how to em-
power ourselves… (p. 22).

It is believed that developmental difficulties in the East Door
will result
in a sense of shame and inferiority, impeding the development
of self-
esteem, personal agency and co-creation necessary for healthy
adult role
function in humans.
In the South Door the aspects of adolescent development are
located
within the primary function of learning about relationships with
the self
and with others. Patience, listening, and development of self
identity are
emphasized. Learning how to work for what one wants, to deal
with emo-
tions of envy and longing (both in the material and spiritual
aspects), and
to correctly exercise responsibility for oneself and one’s actions
are pri-
mary tasks to accomplish in this Door (pp. 23-26). Feelings of
anger and
alienation are believed to arise from not learning how to listen
to the Self,
from not having good relationships with others or healthy
connections to
community. Development of identity is a primary task of
adolescence, a
time when impulsivity is difficult to manage. Traditional
teachings en-
courage adults and youths to interact as a way of teaching
patience. Rela-
tionships with people, with the natural world, and with the
spiritual aspect
of life are seen as resources to assist youth in development.

153
New research in brain function sheds light on aspects of human
devel-
opment. The complex neural and neurochemical development
that occurs
in the human brain, before and after birth and continuing into
adulthood,
mirrors in physicality the states that Piaget outlines in
behavioral and
emotional development (Kolb & Fantie, p. 31). Good pre- and
post-natal
nutrition is crucial for adequate brain development, which is
recognized
in the East Door. The impact of developmental deficits in the
brain re-
sulting from poor nutrition, the effects of environmental
chemicals, and
various medications and drugs has a lifelong effect.
Communities around
the world that are heavily affected by neurotoxins,
impoverishment and
poor nutrition face monumental challenges in assisting their
populations
to achieve the conditions of positive human development.
Keating and Hertzman (1999), in Developmental Health
and the Wealth

of Nations, highlight the ways in which labor market
economies place al-
most inhuman amounts of stress on families. They identify the
“gradient
effect” (pp. 2-3; 9), illustrating how societies which carry great
dispari-
ties in socioeconomic (SES) gradients among their population
also have
significant indicators for poor health and developmental health.
Families
and communities at the lower end of the scale in wellbeing,
experience
greater SES “gradient effects” and face difficult challenges in
meeting
developmental requirements for good nutrition and protective
neurobio-
logical factors for developing human beings.
Keating and Hertzman indicate that there may be a limit to the
adapt-
ability trajectory for human beings, and warn that concerns
regarding the
breakdown of social structures fostering adaptability should be
heeded by
leaders, politicians, economists, educators, and others. Parts I
and II of
their book present an elaboration on the concept of biological
embedding
of these SES gradients in developing human beings. Lack of
assets and
support in early stages of development has implications for
developmen-
tal hindrances across the life span. They indicate more
understanding is
needed about humans who demonstrate resiliency against the
negative

effects of the SES gradient in order to develop methods of
prevention and
intervention in “problematic developmental pathways” (p. 12).
The words of Keating and Hertzman (1999) and Kolb and Fantie
(2009) can be seen to correlate with the West Door, the place
where con-
154
cerns of adulthood emerge. “Respect is represented in the west
on the
middle circle. The literal meaning of respect is to look
twice…The power
of reason is placed in the west door. With reasoning power we
can think
twice…” (Nabigon & Mawhiney, 1996, pp. 24-25). The
responsibilities
of adulthood imply that harmful thoughts and actions to self and
others
are to be avoided. Growth in this direction involves assuming
responsibil-
ity and showing respect for others. Societies where these values
are deep-
ly embedded in the culture will be less likely to have steep SES
gradients,
as responsibility for the community as a whole is an integral
concern of
everyone. Care, concern, respect and non-judgmental attitudes
facilitate

behaviors and practices that contribute to the welfare of all
members of
the community. Contemporary societies would do well to move
to the
West Door and “look twice” at the developmental concerns
facing their
citizens. Current research indicates that the breakdown of
macrosystems
is having negative effects on human development across the
lifespan (Ke-
ating & Hertzman, 1999) and around the world.
The elderly are notably absent in contemporary western theories
of hu-
man development, although Bronfenbrenner (2005) indirectly
addresses
this concern in his work. He writes, “Human development may
be defined
as the phenomenon of constancy and change in
the characteristics of the
person over the life course” (p. 108) (his italics). His
Process-Person-
Context Model is an “analysis of variations in developmental
processes
and outcomes as a joint function of the characteristics of
the environment
and of the person” (p. 115) (his italics). He adds the
dimension of time,
the concept of the individual contributing to his own
development, and
the role of culture in human development, and puts forward the
under-
standing that human developmental processes continue into old
age.
While his article primarily focuses on child and adolescent

develop-
ment he acknowledges the need for research on the
“…macrosystems
most salient in modern life” (p. 152) which include the adult
worlds with-
in which child development occurs. This would include not only
chil-
dren’s families but their neighborhoods, subcultures, and larger
societal
cultures. He develops the concept of “nested environments”
within which
the developing human grows. He writes:
The psychological development of parents is powerfully influ-
enced by the behavior and development of their children. This
155
phenomenon occurs through the life course…often becomes es-
pecially pronounced during adolescence…the impact of the lat-
ter’s behavior on the subsequent development of their parents
has
yet to receive the systematic investigation that it deserves (p.
12).
Bronfenbrenner goes on to say:
Over the life course, the process of attachment exhibits a turn-
around. In the beginning, it is the children who are the

beneficiaries
of the parents’ irrational commitment, whereas toward the end
the
roles are reversed. Then it is the elderly parents who receive the
love and care of their now middle-aged children… (p. 13).
He continues by noting that his literature search revealed no
informa-
tion on the influence of parent-child attachment “…in the future
develop-
ment of the parent in contrast to that of the child” (p. 13) (his
italics).
The Medicine Wheel, in contrast, does give some indication of a
path
to understanding the process of relationship development
between the
generations and of the role of the elderly in the life span of
develop-
ing humans. In the North Door, “Caring can be defined by our
level of
interaction, within family, school, community, and nation”
(Nabigon &
Mawhiney, 1996, p. 31). Elders teach caring as a common sense
activity
that all humans are capable of, no matter what their age. Every
action has
consequences – the wisdom and guidance of the elderly are
essential to
the necessary caring function of the community. Not caring
implies that
dependency will be the outcome, inhibiting growth and change:
Caring is more than a feeling. It is action. It is important to re-
member the reasons for caring as well. Taking risks on behalf
of ourselves, being willing to change, and keeping the focus on

