This document summarizes a report on investigating victims' viewpoints on the police response to domestic abuse. It includes an acknowledgements section, executive summary, introduction, research methods, literature review, findings from primary research interviews with 27 victims, mini case studies, and conclusions. The research found that although mandatory arrest is the current protocol, domestic abuse is too diverse for a single response and policies around mandatory arrest need to change. Victims had different experiences with police and there needs to be minimum standards of communication and demeanor, but beyond that the response should be individualized.

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Once Called, Twice Shy?
Investigating victim’s viewpoints on the police response to domestic abuse
December 2015

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This report was commissioned by Hampshire Police and Crime Commissioner,
and produced by One Community.
Published December 2015
Written by Kylie Barton
Further copies of this report are available from www.1community.org.uk
One Community
16 Romsey Road
Eastleigh
SO50 9AL
Tel: 023 8090 2400
Email: info@1community.org.uk
Registered Charity 1052978, Registered in England as a Company by guarantee 3132524

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Contents
Section Page
Acknowledgements pp.4
Executive Summary pp.5
Introduction pp.6
Research Methods pp.7
Literature Review
pp.8-14
Primary Research pp.15-23
Mini Case Studies pp.24
Conclusions pp.25
Areas Requiring Further Research pp.26
References pp.27
Appendices pp.28-30

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Acknowledgements
A massive thank you to all of the services that helped give victims a voice in this short study. With such a small time
frame it was a concern that it would be hard to find victims to share their experiences, but thanks to the positive
reception of these organisations we gained access to 27 participants. Thank you too to the brave women who
participated fully, making this project a great success. Each and every one of you is an inspiration, and we are grateful
for your time and invaluable input.

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Executive Summary
Background
One Community was commissioned by the Hampshire Office of the Police and Crime Commissioner
(OPCC) in 2014 to undertake a research project entitled Positive Steps which looked at what
support provision there was for 11-18 year olds across the county who had experienced domestic
abuse. Due to the success of this project One Community was again approached to do research on
the same topic, to look into the police response to domestic abuse across the county, and as to
whether the mandatory arrest approach that is currently in place is still relevant. The six week
project consisted of a review of existing literature, 27 one-to-ones with victims from across the
county, one focus group, and finally the analysis.
Existing Research
Since the 1980s policies that encourage or mandate the arrest of offenders have become the norm.
This is something that has been fiercely debated throughout all professions and it is still not clear
whether it is an effective approach to take. The HMIC’s 2014 report ‘Everyone’s Business:
Improving the Police Response to Domestic Abuse’ concluded that the police response is simply
not good enough and although it has been a priority on paper it has not transpired in practice.
Some academics such as Leisenring (2008) and Johnson and Goodlin-Fahncke (2015) suggest that
the effect of prosecution is different depending on the demographic of the perpetrator. It is also
found that the probability of reporting rises with each additional call, meaning that the first call
and the initial response to that call was the most important as it was the one where the largest
amount of victims could be reached, because they may not call back. Whether intimate partner
violence (IPV) is a gendered phenomenon is also much debated according to Leisenring (2008).
Dixon et al (2012) say that preconceived views on such elements allow ideology to supersede
reality.
Findings
The research found that although mandatory arrest is the protocol, it is not always followed, and
it shouldn’t be. Domestic abuse is too much of a diverse crime for there to be a mandatory
response, and it was found that policies around mandatory arrest for perpetrators of it need to
change. Every story was so different, as was every experience of the police. There need to be
minimum standards of levels of communication, as well as the demeanour in which the police
approach the situation, but beyond these minimum standards the response must be individualised.

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Introduction
‘The prevention of domestic abuse has traditionally been a challenge for policy makers. The
differing behaviours which constitute abuse create complexities which, arguably, the United
Kingdom (UK) criminal justice system (CJS) is neither
designed to recognise nor able to accommodate.’
(Rowland, J. 2013)
There have been several academic studies in the past few years that have pointed to the failings of
the current police response processes in place to tackle domestic abuse (DA) perpetrators. As stated
by Rowland above, many believe that this is down to the pro-prosecution approach being unable to
respond to the complex nature of the crime, and therefore it is the approach that needs to be looked
at for reconsideration.
In an era of severe police cut backs, and numbers of officers resultantly reducing, there is a need to
assess processes to ensure that victims are getting the best possible outcome in the most cost
effective manner. Statistics giving high attrition rates suggest that the pro-prosecution approach is
not effective, with questions over the value or quality of perpetrator programmes which act as a
kind of therapy, rehabilitation, and pattern changing tool; there is a need to find a new way forward.
The issue of domestic abuse has been a taboo for so long, with a number of police and public services
historically turning a blind eye to ‘domestics’, the pendulum has, to some peoples mind, swung too
far in the other direction, from ignoring to prosecuting with not much room left for innovation in
between. Although assuredly positive that domestic abuse is now a crime that is indeed taken
seriously, it may be seen as though we jumped straight in without giving much thought to the best
remedy to prevent as well as punish.
It has been widely acknowledged that it takes time for a domestic abuse victim to reach out for help,
and we also know that victims are unlikely to leave their partner hastily. With this in mind, coupled
with the high attrition rates, it seems as though sometimes the system actually stokes the fire rather
than extinguishing it, with perpetrators re-entering the relationship; angered by the Crime
Prosecution Service (CPS) process. The Home Office state that domestic abuse victims are the most
likely to be serial victims of all crimes. Every victim’s trigger point is different. If that victim picks up
the phone, and prosecution fails, are they likely to pick up again when faced with their partner
returning? Unlikely. The rigorous pro-prosecution approach utilised across Great Britain cultivates
recidivism.
According to Women’s Aid, between 23 per cent and 35 per cent of incidents are reported to the
police. Underreporting is a problem in many areas of crime, but with something as sensitive and
complex as domestic abuse the amount that goes unreported is much higher. Women’s Aid also
estimates that on average a victim is assaulted 35 times before they pick up the phone, and this is
only looking at the physical side of domestic abuse. Even with a low report rate, domestic abuse
already makes up around 16 per cent of all violent crime, meaning the real figure can be assumed
to be much higher.
This means that we need to look to build an inclusive approach to DA perpetration that does not
mandate a single intervention, but instead looks to build a flexible, individualised and cooperative
approach between all parties concerned to best serve the victim and wider society.

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Research Methods
Overview
This research was based on interviews with domestic abuse victims. Participants were identified
through their involvement in support services such as refuge and outreach. Whilst they are not be a
fully representative sample, they were reasonably spread across Hampshire and have reported
domestic abuse in this area.
Research question
What do victims think about the current police response to domestic abuse?
Aim
The aim of the research project is to gauge opinions of victims regarding the police response
currently used with domestic abuse cases. The project aims to ascertain what the response is, what
victims welcome about current processes, and what it is they would like to see changed.
Methodology
Firstly the researcher will conduct a literature review to gain an understanding of the topic, and to
provide an introduction to it in the report. This will be using academic literature, journals, and any
relevant news items.
The primary research will be of phenomenological design, that is a mix of quantitative and qualitative
in method, with one to one semi-structured interviews with victims aged over 18 and who have
contacted the police at least once formulating the main bulk of the primary research. Focus groups
may also be used if these are more appropriate for the services involved in helping the researcher
access the victims due to time scales.
The victims will be provided with a questionnaire which will allow us to gather demographic data, as
well as a few key questions such as the number of times the victim has called the police. The victim
will then be interviewed by the researcher to answer the key questions of the project, and this
interview will be typed up in real time. The interviews will also be audio recorded if the participant
consents.
Analysis
The researcher will draw statistics from the questionnaires. The content of the type ups of the
interviews will then be analysed for key points and common themes which will formulate the bulk
of the report.
Ethics
All research undertaken in this project will be carried out following SRA ethical guidelines. Participant
confidentiality will be ensured through anonymity and this will be expressed on the questionnaire
and talked about prior to interviews beginning. The interviewer will also check the participant is
happy to be recorded and state this will only be used to ensure that the participant is quoted
correctly.
Project outcomes:
Interim findings by the 1st
December 2015 and a final report to be completed by 11th
December 2015
for use by the PCC.

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Literature Review
Pro-prosecution and the police
Domestic abuse (DA) constitutes 8 per cent of all crime (HMIC, 2014), and costs the country around
36.7 billion per annum (Marczak et al, 2011). Bland (2014) found that 58 per cent of DA calls are
regarding incidents that are not presently criminal, thus a large demand on police time is dealing
with incidents that are not crimes. It is a big problem for the police, for society, and of course for the
tens of thousands of victims. The HMIC’s 2014 report ‘Everyone’s Business: Improving the Police
Response to Domestic Abuse’ concluded that the police response is simply not good enough and
although it has been a priority on paper it has not transpired in practice. In Hampshire 90 out of 100
DA reports result in arrest, 48 per cent are charged, 11 per cent cautioned, and 3 per cent receive
out of court disposals. As domestic violence is often reactive and not premeditated, police visibility
does not have an impact says Chicago, (2012). Chicago also states that police statistics surrounding
DA are questionable with such high percentages of crimes going unreported.
One important reform [since the 1980s] has been the implementation of policies that
encourage or mandate the arrest of offenders. However, mandatory arrest policies
have been hotly debated by scholars, activists, and criminal justice system
officials. [They] disagree about the effectiveness of such policies and the
ultimate effects that they have on the lives of the women that they
were designed to protect.
(Leisenring, A. 2008)
Government literature says that the Criminal Justice System’s (CJS) role is to ‘deliver punishment
and prevent further offences’ (Rowland, 2013), but it appears the current system is focused on the
former whilst abandoning the latter. Between 1997 and 2010 with the Labour government the main
focus was to implement prevention, protection and justice interventions according to Matczak et al
(2011) which included a focus on partnership working in the local community. Since 2010 and the
change of government however there has been a shift back to gendered conceptions of DA
interventions and thus a return to pro-prosecution preference. The responsibility for DA currently
rests with the state, reinforcing that it is a public issue, but tying the hands of the police who are on
the ground protecting the public to an approach which has questionable validity and worth for
victims. The mandatory element further disempowers already debilitated women by removing any
element of control they have over the process of their recovery (Leisenring, 2008).
The mandatory arrest policy was first implemented as a result of the Sherman and Beck study of
1984 which initially showed a link between arrest and recidivism, however subsequent studies
showed that in fact there was no statistically significant link; meaning policy makers made
assumptions too quickly – and yet we are still left with the results today (Johnson and Goodlin-
Fahncke, 2015). Leisenring (2008) said that mandatory arrest originally took off as a way to challenge
police culture and get across the message that DA is serious. But now this message is firmly
entrenched (even if not responded to correctly yet), isn’t it time to change to a more inclusive
response? In Rowland’s (2013) study it was found that 22.7 per cent of cases resulted in conviction,
of which only 5.4 per cent received custodial sentences, and a massive 53 per cent had no further
action, which led to victims having little faith in the justice system. This, it could be argued, is a reason
why reporting remains low, and why women are less likely to call back after the first call (Bland,
2014).

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Picking up the phone is a huge step for victims. HMIC says that call handlers are good at identifying
DA at the call stage, and it is therefore important that there is a robust procedure in place to deal
with these calls and ensure that all staff that are part of the response team are trained properly and
have the appropriate suite of tools and powers. It is essential for police to remember that the first
call, and first police contact, will most likely not be the victim’s first instance of DA. Charities such as
Women’s Aid state that it can take over 30 incidents for a victim to pick up the phone. HMIC (2014)
report on Hampshire said that 6 per cent of calls are DA related and 3 per cent are repeats. They
constitute 30 per cent of all assaults with injury, 49 per cent of harassments, and 9 per cent of sexual
reports.
Something else to consider when thinking about call rates is that many victims could be averse to
calling the police due to previous experiences, or other criminality in their life or the people
surrounding them. Dugan (2003) says mandatory arrest could stop the number of cases entering the
system due to this fear. If they or their partner have a drug problem for instance, or if poverty means
they are doing something else illegal to get by, police presence will not be welcomed. This means
that having the police as the main intervention partner within DA excludes the most vulnerable
victims that are also victims/perpetrators/witnesses to other forms of crime. This reinforces the
point that individual circumstance is of great importance when it comes to DA and that universal
policy approaches do not work with such intricacies. Stith et al (2012) discuss ‘co-occurring
substance abuse’ as an accelerant of abuse, and that in circumstances such as this DA is not best
addressed in isolation as is current practice when in some instances the relationship between
substance misuse and DA may even be causal. Johnson and Goodlin-Fahncke (2015) showed that
those with limited arrest records are less likely to reoffend than those with extensive records.
‘Laws are built to deal with domestic abuse perpetrators
progressively more aggressively’
(Dugan, 2003)
Along with the move from inaction, to pro-arrest policies, there has been efforts within the court
system to increase prosecution rates. This however, has been not very successful due to the poor
evidence gathering of the police, and the police arresting to provide immediate protection to the
victim whether there is adequate evidence for a prosecution or not (Rowland, 2013). This links to
the HMIC point on ‘positive action’ being a confusing term for officers, and that positive action may
mean a police officer fails to arrest when they should have, or visa-versa. This focus on prosecution
is as ill-informed as the mandatory arrest mantra, as according to Rowland, there is little evidence
to suggest that when prosecution is achieved it actually reduces re-offending. He goes as far as to
say that the likelihood of offending actually increases when prosecuted. This may be because if the
prosecution is unsuccessful the victim is less likely to have support interventions in place from other
services due to the time and effort put into the court case.
Some academics such as Leisenring (2008) and Johnson and Goodlin-Fahncke (2015) suggest that
the effect of prosecution is different depending on the demographic of the perpetrator. External
factors such as employment status, family background, and previous convictions can have an impact
as to whether prosecution acts as a deterrent in the future. Prosecution is not universally effective
and previous arrest history is too often unaccounted for by the prosecution with 46 per cent of
perpetrators getting a no further action when it is not their first time (Rowland, 2013). Johnson and
Goodlin-Fahncke (2015) found that recidivism increased for perpetrators who were generally
violent, and antisocial.
‘Efficacy of arrest depends heavily on the perceived cost of
detention to the perpetrator’
(Dugan, 2003)
Rowland (2013) points out that treating DA as a criminal offence may actually mean resolutions are