ourselves rather than what others do are the keys to action and
are
all important aspects to caring. This always involves
persistence.
(Nabigon & Mawhiney, 1996, p. 25).
Engagement in risky activities is generally looked at in human
devel-
opment studies as a negative thing, “…associated with some
probability
of undesirable results (Boyer, 2006, p. 292). Boyer’s extensive
and com-
156
prehensive review of the literature in cognitive, emotional,
psychobio-
logical and social developmental research highlights what is
emerging
regarding the topic of risk, acknowledging that risk-taking is
sometimes
necessary and positive. The role of elderly people, as described
by the
Medicine Wheel, assists developing individuals in being able to
under-
stand and handle risk, thus supporting the community in being
able to
provide a protective network for its members.
The greatest opportunities for understanding risk taking, as well

as
aversive, behaviors may lie in new studies in the field of
neuroscience.
The ability to have access through new technology to the
processes of
normal brain activity, as well as to the effects of damage and/or
devel-
opmental deficits, is opening up exciting new understandings of
human
development and behavior. The modulation of fear and the
various mech-
anisms of brain chemistry that vary from individual to
individual are bet-
ter understood. More is understood about the role of brain
function in
processing decision making and risk.
Medicine Wheel teachings in general contain much to assist
humans in
learning the techniques, methods, and practices involved in
making deci-
sions, taking risks, maintaining relationships, handling
emotions, learn-
ing difficult tasks, practicing caring behaviors and taking
responsibility
for oneself. The Medicine Wheel has strong roots in Aboriginal
histories,
helping maintain healthy communities in pre-colonial cultures.
Several researchers of human development address the issue of
cul-
ture in psychological studies. Ratner (1999) and Valsiner (2001)
have
written and researched extensively on this subject. Ratner
(1999) high-
lights the reality that “…psychological phenomena are cultural

in their
essence… [include] practical social activities… [are] organized
by social
concepts… [and arise] through participating in broad, collective
social
activities” (pp. 22-25). Culture cannot be divorced from human
devel-
opment and behavior or psychological phenomena, and varies in
human
societies around the world. Culture is pliable, influenced over
time and
space by multiple factors.
Myopic cultural assumptions impede researchers’ ability to
conduct
inquiry without bias. Valsiner (2001) addresses this challenge
with his
157
concept of “cultural blinders” and calls for an effort to,
“…create general
developmental science [which] can transcend the historically
established
blinders of child psychology” (p. 167). Vygotsky attempted to
transcend
the cultural myopia of the past through his studies of child
development
in his present, yet he was also a product of his Russian post-

revolutionary
Marxian context (Blunden, 2001) and equipped with his own set
of blind-
ers. Lerner (2006) writes:
Any individual may have a diverse range of potential develop-
mental trajectories and, as well, all groups – because of the ne-
cessarily diverse developmental paths of the people within them
– will have a diverse range of developmental trajectories.
Divers-
ity…is both a strength of individuals and an asset for planning
and promoting means to improve the human condition (p. 11).
The underlying assumption here seems to be that humans have a
devel-
opmental trajectory that is linear in nature, moving from lower
to high-
er levels of development. This assumption is not shared by
indigenous
worldviews. Medicine Wheel teachings are based on the wisdom
of the
past, providing stability and continuity, one of many essential
protective
factors for positive youth development identified in Benson et
al. (2006).
Medicine Wheel teachings support development that maintains
posi-
tive adaptation to a natural world. The natural world is
increasingly en-
croached upon by pressures of technology, population growth,
economic
upheaval, societal disruptions, global climate change, etc. It
would be
culturally myopic to assert that ancient traditions have nothing

to offer
human developmental understandings in currently relevant
ways, or that
contemporary findings in human development have nothing to
offer in-
digenous communities worldwide.
Benson et al. (2006) offer much in terms of assets to human
growth
and development (refer to Appendix One), but cite almost no
significant
major studies done in cultures other than western Eurocentric
societies.
Benson describes the assets of positive youth development as,
“…com-
petence, confidence, connection, character and caring (or
compassion)…
[and] contribution” (pp. 905), characteristics most human
societies incor-
porate in their conceptualizations of human development.
158
Conclusion
Medicine Wheel concepts can provide a description of human
devel-
opmental theory from the perspective of traditional Aboriginal
knowl-
edge. The Cree Medicine Wheel provides theories about

different stages
of human development, appropriate developmental tasks of each
stage,
and knowledge about assets that facilitate positive development
at each
stage. The Cree Medicine Wheel illuminates the role of
relationships with
humans and all of Creation, the role of spirituality,
developmental plastic-
ity, diversity, the interconnectedness of “nested environments”,
and the
concept of co-creation between self and Creator. The
characteristics of
Medicine Wheel wisdom from various nations correspond with
theories
of human development from the western knowledge paradigm.
Future re-
search on Medicine Wheel teachings in the human development
field has
the potential to expand understandings of their relevance, and
applicabil-
ity of indigenous knowledge and wisdom in contemporary
communities.
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161
Intimacy
Person has gained
affective attachments to
others that reflects solid
sense of self in healthy,
loving ways;
has ability to make and
keep commitments &
respect boundaries
Family/Peer
The developing human is linked
to growing relationships within
a lifelong network of stable
people; within the family the
relationships extend through the
generations; within the peer group
the developing human experiences

the give and take of caring, safe
interpersonal connections
Personal Assets
The growing human is capable of developing his/her own inner
assets in the following areas: Intellectual, emotional, social,
spiritual,
physical, and will. Personal assets will manifest in following
ways:
curiosity about self and the world; willingness to learn and put
effort
into mastering new tasks; develops moral capacity to see how
the
self impacts on others; the ability to make choices that
demonstrates
respect, responsibility, honesty, courage, compassion, empathy;
ability to be pro-social; ability to care for self
Contextual Foundation
The human being is developing within a community and societal
context that promotes capacity in the following areas:
- physical needs are adequately met (food, shelter, clothing,
medical care, safety and security); person is
learning at developmentally appropriate levels the strategies for
assuming responsibility in all the above areas.
- in the context of the community the developing human gains
an intellectual/affective capacity which
promotes problem-solving skills, emotional management skills,
mastery of environment, and ability
to effectively negotiate a variety of relationships; develops
positive feelings about self, others and the
surrounding world with an ability to contribute to the
community; the community values the growing human
in tangible ways readily apparent to all and provides adequate
support to parenting and educating children and
youth; opportunities for meaningful activities that contribute to

a healthy community are available and support
& encouragement given to all members of community
Appendix
Pyramid of Developmental Assets by Benson et al. (2006)
In Positive Human Development
NATIVE
SOCIAL WORK
JOURNAL
The Native Social Work Journal is registered
with the Canadian
Association of Learned Journals
Volume 7, November 2010
© 2010 Native Social Work Journal
Published by the Native Social Work Journal
Laurentian University
Sudbury, Ontario
Printed by the Laurentian University Press
Sudbury, Ontario
Cover Artwork by Leland Bell
ISSN 1206-5323
All rights reserved