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less effective. Because DA happens behind closed doors, and evidence usually comes down to
witness testimony (which although better supported recently, is still an incredibly difficult process
for DA victims), meaning that the ‘beyond all reasonable doubt’ goal post cannot often be reached.
In a civil case a verdict rests of the balance of probability which means there is more flexibility than
the mandated approach of arrest in criminal cases. Civil courts are generally underutilised however,
and if DA was not a crime, there would be a risk of fewer reports being brought forward. Matczak et
al (2011) point out that DA is covered by numerous criminal and civil laws including family, child,
assault, housing, human rights, and more.
Some criminal laws that have been brought in however are viewed as purely punishment rather than
victim centred, and the government even admits that current policy means that criminalisation is
taking precedence over prevention. This is where initiatives such as specialist DA courts can really
offer the victim the broad range of resolutions necessary to such an individualised issue with a
combination of civil and criminal resolutions. Matczak et al (2011) also state that such policy
diversification can lead to victims being overlooked and insufficiently protected because of the
patchwork nature of the policy.
As Gelles (1993) argues, some women who do not wish their abuser to be arrested use their
call to the police and/or the resulting police visit as a means of controlling their abuser’s
behaviour. Because mandatory arrest policies remove this option from
women, some have argued that they also remove power from abused women.
And, as Rajah et al. (2006) point out, some see the removal of control from female
victims as particularly problematic because ‘women who are denied decision-making power
in mandatory arrest encounters may be dissatisfied with the criminal justice response to
intimate partner violence and discouraged from calling the
police in future domestic disputes’
(Leisenring, A. 2008)
Violence towards women is still viewed as a special case, unrelated to other forms of physically
violent crime according to Dixon et al (2012). This is why probation run programmes to do with anger
management and other related topics are closed to DA perpetrators, because it is believed that DA
perpetrators need some form of re-education about gender role expectations which goes beyond
simple behaviour alteration to cultural change. As there is no agreed upon model, providers should
look to other intervention programmes in other areas that aren’t specifically designed for DA to find
something that works (Dixon and Graham-Kevan, 2011). Dixon et al continue to point out DA
charities such as Relate state that society claims that men are generally more aggressive, towards
other men for instance, and that this spills over into the home environment. This is at the same time
as continuing to claim DA is different and requires different resolutions to male on male non-DA
violence. This is very contradictory and very confusing. Yet Stith et al (2012) found that higher
attendance in any programme is shown to result in less recidivism, and the pre-to-post readiness to
change was significant as well as likelihood to accept responsibility.
Contrary to popular opinion among victim charities, Bland’s 2014 study found that escalation theory
may not be quite right. The study found no statistically significant evidence for the escalation of
severity among over 700 cases. The probability of reporting rose with each additional call, meaning
that the first call was the most important as it was the one where the largest amount of victims could
be reached as they may not call back. This study however was based upon the Cambridge Crime
Harm Index which looks at public opinion, financial cost, and the sentence given. It does not look at
the experience of the victim, the person to whom the harm was caused, and so this study too is
lacking.

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Women, and female perpetration
One large question that keeps arising in this field is the place of patriarchy, feminism, and the female
perpetrator. Whether intimate partner violence (IPV) is a gendered phenomenon is widley debated
according to Leisenring (2008). Dixon et al (2012) say that preconceived views on such elements
allow ideological frameworks to supersede evidence based lenses.
‘The central dogma of patriarchal motivation is adhered to by researchers’
(Dixon, et al, 2012)
Leisenring (2008) says that DA was first recognised as a serious social concern rooted in sexism,
oppression, and patriarchy in the sixties and seventies as part of a growing feminist movement. DAIP
said that opponents of this feminist analysis say women are as violent and that this mutual violence
means there is a need for arrest and prosecution policies to change to reflect this. With evidence
still heavily suggesting that women experience domestic abuse more than men and are more
susceptible to death or serious injury (DAIP), it is understandable that this feminist framework is still
at the forefront, and sits most comfortably with those working in the field. However what is more
noteworthy is that we must strive to know the reasons why it exists, patriarchy or otherwise, to be
able to formulate the best interventions for the victim; male or female. Dixon et al state, it is not
enough to know that a person has hit another, we need to know why they decided to hit them, to
understand the function of that action – is it fear of abandonment? Poor emotional management?
So if it is not patriarchy as so commonly assumed what else could it be? Gender is a risk factor (Dixon
et al, 2012) but there are others too, and to find them we need to explore the function for the
individual perpetrating the abuse – what do they get out of it. This is the key to rehabilitation and
reduced recidivism. Women are still more afraid of men, and according to DAIP 85 per cent of men
said they were not afraid when their female partner initiated violence.
The patriarchal paradigm is challenged when samples in studies are broadened beyond the
commonly used crime perpetrators and shelter users according to Stith et al (2012) who states that
gender asymmetry is seen when looking at arrest rates and shelter seeking rates but when the
demographic is broadened to be more representative of the wider community perpetration and
victimisation appears to be more gender symmetrical than first thought. Stith et al suggest that
violence can often be reciprocal, but one must again note that here only the physical element of DA
is being looked at. Would this symmetry still be the case if we were to take coercive control,
emotional, sexual, and financial abuse into account? DAIP says that men and women use violence in
different ways; domestic abuse is not gender neutral, and to suggest it may have dangerous
implications. There seems to be a lack of research in this area.
The issue of women as perpetrators is one that is gaining more credence with researchers. Dixon et
al state that it can be hard to tell who initiates, retaliates, resists, or defends. A study by Capaldi et
al found that female initiation appears to be most common among 18-25 year olds. Dixon and
Graham-Kevan (2011) say that patriarchy is still one potential factor, but that gender inclusive
paradigms help us to understand mutual violence better, such as power theory; social learning
theory; personality theory; and nested-ecological theory. They also state that contextual elements
must be taken into consideration, such as the role of the couple, and how the couple are in their
normal environment. Separate risk assessment is often necessary for the victim to be open and
honest about their situation, but observation as a couple could also provide some useful information
to help provide further support. Dixon and Graham-Kevan (2011) state that understanding the
attachment style of the couple can be useful, and a general analysis of the relationship can help
ascertain who is the victim or the perpetrator of if in fact both parties fulfil both roles at different
points. This sits with Johnson’s four analogies of Inter-personal Violence (IPV) typologies and his
research on common couple violence (1999) which we explore more below. The DAIP says that if
mandatory arrest is no longer used, dual arrest is more likely (victim and perpetrator) which is
ineffective and makes the victim less likely to pick up the phone a second time.

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Arrest is often not favoured by female victims of DA because their foremost concerns are their
immediate financial well-being especially if there are children in the home. This is another area
where the lack of understanding on all the components of DA creates a barrier to effective
intervention, as where there is violence, there are often elements of financial abuse, and coercive
control which can include monetary control. Without the perpetrator, a women may be left without
access to bank accounts or funds, and therefore unable to pay bills or put food on the table – this
fear is bigger than the fear of future violence and abuse which has become normalised to them in
many cases. Andrews and Miller (2013) state that the more women police there are, the more
arrests there are likely to be, suggesting that male officers still do not understand the issues fully or
respect DA as a serious issue. Representative Bureaucratic Theory says that organisations are more
responsive to the public if the demographic of personnel reflects that of the community they serve
(Andrews and Miller, 2013).
‘There needs to be an active representation on behalf of women’s interest at the
bureaucratic level. Especially in a gendered policy area such as domestic abuse’
(Andrews and Miller, 2013)
Perpetrator programmes and other resolution methods
‘What is clear is that domestic abuse is diverse. The latest iteration of the Home Office
definition is necessarily broad, and recognises a much wider range of behaviours
that can constitute abuse and control than previously. It is this same diversity,
however, that necessitates the urgent understanding of domestic abuse in its
micro form rather than as an all-encompassing term, because the
characteristics of a case of long term systematic controlling abuse
are very different to those of a case of ‘one-off’ violence.’
(Rowland, J. 2013)
These differing behaviours that make up domestic abuse are currently not accounted for in the
system which is one of the reasons we see such a high attrition rate with domestic abuse cases. This
attrition rate has an erosion effect on the level of deterrent impact. As stated by Chicago (2012), to
be economically viable law enforcement activity must be a deterrent. Most studies (and ergo most
laws) fail to address the different types of DA (such as coercive control which is soon to be
incorporated into law) (Leisenring, 2008). Johnson (2006) identified four types of intimate partner
violence (IPV): situational couple violence, violent resistance, intimate terrorism, and mutual violent
control. When considering the best intervention for perpetrators we must consider how to gain
insight into the behavioural causes, according to Rowland (2013), to be able to prevent abuse not
merely react to it. Rowland suggests that this blind commitment to prosecution within domestic
abuse cases means that the use of alternative resolutions such as out of court disposals and other
discretionary methods such as DA protection orders, and DA protection notices (Matczak, 2011) is
restricted when in fact they may be in the victim’s best interest.
There are alternatives to the mandatory arrest policy. Project Cara (a pilot project in Hampshire)
looked to use conditional cautions and perpetrator workshops with domestic abuse perpetrators.
Voluntary DA programmes and those attached as a condition to a caution as in project Cara also
reduce repeat offending according to Sherman (2014) by up to 46 per cent which translates into a
25 per cent total cost saving compared to the costs of CJS options. In the year pilot of the project
where there were two groups, one with conditional cautions alone and one with conditional caution
with a perpetrator workshop, 18 per cent of those who did not go to the workshop reoffended
whereas only 11 per cent of those who did attend reoffended. This is promising, but not that

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statistically significant or conclusive as to which form of intervention works best. This may be
because as previously mentioned, there is no ‘one size fits all’ universal answer to DA.
Restorative justice (RJ) is also growing in popularity due to the prevalence of shaming theory, but for
domestic abuse, the use of this method is deeply divided due to the risk of re-traumatisation or re-
victimisation stemming from the inherent power imbalance in DA relationships (Rowland, 2013). RJ
methods are more cost effective than prosecution and can provide more sustainable outcomes, but
there is not enough evidence to show that this will be the case with domestic abuse as yet.
Stith et al (2012) discussed Mills (2008) principles of RJ and the Circles of Peace model which is an
alternative to traditional perpetrator programmes, more along the lines of RJ. It still includes
conferences between the victim and the offender but invites family and friends to form part of the
circle of support. There is a community volunteer ‘Circle Keeper’ who is specially trained in DA and
safeguarding to ensure the ‘applicant’ (perpetrator) and the ‘participant’ (victim) are ok at all times.
There is also a safety monitor who carries out this function and gets all participants to sign a social
contract – initial results of trials of this method show significantly fewer arrests are made
subsequently. However the HMIC states that their current position (January 2014) is that RJ in its
usual form is not appropriate in DA cases. They also state that neighbourhood policing teams could
be used better to provide support.
The Duluth Model comes from a community in Minnesota which has innovated a community
approach to DA to help take the blame away from the victim and onto the offender, and given the
community responsibility in stopping such crimes. The model advocates multi-agency sharing of best
practice and puts the victim’s voice at the centre of all. The model has come up against some
criticism (often founded on replica models that had cherry picked elements), but is providing a more
sustainable model of perpetrator intervention and victim resolution. 60 percent of the women felt
better with the perpetrator attending a class according to the DAIP report, and 80 per cent said a
combination response between the police, courts, Duluth, and a shelter was useful. The programme
found that lower level offenders were less likely to recidivate after taking part.
Discussion and concluding thoughts
One thing to note from the literature is that when looking at police response, the topic is discussed
as interpersonal violence (IPV) or domestic violence (DV) and not often as domestic abuse (DA) which
has become the preferred term in the wider discourse of late as it reflects the non-physical elements
of abuse. Inconsistent findings, effects, and impacts are in part due to the inconsistent terminology
used, and the definitions that are worked to. Domestic abuse, domestic violence, intimate partner
violence, etc. all carry different connotations of what is afoot and which elements of DA are included
in the definition. This is where uniformity would be useful.
Therefore there is also a question to be asked as to whether if the physical violence element is often
reciprocal for reasons of self-defence or otherwise, if the sexual, coercive, and emotional elements
are too gender symmetrical. As there is little research in this area, we must be careful not to
generalise, but from the reading conducted in this review it would appear that the physical
reciprocation of the female may be due to a wider pattern of abuse. This does not mean that the
female is not perpetrating a crime, but it does however mean we are still not addressing DA fully, as
much research shows that in male perpetrated abuse, the physical rarely comes without elements
of emotional coercive control which is why the issue has come to gain this ‘special’ status among
services.
As with the move toward prevention, there must be a shift to look at motivations for violence and
abuse. The victim’s motivations may be reactionary, and the perpetrators motivations may be more
complex, routed in mental health issues, stemming from childhood difficulties, or, as a form of
patriarchal control as the historic literature suggests. Stith et al (2012) say that resultant mental
health issues for women are often internalised, and men externalise, which makes intervention more