NISHNAABE KINOOMAADWIN
NAADMAADWIN
Promising Practices in Mental Health:
Emerging Paradigms for Aboriginal
Social Work Practices
Readings: Please use these readings as references. See attached
if can’t open the link
Wenger-Nabigon, A. (2010).
The Cree Medicine Wheel as an Organizing Paradigm of
Theories of Human DevelopmentLinks to an external site..
Native Social Work Journal: Promising Practices in Mental
Health – Emerging Paradigms for Aboriginal Social Work
Practice, volume 7.
Introduction
Welcome to Unit 4. In this unit, themes related to Indigenous
developmental psychology will be explored. Students will
consider the significance of the human stage of pre-
birth/envisioning, birth and birthing practices, infants and
toddlers, middle years children, preteens and teens. Experiences
of pregnancy, motherhood/parenthood and the tasks of child
rearing are discussed in relation to the greater culture. Students
will learn about cultural practices and ways that Indigenous
families may conceptualize and care for children. The extended
family/clan systems will be explored for their role in supporting
the child.
Students will explore the roles and developmental tasks of
children from an Indigenous perspective. They will consider:
· The Seven Sacred Teachings
· The Cree medicine wheel
· The significance of names and child naming

· Rites and rituals related to growing and learning
· Learning about the natural world, food and clothing
· Learning through games and fun
· The importance of Elders and grandparents
· The importance of friendship and “cousins”
· The importance of cross-generational
interactionObjectives/Learning Outcomes
In this unit, students will become familiar with “the seven
sacred teachings” (www.thesharing circle.com). They will come
to understand the development of an Aboriginal identity and
how children are perceived in Aboriginal communities. Students
will also learn about strategic planning for an “Aboriginal Early
Childhood Development Strategic Framework”.Terminology
In this unit, students will explore terms such as identity, “All
my relations” and the “Seven Sacred Teachings”. The
traditional concepts of respect and sharing that form the
foundations of the Aboriginal way of life are built around the
seven natural laws or sacred teachings. The term “All my
relations” is expressed differently in different languages. It is
often said at the end of a prayer and it denotes how we are
connected to all forms of life around us. Students will also hear
the term “Jordan’s Principal” in relation to the rights of
children to be upheld when their “designation” falls between
federal or provincial funding jurisdictions. This term was
coined by Cindy Blackstock to honour Jordan Anderson, a two-
year old boy from Norway House Cree Nation who died while
governments fought over who should pay his medical
bills.Notes
Views and practices related to child and lifespan development
are explored in this unit. Each people or tribe has beliefs that
vary and correspond with the needs of the community, the food
source, and to the collective survival on the land. Indigenous
communities have varying but often similar understandings of
the journey of the human being from the heavens or higher
dimensions onto the Earth, to live a life in fulfillment of a
spiritual purpose.

In the medicine wheel, Native Americans work with the power
and the energies of the wheel to conceptualize important aspects
of life, growth and relationships.
A Three Dimensional View of Lifespan Development – The Six
Directions
This six directional model of the human lifecycle is derived
from the work of Dhyani Ywahoo (1987) in her book
Voices of the Ancestors: Teachings of the Wisdom
Fire. However, similar Indigenous or tribal models can be found
in many tribal communities. The number 6 relates to the four
cardinal directions on 3 dimensional earth plus heaven/heavens
above (the fifth) and Earth and what is below/within the Earth
(the sixth). Embedded in Indigenous cosmology is the
understanding that life exists in many forms on many
dimensions. For example, rocks and crystals may be referred to
as "The Stone people" and that they indeed live within Earth,
comprising her body. So as we enter the worldly plane, we
descend from heaven or from our spirit presence, taking form on
the Earth. Similar to the rising sun, life begins in the east.
This quadrant of the wheel, the East, symbolizes the beginning,
a new start. Infancy and childhood are situated here. With time,
growth and sustenance, the most important being LOVE, the
child moves into the next quadrant, the South. Various
Indigenous teachings have particular colours associated with
each quadrant. While the East is typically represented by the
colour Yellow, Black represents the South. The South is
typically seen as "hot" and represents adolescence, a time of
passion when it is difficult to "sit still". Adolescents are driven
to identify and find a purpose, a way to actualize the gifts they
embody as incarnate beings. Moving into the West, we find the
colour Red and the time of adulthood. This time is about service
and productivity. It is during this time that one's largest
contribution to the community is typically made. Elderhood sits

in the North, represented by the colour White. This is a time of
contemplation and reflection. In Indigenous communities, it is
also a time of being honoured by others and of passing on one's
teachings to the younger generations. One of the greatest
aspirations or challenges of the Wheel is to consider human
beings, the young ones particularly, seven generations into the
future. Every decision that is made today will impact one's
great-great-great grandchildren. One is invited to consider these
children and how they will be living based on the state of the
world that we leave them.
The medicine wheel teachings are often used to exemplify the
importance of diversity on earth. It is understood that the initial
four races all brought unique gifts into the world.... music,
medicine, technology and healing. The "in-between" and
diasporic peoples have come to embody many of these qualities,
which lend creativity and ingenuity to the possibilities of life on
earth (Richardson).
The Characteristics of the medicine wheel are as follows:
The East – yellow, the fire, the sunrise, the light, the energy of
decision-making, the humans, our relationship to spirit, new
life, beginning
The South – red, the water (going down), giving, plants, our
relationship to emotions/feelings, to our heart, youth
The West – black, the stones/the earth, holding, our relationship
to our physical body, adulthood
The North – white, the air/weather, receiving, the animals, our
relationship to mind/elderhood
Beliefs About Children
NAHO (2008) writes that, in many Indigenous belief systems,
children are seen as sacred gifts from the Creator. They are to
be treated with the utmost of respect, care, nurture and dignity.

In our communities, our children are at the centre of all circles.
They do not just grow up in families, nor are they the sole
responsibility of the family. Rather, the community shares the
responsibility of raising children. Child development and
learning are directly linked to the health and wellness of their
parents, families and communities.
Community is a place of connectedness, and ideally where one
feels supported, nurtured and a sense of belonging.
Strengthening and building capacity for communities to create
supportive, resilient and healthy environments for children and
their families is essential. A healthy community focuses on the
social, cultural and physical places, in which children live,
learn and play.
Raising an Indigenous child is perceived by many Indigenous
families as a shared responsibility within an interdependent
family system; a circle of caring. This is in contrast to
parenting, which can be culturally biased towards a nuclear
family unit. Children are part of a collective group, closely
connected to and supported by extended family and community
members (Gerlach, 2008a).
Within this social structure, Elders are traditionally regarded as
teachers, philosophers, linguists, historians, healers, judges and
counselors (Royal Commission, 1996 in Gerlach, 2008a).
Grandparents are traditionally valued as teachers, passing on
their knowledge and practices to the next generation (Gerlach,
2008a). For many families, “together time” involves
participating in activities that reflect a vital link to a
community‘s identity and history – whether it is fishing, berry
picking, or hunting. (Gerlach, 2008a).
In many Indigenous cultures, wellbeing and spirituality are
interconnected and reflect a close connectivity with the natural
environment. For some, there is a suspicion of Western
medicine and a reluctance to share spiritual beliefs and
practices with non-Aboriginal health professionals. Traditional
health practices may or may not be used in combination with
Western medicine (Gerlach, 2008a). One of the factors affecting

the emotional and spiritual health for Indigenous children is
their feeling of connection to traditional Aboriginal culture and
language (Trumper, 2004).
For many Indigenous peoples, the study and knowing of “child
development” relates to a child‘s spiritual, emotional,
intellectual and physical wellbeing with a special consideration
of the Aboriginal context of his or her community and culture.
(National Association of Friendship Centres, 2005). This
includes everything from storytelling, smudging, learning,
singing, practicing community protocols, and being introduced
to traditional foods and customs. Such practice and belief
represents quality children‘s services and education in that it
contributes to the building and/or maintenance of the child‘s
emotional and spiritual wellbeing. This will assist in building
strong children with the skills, resiliency and confidence to
succeed in any education system. Instilling children with the
pro-social values of their culture can promote this success.
Seven Sacred Teachings found in Indigenous cultures include:
· Love
· Respect
· Courage
· Honesty
· Wisdom
· Humility
· Truth
The Seven Aboriginal Sacred Teaching are presented at The
Sharing Circle website (from the producers of Canada’s longest
running Aboriginal documentary film series, out of Winnipeg).
The traditional concepts of respect and sharing that form the
foundation of the Aboriginal way of life are built around the
seven natural laws, or sacred teachings. Each teaching honours
one of the basic virtues intrinsic to a full and healthy life. Each
law is embodied by an animal to underscore the point that all
actions and decisions made by man are manifest on a physical
plain. The animal world taught man how to live close to the
earth, and the connection that has been established between the

animal world and that of humans has instilled a respect for all
life in those who follow the traditional Aboriginal way.
Teachings about Mother Earth
We are taught that we all originated from the Earth, that the
Earth is The Great Mother to all. She provides everything we
need in order to survive in this life, the clothing, shelter,
medicines, food and water. For example, the Elders tell us to
look at a tree. The tree is connected to the land, the tree only
takes what it needs in order to survive and it gives back to the
Earth. This is how we should conduct ourselves in every day
life.
These teachings that are being shared are sacred teachings.
From tribe to tribe across North America, the details may differ
but the basic teachings are the same. They have been followed
for many, many years. We honour the ancestors, the ones that
have walked before us, because they are the ones that sat in
circles many times before, and prayed that their children and
grandchildren would follow in their path. When we honour the
ancestors, we honour ourselves on the land. We should only
take what we need in order to sustain ourselves and always give
back something in return. Respect the land, all its creatures and
all living beings.
Cherokee teacher and ceremonialist Dhiyani Ywahoo speaks of
the Nine Precepts in the Code of Right Relationship reflecting
the teachings of her people and her spiritual work. These
precepts include:
1. Speak only words of truth.
2. Speak only of the good qualities of others.
3. Be a confident, and carry no tales.
4. Turn aside the veil of anger to release the beauty inherent to
all.
5. Waste not the bounty, and want not.
6. Honor the light in all-compare nothing; see all for its
suchness.
7. Respect all life; cut away the ignorance from one’s own

heart.
8. Neither kill nor harbour thoughts of angry nature, which
destroy peace like a bullet.
9. Do it now; if you see what needs doing, do it.
The First Nations, Métis and Inuit peoples of North America
were given teachings, such as those shared in this unit, to serve
as a spiritual foundation. The traditional concepts of respect and
sharing that form the foundation of the Aboriginal way of life
are built around the seven natural laws, or sacred teachings.
Each teaching honours one of the basic virtues to a full and
healthy life.
Many Paths: Learning From Others
The development of a pertinent Indigenous Early Years
framework requires the consideration of models of service
delivery that have been or are currently being implemented in
other parts of the world. What follows herein is a sampling of
the gifts shared in a number of published models from New
Zealand, Australia, Cuba, Norway and Scotland. In keeping with
Indigenous ways of doing things, it is recommended that the
Indigenous Early Years framework be developed through a
process of sharing best practices of these various models with
Elders, families, community members, program designers,
deliverers, and funders. Invested parties need to consider and
best inform the framework building process to ensure the
creation of a model suitable for the Indigenous children and
families of British Columbia.
St‟at‟imx Elder Gerry Oleman teaches us that when Elders and
knowledge sharers choose to share their teachings with us, they
are leaving gifts at our feet. It is up to us whether we pick these
gifts up and carry them with us.
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Introduction

Welcome to Unit 3. In this one-week unit, students will explore
Indigenous ways of being, knowing, and seeing the world. We
will cover topics such as:
· Indigenous worldview
· A web of (inter)connectedness
· Spirit and spirituality
· Teachings related to land and place
· Indigenous cosmology and the role of stories and oral tradition
· Perspectives on learning and knowledge
Some of the readings and audio-visual materials relate to the
topic of who we are as human beings and how we "know". This
relates to how we perceive the world and how the thinkers and
teachers in our cultures, whether Indigenous culture or
European-based cultures, relate to knowledge and learning.
These topics are introduced so that ECE and ECD students can
develop a richer understanding of the knowledge traditions of
Indigenous peoples. As well, such understandings of the world
and the cosmos relate to how children are viewed, treated and
nurtured as they grow. An Indigenous worldview focuses on the
connections and relationships between people, Earth,
environment and all living beings. These teachings present
children in the context of their social and ecological worlds.
These understandings of life also relate to larger global
processes that rationalize colonialism, invasion and the
domination of one people over another, of human beings over
the Earth. Students are invited to consider this inter-related
aspect of life in the context of their work with children and
families.Objectives/Learning Outcomes
In this unit, students will learn about worldviews and ways of
understanding knowledge. They will become familiar with
various teachings related to the important concept of
interconnection and holistic relationships.
Terminology
In this unit, students are exposed to terms such as "worldview"
(a shared understanding of culture and how we live within a