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difficult. The HMIC report on Hampshire found that
there are processes in place for health professionals to
assist in reporting, but that this is not yet standard
practice. In the Positive Steps (2014) report conducted
by One Community for the OPCC, it was found that
health professionals were often the ones missing from
the table in multi-agency meetings, and this is
something that still needs to be addressed.
With increasing pressure to see other crimes (such as
drug usage) as issues for the rectification of the health
sector and the wider community, should domestic
abuse be viewed in this way too? It is known that both
victims and perpetrators are likely to have been a
recipient of, or exposed to, some form of abuse in
childhood, and that their resultant situation in
adulthood is, in part, attributable to this through
behaviour replication and normalisation of abuse.
Matczak et al (2011) say that DA has been long regarded
as a public health issue, but unfortunately this belief has
not been translated into action. The World Health
organisation (WHO) says that DA is very much a public
health problem, and that to tackle it we need to ensure
primary (awareness raising campaigns through the
media), secondary (targeted to those known to be at
risk), and tertiary (for those who have already
experienced) prevention measures are in place.
There is also much more to be done in terms of early
prevention through improved education around healthy
relationships and norms and boundaries. In the
literature review it was raised several times that the
police do not have the resources to prevent at the same
time as protect immediately high risk victims. It
therefore seems logical that other public services look
to what they can do in terms of prevention work.
Whether we take the gendered perspective or not, DA
can come from cultural elements, or mental health
issues – the nurture side, and it is here that schools and
wider society can pre-emptively combat the attitudes
and behaviours that are linked with DA.
Although there are many community remedies to be
considered it must be remembered, according to
Matczak et al (2011), that the police are still the primary
agency for protecting the public and preventing crime.
But is this in fact the case when we see police numbers
being cut so drastically? There is very much a need to
provide the police with extra support so that the same
level of protection can be implemented from a number
of sources in the era of austerity. As Bland (2014) states,
the police cannot currently fund protection of the
highest risk and prevention too. So change is needed.
High attrition rates mean the deterrent
effect of arrest is diluted
~
Police as the main intervention partner
means some of the most vulnerable
are missed
~
Current processes do not reflect the
individualised nature of DA
~
Those perpetrators with extensive
offending records are most likely to
reoffend so arrest as a deterrent is not
effective
~
Mix of civil and criminal most
appropriate for victims
~
Must look to link with other relevant
interventions such as those offered by
probation
~
Move away from the gendered notion,
it is a risk factor but there are others to
consider
~
More research needed as to whether
women perpetrate coercive control,
emotional and financial DA
~
There is a need to understand all these
components to intervene effectively
~
Perpetrator programmes can work but,
as with arrest, no one approach can
solve all – combination approaches
work best
~
Consider RJ approaches
KEY POINTS

15. 15 | P a g e
63%
30%
7%
WOULD YOU CALL THE
POLICE AGAIN?
Yes No PNTS
33%
22%
22%
22%
NUMBER OF CALLS TO
THE POLICE
One Two or Three Three to Five Five Plus
Primary Research
Questionnaires
Full blank copy of the questionnaire in Appendix 1
In total we had 27 participants, spread across the county in Southampton,
Eastleigh, Havant, and Basingstoke.
Gender: 27 female, 1 male
Ethnicity: 20 White, 4 Asian, 2 Black, 1
Other
Religion: 2 Sikh, 9 Christian, 1 Buddhist,
11 none, 2 Muslim, 2 other
Disability: 20 no, 6 yes, 1 prefer not to say
Age range: 18-70
Marital Status: 10 separated, 10 single, 2 divorced, 4 in a
relationship, 1 married
Still experiencing abuse: 4 yes, 22 no, 1 prefer not to say
33%
37%
30%
HOW SATISFIED ARE YOU WITH THE
POLICE RESPONSE?
Low Satisfaction (1-3) Satisfied (4-7) Very Satisfied (8-10)

16. 16 | P a g e
Demographic data of participants
Referred
to as
Age Gender Ethnicity Religion Disability
Marital
Status
Children
Still
Experiencing
Abuse?
No. of
calls to
the police
Would
they
call
again?
Satisfaction
level1
1 Hettie
30-
40
Female Asian Sikh No Separated 0 No 1 No 1
2 Maggie 60 Female White Christian Yes Single 1 No 2/3 Yes 10
3 Janet
30-
40
Female White None No Separated 3 Yes 3/5 Yes 5
4 Tina
30-
40
Female Asian Buddhist No Divorced 1 No 3/5 Yes 6
5 Frankie
24-
30
Female Black Christian No Separated 2 Yes 5+ Yes 9
6 Rachel
30-
40
Female White None Yes Single 1 No 5+ No 3
7 Claire
30-
40
Female White Christian No Separated 3 No 3/5 Yes 10
8 Helen
24-
30
Female Asian Muslim No Separated 0 No 1 Yes 4
9 Liz
40-
50
Female White Other Yes Separated 2 No 3/5 Yes 5
10 Damien
24-
30
Male White Other No Single 0 No 2/3 Yes 2
11 Nia
24-
30
Female White Christian Yes
In a
relationship
3 No 3-5 Yes 7
12 Leanne
24-
30
Female White None No
In a
relationship
1 No 1 No 4
13 Pippa
24-
20
Female White Christian PNTS Married 2 PNTS 2/3 Yes 5
14 Avril
30-
40
Female Other Sikh Yes Divorced 0 Yes 5+ No 2
15 Alice
30-
40
Female White None No Separated 3 No 1 Yes 10
16 Fi
24-
30
Female White None No
In a
relationship
0 No 1 Yes 8
17 Mel
24-
30
Female White None No
In a
relationship
0 Yes 1 No 3
18 Jade
18-
24
Female White None No Single 3 No 5+ Yes 8
19 Irene 50+ Female White None No Single 0 No 1 PNTS 5
20 Patricia
40-
50
Female Black Christian No Separated 4 No 2/3 Yes 10
21 Sally
30-
40
Female Asian Muslim No Separated 4 No 1 PNTS 10
22 Charlie
24-
30
Female White None No Single 2 No 5+ Yes 3
23 Trish
30-
40
Female White Christian No Single 3 No 2/3 No 1
24 Holly
24-
30
Female White Christian No Single 3 No 2/3 No 2
25 Lily
24-
30
Female White None No Single 2 No 5+ Yes 5
26 Clara
24-
30
Female White None Yes Single 0 No 1 No 1
27 Bethany
40-
50
Female White Christian No Separated 1 No 3/5 Yes 6
1 1 being not satisfied and 10 being very satisfied

17. 17 | P a g e
Main themes from the interviews
Full copy of the questions asked in Appendix 2.
Each interview was so different, and every participant had a very different experience from the next.
In this section, the main themes have been pulled out of the interviews, looking at what is being
done well, what is being done badly, and what can be done better in the future, in terms of the
police response towards domestic abuse. One interesting thing to note is that it transpired during
discussions that women who said they were no longer being abused, were in fact still being harassed.
This shows there is still not a full understanding of abuse, even for the women who have sought help
with domestic abuse organisations.
Arrest and the alternatives
15 out of 27 thought that arrest is a useful tool in domestic abuse cases. 12 out of 27 thought
arrest was not useful. Many of those said that something to get the perpetrator away is what
is needed, whether that be arrest or something else.
A number of the Asian participants were wary of arrest as a method. Hettie said that it made her
perpetrator more aggressive, and turned her family against her because in her culture it is a worse
sin to break the vows of marriage than it is for a man to beat his wife. Some victims were told that
the police had to arrest, some asked what the victim wanted, and some said there was no point in
arresting. So despite the official line being mandatory arrest, this is not the case on the ground.
Maggie said she was extremely grateful to the police for getting her out of the house, but that The
Griffin Pub where she was placed was not a suitable place for vulnerable women, even for a night,
because of the extremely poor cleanliness, lack of heating, and because it is part of a pub. A number
of women said they felt it was unfair that they were the ones that had to leave the family home, and
the men that are convicted should be given an order not to return to the area. Some of the
participants said arrest really is a necessary deterrent but it was the removal of the perpetrator that
was so important. Many women said the threat of arrest and a potential custodial sentence shocked
their perpetrators into ‘better behaviour’ even if for a little while. Others however said it severely
escalated the situation when perpetrators were released without charge and that they got much
more violent and abusive than before to stop them calling the police again. Some went so far as to
say the police or the CPS making the decision to arrest and prosecute was better than a decision
being made by the victim. Bethany for instance said she was in ‘no fit state’ to make the best decision
for herself at that time. Others said they appreciated being given the choice.
“I think arrest is a limited form of response. It only prevents abuse briefly in the immediate
period. It is totally ineffective without further support from the officers dealing with the
incident. I think education and/or therapy for abusers is absolutely vital in prevention and
would have a longer lasting effect to help tackle the root causes of abusive behaviour”
Clara
Many participants, such as Hettie, believed that an order meaning the perpetrator could not come
back would have been more helpful. Arrest is a big stigma in some cultures and can have negative
effects for the victim. A number of participants also suggested that an initiative such as separate
counselling would not be appropriate after many years of abuse. Tina, however, said that
mediation helped her and her ex-partner get to a place where they could be civil for the children. It
seemed that giving the victim a safe amount of space and time is the thing most required. Others
said that some form of education or perpetrator programme would also be good, but others felt
anything less than a custodial sentence would belittle what they went through. Again highlighting
how different each case, and each victim’s experience really is.