particular social group), "epistemology" (the nature of knowing
and knowledge), "ontology"(the nature of being), "cosmology"
(the stories that explain the creation and meaning of a people),
"methodology" (the knowledge based or conceptual framework
that informs our research design and process), and "culture" (the
characteristics of a particular group of people including such
things as language, religion, cuisine, social habits, music and
the arts). These terms relate to traditions of knowledge and how
knowledge is produced, reproduced, documented and shared.
The term "worldview" relates to the macro understandings,
beliefs, values and socialization received within any particular
culture, with the understanding that "culture" is often invisible
to those living it.
Epistemology is a term that relates to the source and nature of
knowledge – how and what we know. Ontology relates to the
nature of "being". The term "cosmology" relates to a worldview
with explanations of where we come from as people, how we
got here, and the nature of our purpose on Earth. Cosmology
includes creation stories, legends, myths and cultural stories.
For example, the two people who fell from the sky (Marshall,
1999) are the founders of the Cowichan Valley. Syalutsa, is a
first ancestor who fell from the sky to Cowichan lands with
special powers.Notes
The earliest Khowutzun (Cowichan) traditional histories trace
our origins to First Ancestors. Each First Ancestor fell from the
sky to the earth at various places in Khowutzun territory. He
brought important practical knowledge for our survival and
prosperity, such as how to build fish weirs and how to catch
deer. He also survived many challenges and adventures, thus
earning important cultural knowledge about Khowutzun
ceremonies and spiritual practices. Other First Ancestors
arrived with Syalutsa, each adding to our people, history, and
culture. Every culture has a creation story, perhaps more than
one. Some are easier to attain than others. Christianity has
superimposed a story of creation onto the preexisting cultures
that were missionized. Cosmology relates to how things are tied

together within a culture, how people live, sustain, die and
where they go when they pass on. Cosmology is filled with the
stories of a people. Cultural stories provide explanations of how
and why things are done, and are often everyday things related
to food, loving, caring and survival. Cosmology also relates to
how people worship and practice a reverence for life.
Knowledge traditions, or ways of knowing and being, permeated
universities and centres of knowledge. Indigenous places of
learning, such as the longhouse or the lodge hold many
explanations of knowing and being. Ceremonies provide an
important entry point into this knowledge. Indigenous families
often live across worlds, participating in the ways practiced in
their Indigenous culture while also living with or alongside
teachings that exist in mainstream Canada. Many Indigenous
families become skilled at living "across worlds." Suffering is
often related to not being able to negotiate these two worlds and
living in-between.
Children live in the world of stories and are open to multiple
explanations of life.
In upcoming units, we will discuss the importance of culture to
the Indigenous child's growth, development and sense of
relational self.
What is Childhood?
The emergence of "childhood" as a unique phase of life wherein
the young one is seen to have different, non-adult needs and
preferences is a relatively new phenomenon in western thought.
Due to high rates of child mortality across time, many cultures
did not consider a human being to be "formed" or fully arrived
on the planet until a particular time. This was often considered
one year. Interestingly enough, even in the orca world, B.C.
marine biologists do not give names to young orcas until they
reach one year old. Similarly, the deaths rates are relatively
high. This is often due to pollution such as PCBs and chemical
fire retardants that have entered the ocean through human
industrial activity. Academics, or perhaps more accurately

social constructivists, would say that childhood is a
sociocultural invention (Richardson, n.d.). Certainly childhood
did not exist before human beings, and not before humans put
their mind to studying various aspects of human life.
European sociologist Jens Qvortrup lead a large international
research project entitled "Childhood as a Social Phenomenon –
Implications for future social policies" (1987-1992). Definitions
of childhood are relational, they exist in relation to definitions
of adults, of mothers, of fathers, of the state" (Burman, 1994, p.
59). Childhood also exists in a parallel relationship to
adulthood. It can be said to be an adult-centric term.
In western terms, the words culture and social may at times
appear interchangeable. George Howard's definition of culture
states that, "Culture can be thought of as a community of
individuals who see their world in a particular manner – who
share particular interpretations as central to the meaning of
their lives and actions," (Howard, 1991, p. 190).
Indigenous cultures have their own unique and shared visions of
childhood. When asked about children and childhood, most
Elders say that children are the gifts from the creator. When
asked by his grandson "Grandpa, what is the meaning of life?"
Cree elder Eddie Bellrose replied, "Children! Children are the
purpose of life. When we were little, someone cared for us. Now
it is our turn to care for someone!" (Carriere, & Richardson,
2008 & MCFD Child and Youth Mental Health Aboriginal
Cultural Sensitivity Training Curriculum).
The purpose of this activity is to gain perspective on the
importance of Indigenous ECD and ECE programming to
promote educational success later in life. This activity also
provides examples of cultural programming and integrating
earth-based knowledge into curriculum.
Readings: Please use these readings as references. See attached
if can’t open the link
·

Nguyen, M. (2011). Closing the Education Gap: A case
for Aboriginal early childhood education in Canada, A look at
the Aboriginal Head Start program.
Canadian Journal of Education, 34(3), 229-248.
Links to an external site.Watch
Our Children, Our Ways: Early Childhood Education in First
Nations and Inuit Communities – Exploring the Natural
WorldLinks to an external site. (2000). Red River College,
Winnipeg (MP4) file.
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CANADIAN JOURNAL OF EDUCATION 34, 3 (2011): 229-
248
©2011 Canadian Society for the Study of Education/
Société canadienne pour l’étude de l’éducation
Closing the Education Gap: A Case for Aboriginal Early
Childhood Education in Canada, A Look at the Aboriginal
Headstart Program
Mai Nguyen
York University

Abstract
This paper raises awareness concerning the education gap
between Aboriginal youth and
the non-Aboriginal youth population in Canada. It argues that
the historical consequences
of colonialism that resulted in diminished sense of self-worth,
self-determination, and
culture have placed Aboriginals at the low-end of the socio-
economic strata. This
continuing phenomenon has meant that Aboriginal youth
perform far worse than non-
Aboriginals in terms of their ability to obtain higher education
and employment. Given
this, using welfare-state theory and Indigenous-based theory I
argue that early-childhood
education which is culturally sensitive to the needs of
Aboriginal children and controlled
by Aboriginal communities will help to remedy and close the
education gap between
Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal youth. The paper concludes with
solutions to rectify the
situation in Canada. Specifically, it discusses the current
government initiative, Aboriginal
Head Start (AHS), that has been making significant strides
throughout the Aboriginal
community.
Key words: Self-determination, culturally appropriate,
Aboriginal control

Author’s Note
Mai Nguyen is a PhD candidate at York University. She
conducts research in the area of
public administration and public policy focusing more
specifically on Aboriginals in the
administrative process. Her current thesis looks at the role of
public consultations
between the public sector and Aboriginals in effecting
Indigenous-based change.
CLOSING THE EDUCATION GAP
230
Résumé
Cet article vise à sensibiliser la population sur le faible niveau
d'instruction chez les jeunes
autochtones au Canada et suggère comment la situation pourrait
être améliorée. Il soutient
que les conséquences historiques du colonialisme, qui a abouti à
la diminution du
sentiment d'estime de soi, d'auto-détermination, et du sens de la
culture, ont placé les
autochtones au bas de l'échelle socio-économique. Une des
conséquences de ce phénomène
continue est que les jeunes autochtones réussissent moins bien
que les non- autochtones
en termes de leurs capacités à obtenir une éducation supérieure
et un emploi. Compte tenu

de cela, en utilisant la théorie de l'État-providence et la théorie
autochtone, je soutiens
qu'une éducation préscolaire culturellement sensible et adaptée
aux besoins des enfants
autochtones, et contrôlée par les communautés autochtones,
permettrait de réduire et de
remédier à l'écart entre les jeunes autochtones et les non-
autochtones. L'article conclut sur
des solutions pour rectifier la situation au Canada. Plus
précisément, il traite de l'initiative
actuelle du gouvernement, le programme d'aide préscolaire aux
autochtones, qui a été créé
pour essayer de remédier à la situation désastreuse de
l'éducation des autochtones au
Canada.
Note de l'auteur
Mai Nguyen est candidate au doctorat à l'Université York. Elle
mène des recherches dans
le domaine de l'administration publique et des politiques
publiques se concentrant plus
particulièrement sur les populations autochtones dans le
processus administratif. Sa thèse
en cours examine le rôle des consultations publiques menées
entre le secteur public et les
populations autochtones pour introduire des changements en
faveur des autochtones .

231 M. NGUYEN
Closing the Education Gap: A Case for Aboriginal Early
Childhood Education in
Canada, A Look at the Aboriginal Headstart Program
Introduction
Welfare state theory postulates that in order for countries to be
economically
competitive and successful, governments must increase human
capital by providing their
citizens with the tools necessary to become productive workers
and citizens. One of the
crucial tools is education, a right that should be afforded to all
citizens. According to some
welfare-state theorists (T.H Marshall, 1992; Gosta Esping-
Andersen, 2002) education is
the one social service that can alleviate inherent disadvantages
bestowed upon the
marginalized of society. More importantly, state investment in

early childhood education
will diminish welfare problems amongst future adults —
problems such as
unemployment, low pay, housing, etc. (Esping-Anderson, 51).
In the Canadian case,
Aboriginals largely occupy this socio-economic position. As a
colonized minority group
they suffer daily tragedies such as chronic unemployment, low
wages, and social
exclusion. These tragedies are attributed to the historical
consequence of colonialism;
specifically, the tragedies of military, missionary, and
bureaucratic interventions that
gradually stripped Indigenous nations of their chosen destinies
(Daes 2000, p.6). It is on
this point that this paper argues that state-funded early
childhood education that focuses
on the cultural needs of Aboriginal children and their families
will help alleviate their
disadvantaged position in society while simultaneously
restoring Aboriginal identity and
self-worth. This is embedded in the theoretical framework of
Indigenous scholars (Jo-ann
Archibald, Marie Battiste, Linda Goulet, etc.) who argue that
Eurocentric education
(education focused on the belief systems of the colonizers while
simultaneously rejecting
and ignoring the world-views, values, and languages of
Aboriginals) cannot rectify the
consequences of colonialism on its own. Instead, Aboriginal
education needs to be
reframed in an Aboriginal context that will provide Aboriginal
children with a sense of
self-worth. That is, a sense of who they are and where they
come from, which will impact
community self-government and self-determination.

In addition, this paper analyzes data from Statistics Canada,
which will provide a
recent snapshot of the non-reserve Aboriginal population in
Canada. This portrait of the
Aboriginal population sheds light upon the disparities between
Aboriginals and the
general Canadian population, disparities that can be rectified
through preventive
strategies, such as Aboriginal-specific early childcare.
Recognizing the eminent need for
this, in the 1990s the Canadian Federal government began
implementing preventative
programs like the Aboriginal Head Start (AHS) initiative that
focused on the culturally-
specific needs of Aboriginal children and their families. This
paper will examine the
success of AHS and the obstacles facing Aboriginal youth on
their journey to higher
education. In the end, this paper concludes that early Aboriginal
childhood education is
crucial in the development of self-actualization and self-worth
for Aboriginal youth.
Improvement in these facets of life will bring greater results to
the Aboriginal community
at large.
232
The Unfortunate History of Colonization: A Look At the
Aboriginal Population
Yesterday and Today

It is widely known that Canadian Aboriginals (the term
Aboriginal and Indigenous
will be used interchangeably) are the most disadvantaged and
marginalized group in
Canadian society. From shorter life expectancy rates to higher
crime rates, Aboriginal
communities carry a disproportionate burden of society’s
troubles. The marginalization
that is experienced by Aboriginal groups diminishes the groups’
capacity to become
meaningful participants of Canadian society. This phenomena is
not new but one that has
deep roots in Canadian history. The genocide of Aboriginal
culture via British
colonization has ultimately weakened Aboriginal groups’ ability
for self-determination
and has led to their marginalization. The question then is how
did this come to be?
The Crown in Canada has been instrumental in the destruction
of Aboriginal
communities, economies, and culture. In the tradition of empire-
building, the British
stripped Aboriginals of their land, attempted to assimilate the
Indigenous population and
change the power relations within Aboriginal societies. By
doing this the Crown changed
what was once an egalitarian society into a class-based society
and consequently altering
the livelihood of Aboriginal communities. More specifically,
the engine behind empire
building — the expansion of the market economy — changed
Aboriginal communities
towards the capitalist variety. That is, Aboriginal communities
began to lose their self-