18. 18 | P a g e
Communications
Follow up calls after the police response were greatly appreciated, where they happened, especially
when this led to further support through signposting. However it does not appear to be common
practice as a number of participants did not have this experience, and very much wished that the
police had been more communicative after the initial response. Ensuring victims have support
options, whether there will be a prosecution or not, should be part of the police response. They
should provide information on local and national domestic abuse organisations, and refer where
necessary.
Where many victims are moved to another part of the country when they need to find a refuge, they
often have to deal with two different police forces to move their case against the perpetrator
forward. Many participants said that there were huge discrepancies between forces, some saying
that Hampshire was fantastic, others saying it was dreadful, which shows that domestic abuse is not
always being dealt with consistently even within the county. One thing some of the participants in
this situation agreed upon was that police forces need to communicate with one another better to
ensure that justice is done, and the victim is in the best possible hands.
Alice said that the worst part of her experience was walking into the police station to report a marital
rape, and the officer at the counter insisting she state what she was there to report in the public
waiting room. When Alice asked for a private room the officer said there wasn’t one, although as
soon as she disclosed she was taken to a side room, which was infuriating. She said if she had not
had a friend there she would have walked out.
‘Mutual violence’
In the sample there were only a few victims who said there had been some form of mutual violence.
Janet said that she retaliated in self-defence and because of this the police said they could not put a
restraining order in place. Although there is academic literature that suggests mutual violence may
be more common than most of us would believe, with the primary evidence it seems that law
enforcers and support agencies must tread carefully in this area because more often than not it will
be self-defence. Even though hitting out is still illegal, in a wider pattern of abuse and control, one
needs to take a step back and look at the whole situation before deciding who the abuser is and who
is the abused – or worse, believing there is no DA because both partners appear to be abusive.
Taking the wider history and context into account
“They [the police] need to realise that I had nine years before this and they need to realise
how much it took for me to finally pick up the phone. Just because the bruises weren’t visible
on that instance, they then didn’t take me seriously. I lost all faith in the police.”
(Hettie)
It was quite evident that many participants felt when they had called the police they thought the
officers were treating the event as a single incident, where in almost every case there was more
historic abuse and this one incident was part of a wider pattern. Many women said that the police
were only interested in the then and now, even if they were trying to report something in the past
as well.
Timing
Many of the participants expressed their dissatisfaction with the slow response of the police in
arriving at a scene after a call. Many also understood that the police were busy, but there were some
cases where even when there was a red flag indicating domestic abuse and immediate danger, the
police failed to respond swiftly. A number of participants also said that they felt the police were
trying to rush through their interviews on scene, and did not see domestic abuse as a serious enough
crime to spend their time on.

19. 19 | P a g e
Evidence
A number of participants said they felt there was not a good enough attempt to gather evidence to
help lead to a prosecution. If there was no recent physical sign of injury, many women were told
there was not much that could be done – even if the abuse was financial, emotional, and sexual too.
It appears that when evidence is not obviously there, the police are less likely to act, even if the
person wishing to report is disclosing historic abuse, which simply is not good enough.
Other forms of abuse
Clara experienced financial abuse, and it was not taken seriously as she felt it would be if it were
physical, despite there being types of serious fraud involved. Tina experienced abuse from her step-
son. There is little in place in terms of criminal justice to help people experiencing different types of
domestic abuse beyond the spouse, such as children, siblings, or parents. This also came up with
Avril who said her family were party to the abuse and helped facilitate it through blaming her mental
health condition and financially abusing her too. There is little the police can do within the current
law framework when the abuse is mainly coercive control, this will change with the new law coming
in but there need to be guidelines on how to deal with it and evidence it for law enforcement
professionals and victims themselves to understand how to report.
Cultural sensitivity
Claire was from Yemen, and the police called to speak with her mum, which due to the language
barrier created great confusion leading her mother to believe Claire was in prison – thus causing
more emotional upset in the family than had already occurred due to the perpetration of domestic
abuse. An interpreter would have been useful, as women such as Tina said they felt more isolated
when language caused a barrier between them and the police. Avril also said she experienced
prejudice against her because of her race and her disability, and because of these her pleas to report
familial abuse were repeatedly ignored. Others outside the community need to realise that a person
may not be seen as an individual within those societies, but instead treated as part of a collective,
which can mean abuse is buried for the good of all but to the detriment of the victim. In two of the
cases in this study the men were bigamists, married to other women, who were still in harm’s way.
The police should consider this when dealing with cultures that practice polygamy and seek to reach
out to the other spouses to ensure their safety. Charlie was from a travelling community and was
put at risk by officers asking people in the neighbourhood where she was etc. She said there was just
no respect or awareness of her wider situation.
Summary
The good
- It is good when the police help remove the perpetrator from the situation in some way – arrest
or a restraining or non-molestation order.
- It is good when the police help victims retrieve their belongings, and help them get to a safe
place. Being given access to alarms and other safety equipment happened in most cases, and
this was always well received.
- When participants were asked what they wanted to happen to the perpetrator they said that
was positive, however, some also said they were too emotional to make the decision and it was
comforting to know that the police could make decisions in their best interests – again showing
that a mandatory approach isn’t appropriate.
- There were many reports of kind, supportive, understanding officers, but also those that were
the opposite, which led to victims feeling uncertain as to whether they would call again. This
demonstrates that all officers have not been given the correct training when it comes to
domestic abuse victims which can have a truly damaging effect when situations are handled
inappropriately.