sufficiency and became dependent on the colonizers for their
livelihood. More
importantly, Aboriginal culture began to change and erode.
To contextualize, the Crown committed cultural genocide
through its assimilation
processes stripping Aboriginals of their cultures and, more
importantly, their language,
which is at the crux of Aboriginal culture. Language, through
oral tradition was the most
important mode of communication for Aboriginals. The
Department of Indian and
Northern Affairs states, “Language is inextricably linked to
culture. It expresses cultural
concepts and our understanding of the environment we live in.
Put simply, language
expresses what matters to society” (Department of Indian and
Northern Affairs, 25).
Without an official written language, Aboriginals depended on
storytelling and oral
tradition to transmit culture, customs, and to convey
information (Department of Indian
and Northern Affairs, 26). According to the Department of
Indian and Northern Affairs
(INAC previously DIAND), “Among Canada’s natives peoples,
wise and deliberate
speech was an art form and honoured tradition...both language
and gestures were used to
communicate information and images” (Department of Indian
and Northern Affairs, 7).
The Assembly of First Nations (AFN) further illustrates this
point when stating that,
Our Native language embodies a value system about how we
ought to live

and relate to each other...It gives a name to relations among kin,
to roles and
responsibilities among family members, to ties with the broader
clan
group...There are no English words for these
relationships...Now, if you
destroy our languages you not only break down these
relationships, but you
also destroy other aspects of our Indian way of life and culture,
especially
those that describe man's connection with nature, the Great
Spirit, and the
233 M. NGUYEN
order of things. Without our languages, we will cease to exist as
separate
people. (AFN, 1992, p.14)
It is these traditions that ensured the livelihood of Aboriginal
culture and community
daily and intergenerational.
Unfortunately, assimilation processes jeopardized the
Aboriginal way of life by
forcing a Eurocentric agenda upon Aboriginal communities. As
Battiste states:
For a century or more, DIAND attempted to destroy the
diversity of
Aboriginal world-views, cultures, and languages. It defined

education as
transforming the mind of Aboriginal youth rather than educating
it.
Through ill-conceived government policies and plans,
Aboriginal youth
were subjected to a combination of powerful but profoundly
distracting
forces of cognitive imperialism and colonization. Various
boarding schools,
industrial schools, day schools, and Eurocentric educational
practices
ignored or rejected the world-views, languages, and values of
Aboriginal
parents in the education of their children. The outcome was the
gradual
loss of these world-views, languages, and cultures and the
creation of
widespread social and psychological upheaval in Aboriginal
communities
(Battiste, viii)
The result of this historical relationship between Aboriginals
and the Crown — that
involved the dispossession of land, removal of Aboriginal rights
and culture, and the
destruction of their economies — has been that Aboriginals
suffer higher levels of
poverty, chronic illnesses and unemployment (to name a few),
compared to that of the
general Canadian population (Brady, 364).
Aboriginal Education Yesterday and Today: A Historical and
Statistical Analysis
Many scholars (David Walters, Jerry White, Paul Maxim, and

HelmarDrost)
suggest that Aboriginal inability to resolve these problems is
caused by lack of education,
a consequence of colonization. As Helmar Drost states,
“Unemployment among
Aboriginals is higher than for any other ethnic group in
Canadian Society. One of the
factors considered being a major obstacle for Canadian
Aboriginals in finding and securing
employment is their relatively low level of general education
and occupational skills”
(Drost, 52-53). Therefore, to gauge the severity of the state of
Aboriginal education in
Canada and for analytical purposes, it is useful to sketch a
portrait of the Aboriginal
population in Canada. For the most part, this section will use
2006 and 2007 data from
Statistics Canada to illustrate the education gaps between the
Aboriginal and Canadian
population. These data will demonstrate that the higher the level
of educational
attainment, the greater the chances of employment. However,
even with this in mind,
Aboriginal youth continue to fall behind their Canadian
counterparts.
According to Statistics Canada in the 2006 Aboriginal Peoples
Survey (APS),
there are approximately 837,475 off-reserve Aboriginals with
623,470 Aboriginals living
234

in urban areas, from a group that has surpassed the one million
mark (APS, 2006). It is
estimated that 244,475 of the off-reserve Aboriginals are
children aged 14 and under with
175,410 living in urban areas (Statistics Canada, 2006). More
importantly, the Public
Health Agency of Canada notes that, “Currently 38 percent of
Aboriginal people are
children under the age of 15. This is proportionally twice as
high as the rest of the
Canadian population” (Public Health Agency of Canada, 2008).
Given this, the future and
viability of the Aboriginal community largely depends on the
future of Aboriginal
children. As the 1996 federal government’s Royal Commission
on Aboriginal Peoples
(RCAP) states,
We believe that the Creator has entrusted us with the sacred
responsibility
to raise our families…for we realize healthy families are the
foundation of
strong and healthy communities. The future of our communities
lies with
our children, who need to be nurtured within their families and
communities” (RCAP, 1996).
Unfortunately, upon examination of the data the future of
Aboriginal children come into
question because comparatively, they continue to lag behind the
general youth
population.

According to the 2007 Statistics Canada research paper, “The
Aboriginal Labour
Force Analysis Series,” prepared by Dominique Perusse,
Aboriginal youth do not fare as
well compared to the general population in terms of education.
For instance, 43 percent of
Aboriginal youth (ages 15-24) were enrolled in school compared
to 50 percent of non-
Aboriginal youth (Perusse, 19). In addition, it is estimated that
two-thirds of the
Aboriginal population over the age of 15 have no post-
secondary qualifications compared
to one-half of the Canadian population over the age of 15
(Statistics Canada, 2001). In
general, amongst off-reserve Aboriginals ages 20 to 24, 48
percent have not completed
secondary school while that number is only 26 percent for the
non-Aboriginal counterpart
in the same age group (Statistics Canada, 2001).
Table 1.
Aboriginal education in Canada
AGES 15-24 ENROLLED IN
SCHOOL
NO SECONDARY
EDUCATION
NO POST-
SECONDARY
EDUCATION
ABORIGINALS 43% 48% 66.6%