20. 20 | P a g e
- Participants were very happy when female officers were the ones who completed follow ups or
took interviews, but also some said that actually speaking to a man was easier. Tina said that
having males respond meant that the perpetrator took it more seriously and was more
threatened.
- Taking pictures of evidence was thought of as good by many.
- All participants said that they felt the police acted well when they had children in the house.
- Where victims had contact with a specialist DV police unit they found it a positive experience.
The bad
- Lateness to the scene was the most cited grievance with the police. Many said they understood
that they are very busy, but when some had a red flag on their houses it didn’t feel good enough.
- Frankie said that because she is not from the UK it would have been useful if she was more
aware what constituted a crime and what powers the police have available to them to use.
- Another common complaint was about when the police failed to keep the victim in the loop
throughout the process, or when there was no follow up call.
- Some victims who had hit out in self-defence were told that they had no case because the
violence was mutual. This is not acceptable and is a reason why the full context needs to be
taken into consideration before writing off a case.
- The police need to be better at collecting evidence so not to rely on witness statement, and
understand when the victim feels the need to withdraw and that this doesn’t necessarily mean
they don’t want to prosecute.
- There was also cause for concern on how the police treat those with mental health conditions
and learning difficulties in domestic abuse cases, not taking them as seriously, when in fact they
should be supported more, not less.
- There was also some concern around racial and cultural bias and treating those from other
backgrounds differently due to a lack of understanding.
- Out of the 27 cases only a couple mentioned the DASH risk assessment, suggesting it may not
be being used in every DA callout, which needs addressing. Also Fi mentioned that being told
she was low risk made her feel a bit silly for calling.
- Some women said that after they entered refuge, interest in their case dropped, and
communications worsened.
- The police were reported to be more dismissive when alcohol was involved. Research shows
that where there is mutual substance misuse, abuse is more likely and so the police should in
fact be more alert to DA in these situations.
Changed needed
- All officers must have a level of training that allows them to deal with DA victims sensitively,
kindly, and appropriately. It is clear from this research that victim experience varies greatly, and
that some officers still do not appreciate the seriousness of the offence, which means women
are left vulnerable and hesitant to call again.
- A number of participants said there needs to be more of a focus on victims with some kind of
support structure or protocol in place.
- Where there appears to be mutual violence, the police need to ensure they get the whole story
before dismissing or jumping to conclusions about whether there is DA or not.
- It was made clear that for a number of victims, this was not the first incident, and also that they
may not have been the first victim to their perpetrator. This means that the police must take
into consideration the perpetrator’s history with the current victim, and any potential past
victims through looking at their record, etc.
- There is a need to ensure privacy is kept intact and that victims are not asked to talk about their
experience in public spaces, or talk to other members of the public about a case without
checking with the victim first as it could put them at greater risk.

21. 21 | P a g e
- Needs to be more public awareness about coercive control especially with the new law coming
in, so that women feel confident about reporting, as in the past if it was not physical or sexual,
victims were told there was nothing the police could do.
- Experiences with 101 were inconsistent too, which shows more training is needed all round.
- Not to tell victims that they are low risk if they come out as so on the risk assessment as it
belittles their situation and may make it unlikely for them to call again if the situation escalates.
- It seemed as though officers were either too quick to arrest without checking there was enough
evidence, or too quick to do nothing without checking if there was evidence. The majority of
participants felt that some sort of non-molestation order or restraining order put in place would
have been best to give the perpetrator a clear time that they were not allowed back to the
house, giving the victim time to think through their options.
- Communication is key, and lines must be kept open at all times, with victims being informed
and updated on the case as often as possible no matter if they are being supported by another
organisation or not.
Focus Group – Taking Steps Project, Basingstoke
Firstly the researcher asked the group of 8 how many had had contact with the police. Four people
raised their hands. These four participants were asked to fill in the standard questionnaire. Then the
usual interview questions were asked. After this, the researcher asked why the others were yet to
contact the police and asked for the whole group’s opinion on the mandatory arrest policy. Below is
a summary of the discussion held.2
Firstly when asked about the outcomes, Pippa said that the police came out straight away, talked to
her outside, him inside, both got arrested. She said it was mutual violence. The police then let her
go first with no risk assessment etc. They did offer panic alarms when they phoned back to check on
the situation but by this point he was back too and so she didn’t feel able to say yes.
Nia said that she had never phoned the police herself, and that it had been neighbours or witnesses
that called. When asked why, she said that she has never done it herself as someone else got there
first. She said even once her seven year old daughter made the call. She said that the first time they
came around and interviewed, but did not arrive quickly. She said only one of the calls resulted in
the husband being arrested, and that she felt that was enough because it has scared him into not
doing it again – he is afraid of prison. She said:
“That one time they did arrest him, he came back and swore never to lay a hand on me again
because he was s**t scared of going to prison – and he has stuck to it.
The emotional abuse hasn’t stopped, but I feel physically safe now. It is a deterrent.
But I think it would be dangerous to assume that arrest is a good thing for
everyone – it depends on personality, I had a friend whose bloke got arrested
and then released and he came back angrier than ever”.
Although the police did not arrive quickly, they sent an ambulance first in Nia’s case which she said
was good. Nia chose to retract her statement, but the police warned that due to the number of call
outs to the property if it happened again he would be prosecuted by the police with the support of
Nia or not. She said this made her feel safe, and that this helped scare him into not doing it again.
Leanne said that the police need to look further into it if it happens, look to see how many incidents
there have been before, and the severity of them. That police should also look to previous partners
and things like that. In Leanne’s case, she said the police also did not come out to the incident
straight away, when her ex was trying to break in. He had left by the time they got there even though
she had said she was frightened for her kids who were there. The police searched for him, and found
him and told him not to go back (no order put in place) but he did, she didn't call back because she
2
This session was not recorded, as one participant did not wish to be audio recorded.

22. 22 | P a g e
didn't trust the police after that. She chose to ring a friend instead. Leanne did not receive any follow
up call or support which weakened her opinion of the police further.
Another person in the group said that she had reported dodgy texts, but the police told her there
was no way to prove it was her ex, despite him knowing specific things about the children. They
agreed to go and ask him to stop, which it then did, but the victim felt this was merely because she
had children who may have been at risk and they wouldn’t have taken her feeling harassed seriously
otherwise.
When the group was asked what was good about the police response, Nia said that those that
handled her case were really nice and made her feel comfortable and safe. In her case they did check
back in, which was greatly appreciated. The other participants did not have anything more to add on
this question.
When asked what was not so good about the police response, Leanne said that lateness arriving to
the scene was a big issue. She said that logically you know it takes time but sometimes that doesn't
help when things are escalating. Leanne said that the tone of the officers was not appropriate and
she felt belittled, and all participants said that having male officers respond was not appropriate.
Damien, the male in the group was in agreement, and said that he was interviewed by two female
officers which also made him feel as though he was the perpetrator as opposed to the victim. Pippa
said she was asked, ‘Why has he done this, what have you done’, which was highly inappropriate –
shifting the blame on to her. Nia said that one time the police arrived, he was ordering a pizza whilst
sat on her sofa, showing a complete disregard for the seriousness of her situation.
When asked what the police could have done differently, the first answer was they could have got
there on time. The group broke into a discussion about how the police should investigate things
better, in more depth, rather than simply looking at that incident as a one off. Damien said they get
24 hours in police custody and that they should use it well to investigate. All agreed that it was good
practice that the police should let the victim know when the perpetrator was going to be released.
The participants were then asked if arrest is useful. Damien said that arrest can be useful to calm
the situation down, and Nia added that the fear of being arrested helps - knowing there is a higher
authority than them is quite a powerful thing. Leanne then said that it can lead to the situation
worsening. Another participant added that it is very much down to personality, so it has to be looked
at on an individual basis. If a perpetrator is arrested and released they feel that they got away with
it, and think ‘how far have I got to go’ – like a challenge said one participant.
Damien then divulged some more of his story. He said that he was slapped twice in front of police
officers. She got arrested, and got physical with the police. Arresting made it worse for him, as she
came back an hour later after being released (still drunk and angry), and they hadn’t warned him,
and fought him even harder. They then came back and arrested him. Between the wife and the
mother they turned it around on him in that hour in the police station to make out he was the
perpetrator. Damien felt very much that the police still hold the belief that only women can be
victims of domestic abuse. He was held for 36 hours despite him being hit by her in front of them,
and him doing nothing. After he was released he was rushed to hospital, and the medical reports
helped his case in court where he was released under certain conditions – including not being
allowed to talk to her. At this point she dropped the charges because she didn’t want to not be able
to speak to him.
The discussion about what could be done better then moved on to how the police should help
getting the orders, non-molestation orders and restraining, or doing it on the victim’s behalf if they
are too scared (with their consent). Participants said that taking that decision away from the victim
at this point is good, because it is safeguarding, and giving the victim space and time to think about