NON-ABORIGINALS 50% 26% 50%
In terms of employment, Perusse reveals that 24.1 percent of
off-reserve
Aboriginals, ages 15 to 24, without a high school diploma were
reported to be
235 M. NGUYEN
unemployed (Perusse, 07). However, it is increasingly
concerning that even with
equivalent education the gaps persist. Perusse states,
“Aboriginal people with a post-
secondary certificate or diploma or a university degree had an
employment rate 6.3
percentage points lower than their non-Aboriginal counterpart”
(Perusse, 16). While
unemployment for Aboriginals ages 15-24 who possessed at
least a high school diploma
and some post-secondary education, was only 12.2 percent but
that number was only 10
percent for the same non-Aboriginal group (Perusse, 07). Even
when examining statistics
between Aboriginal groups the gaps continue. As Perusse notes,
Education also tends to reduce the unemployment rate for
Aboriginal
people. The difference in unemployment rates is especially
pronounced
between those who do not have a high school diploma and those

who have
one; in 2007, the unemployment rate between these two
Aboriginal groups
was 14.2% compared to 8.0% (Perusse, 16).
These data strongly suggest that Aboriginal youth can improve
their life chances by
prolonging their education. Unfortunately, what is also revealed
from these statistics is
that Aboriginals continue to lag behind their non-Aboriginal
counterparts in terms of
employability even when education levels remain the same. The
question then is what has
prevented Aboriginals from achieving higher education and
higher employability? Part of
the answer lies with the fact that historically Aboriginal
education has been controlled by
the federal government.
The evolution of Aboriginal education policy in Canada stems
from the British
North America Act of 1867 and the Indian Act of 1876 (Carr-
Stewart, 132). These Acts
gave the federal government jurisdiction over Aboriginal
education policies even though
education is an area normally controlled by provincial
governments. According to Patrick
Brady, the federal government’s role in Aboriginal education
can be characterized by three
distinct phases (Brady, 1995). The first phase, and possibly the
most infamous, was the
creation of residential school in which the federal government
entered into agreements
with numerous Christian denominations to create industrial
schools that would partake in
the education of Aboriginal children by teaching them the Euro-

Canadian way of life
(Brady, 350). Aboriginal children were sent away from their
homes and forced to reside at
the residential schools for extended periods of time and later it
was reported that many
endured mental, physical, and emotional abuse, ultimately
hindering their development.
More specifically, Aboriginal families were only allowed to
participate in their children’s
education through consent to send their children away. As Jo-
ann Archibald (1995)
states,
This consent was all the involvement that First Nations people
were
allowed in the education of their children. Religious educational
aims
focused on conversion and gradual civilization. The ‘knowledge
of most
worth’ was considered to be Catholicism, English, and later, the
general
subjects of grammar, spelling, and arithmetic, in this
order…Elders and
236
parents were beginning to see inimical attitudes being instilled
in their
children. Their First Nations language was forbidden in school
and their
strong cultural beliefs were dismissed as mere superstition

(Archibald,
293).
Because of this, First Nations parents began to fight back
through absenteeism as a form
of resistance (Archibald, 293). Though these schools taught
industrial skills, many
Aboriginal students could not obtain employment in their fields
upon leaving school and
therefore, returned to reserves (Archibald, 294). This
arrangement existed until after
World War Two (Brady, 350).
The period after World War Two signified the beginning of
phase two and was
marked by the new Indian Act of 1951 (Brady, 351). This Act
allowed the federal
government to enter into agreements with provincial
governments and permitted
Aboriginal children to attend provincially operated schools but
these schools were
culturally insensitive to the needs of Aboriginal children. As
Archibald states,
little attention was paid to the cultural differences of First
Nations
children…Cultural differences were later seen as the cause of
education
problems among First Nations children. Culturally deprived
students were
helped through remedial or readiness programs which actually
separated
First Nations children from regular classroom experiences. This
created

additional social and self-concept barriers for them (Archibald,
295).
Discerningly, Brady notes that the outcomes of these
agreements were significant. He
states that, “the percentage of Native children attending
provincial schools rose from 27
percent in 1963 (Frideres, 1983 cited in Brady, 315) to 56.3
percent in 1979” (Indian and
Northern Affairs Canada, 1988 cited in Brady, 351). During this
time many Aboriginal
children were placed in non-Aboriginal foster homes or adopted
out. This resulted in a
great sense of lost identity for these Aboriginal children (Public
Health Agency of Canada,
2008).
The third phase was characterized by the Indian Education
Paper Phase One of
1973 that emphasized the need to improve Aboriginal education
and transfer control of
education back to Aboriginal society (Brady, 351). Brady notes
that since the passage of
this policy, the enrolment in First Nations-operated schools has
almost doubled from 26
percent to 44 percent during the period from 1985 to 1991
(Brady, 351). However, it
should be noted that these numbers reflect only enrolment
among status Indians who live
on-reserve. Since 1992 it is estimated that approximately 75
percent to 80 percent of off-
reserve Aboriginal children attend non-Native schools
controlled by the provincial
governments (Brady, 351). This is concerning because the
attendance of Aboriginal
students in non-Native schools or under non-Aboriginal

controlled curriculum can be
detrimental to the students’ success. As Battiste (1998) states,
The federal government has entered into agreements with First
Nations
237 M. NGUYEN
bands that require them to adopt provincial curricula as a
minimum
requirement to assume control of their education. In almost all
of these
provinces, these curricula are developed away from Aboriginal
communities, without Aboriginal input, and written in English.
In effect,
the curricula serve as another colonial instrument to deprive
Aboriginal
communities of their knowledge, languages, and cultures.
Without
Aboriginal languages and knowledge, Aboriginal communities
can do little
to recover their losses or transform their nations using their
legitimate
knowledge and languages. (p.1).
Historically, the government of Canada has been instrumental in
deciding the faith of
Aboriginal children through its education policies, which, as
this paper argues, has
resulted in the failure of Aboriginals to achieve higher
education and employment

compared to their non-Aboriginal counterparts.
Understanding State-Funded and Culturally-Appropriate
Education – Theoretical
Framework
Marie Battiste argues that a space for Indigenous knowledge
(IK) needs to be
carved out in educational institutions. The lack of such a space
has meant that Aboriginal
education continues to be Eurocentric. As Battiste (2008) states,
“This struggle demands
an urgent agenda to effect educational reform…and to protect
and enhance Indigenous
heritage and livelihood damaged by colonial assimilation
projects, neglect, diminishment,
and racism” (85). In the last 40 years this has come to the fore-
front in regards to
education policies. For example, in 1969 the federal government
released its White Paper
Policy that sought to transfer federal responsibility for First
Nations education on
reserves to the provinces (Battiste, 1995, viii). Ultimately the
federal government
continued to want all Aboriginal students to become absorbed
into provincial systems and
mainstream society (Battiste, 1995, viii). In objection to this,
began to mobilize and, according to Battiste, “argued that
themselves had the right, based on their Aboriginal status and
treaties, to administer
educational programs for their children” (1995, viii). The
acceptance of IK into
mainstream education began taking place. As Battiste states:

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