23. 23 | P a g e
their next move3
. One participant said that the National Domestic Violence Helpline can help get
orders in place within 24 hours and so if the police are unable for any reason the victim should at
least be informed about other options such as this. Damien said it would be good if the police carried
leaflets of local support agencies etc. in their vehicles to give to victims so they are not left
completely alone.
Another idea by the group was that police should offer to drive the victim to somewhere safe (a
friend or a relative) to make sure they are safe. Also that the police should escort victims that need
to go back to the house to collect belongings etc. One participant then pointed out that a call back
after initial response, may not always be appropriate if the perpetrator had returned, and so this
should be discussed with the victim before they leave the scene. Leanne said that the red flag system
on the house when there has been a DA related call out is good, and helps her to feel safe knowing
any future responding officers will have some indication of the history.
There was then a brief discussion about the fact that it is hard to find a police station you can just
walk into now and that there is a reduced police presence in general. Some of the victims said that
there need to be specialist trained officers in every area to deal with DA cases, as there is with rape.
They also said that women should be dealt with by female officers, and male by male, or at least
there should be one of each present so that unconscious bias is not at play.
None of the participants felt that the police had their interests at the centre of what they were doing.
When asked if they would call again, a couple of participants said ‘well who else can we call’. There
needs to be more awareness of other options of support in addition to the police. Other participants
said they had lost faith and would not call again.
When the other participants were asked why they were yet to call the police. One said that it was
because her abuse was all coercive control and emotional and that it is hard to know what to report.
There was then a discussion about the law coming in on coercive control and the participants said
that there needs to be clarity around what makes the crime, and advice on how to report it, and how
it is evidenced etc. At present there is little support for women who go through other forms of abuse
other than physical, which means many are left vulnerable. People are reluctant to phone if they
themselves believe there is no evidence, and so some information on this would help people come
forward when the new law comes in.
3
Point of note: some would say this is removing agency from the victim when they need to be in control. But this was not the opinion of these victims, who felt
having someone step in would be beneficial at this point because it is safeguarding in their best interests – again this would need to be assessed on a case by
case basis.

24. 24 | P a g e
Mini case studies
Although this was only a short study, it showed the hugely different situations that victims of
domestic abuse can find themselves in. Here we look very briefly at the cases of four individuals
that participated in the research.
Hettie
Hettie was with her partner for nine years.
After one incident of physical abuse she
spoke to her doctor who convinced her to
call the police. They arrested him, released
him without charge due to lack of evidence.
They said they had to arrest him. The arrest
was damaging to Hettie due to her culture
as a Sikh, it damaged the family reputation
and she still suffers from it now, and it also
made him more aggressive. Upon release
she was not given adequate time to make
arrangements. She felt an order keeping
him away would have been more
appropriate to give her time and space to
act. The police failed to signpost her
towards help and left her feeling
vulnerable. She now says she has lost all
faith in the police.
Maggie
Maggie was in a financially, physically, and
emotionally abusive relationship. It took
the neighbour hearing a really bad beating
that led to her needing spinal surgery for
the police to be called. The officer
attending asked what the marks were, if
she wanted to press charges, and he was
arrested. Maggie felt this was needed so
she could go and get her stuff from the
house. At court he was given a community
order, a curfew, a restraining order, and
made to pay court costs. He had a history
and she said if she knew she would never
have got with him. Maggie felt the police
were very kind, professional, and
understanding. She felt that an arrest was
needed to keep her safe, and was grateful
to have a female officer taking her
statement. Overall she was extremely
satisfied.
Helen
Helen is Romanian. Her partner tried to
force her to have an abortion but it is
against her religion. He was very violent
during her pregnancy. She rang the police
but her friends and family, as well as the
perpetrator bullied her into withdrawing
her statement. She was told by police that
because there was no physical evidence
this time a conviction was unlikely and so
they couldn’t do anything. She fled, but
thenwent back due to pressure. After a few
months social services got involved, and
the police intervened, and this time they
made her feel safe. She said, however, that
if she had been better supported the first
time around, and the police had been
better, it wouldn’t have had to get worse
(death threats etc.) before it got better. She
felt as though she was going to die.
Liz
Liz lived with her abusive partner, she
suffers from learning difficulties but his
disabilities are more visible. She reported
him to the police for drugs but they did
nothing. She called them many times about
that and the abuse, and nothing. She felt
as though the police were not taking her
seriously, and were discriminating against
her for her disability whilst being more
supportive to him for his. They did not
signpost her to support, or let her know
when he was being released after they took
him in for questioning. She felt they were
on his side after one officer spoke to him
and one to her so neither got the full story.
They should have taken the whole situation
into consideration, and not released him
within a few hours with no warning. The
discrimination and lack of follow up was
very frustrating for her.

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Conclusions
In the literature review it was found that when the police are the main intervention partner the most
vulnerable are missed. The primary research backed this up with those suffering from mental ill
health and those from a different cultural background feeling somewhat discriminated against. This
is why with domestic abuse the multi-agency approach is key. It was also suggested that perpetrators
with existing criminal records are more likely to reoffend and so the idea that arrest is a deterrent is
not always valid.
There was no one answer as to whether mandatory arrest is the correct policy, as participants had
very different opinions due to their different situations. But it doesn’t appear that the mandatory
element is followed anyway, and neither should it be when domestic abuse is a crime that is so
individual and different in every occurrence. Therefore, policy should reflect the actuality that police
do not enact mandatory arrest, and that doing this would not be in the best interest of the victim or
anyone else. It can be concluded from this research that DA is a grey area, and no one case is the
same, meaning that there is a need for flexibility in the police response; a mandatory, blanket
approach is simply not appropriate. Police need to be trained correctly in the matters of DA to be
well equipped when entering a DA situation to respond appropriately, with the victim at the centre
of that response. There needs to be a suite of tools, including but not limited to arrest at the police’s
disposal.
Paradoxically despite the blanket approach of mandatory arrest being in place, the police response
appears to be somewhat of a postcode lottery. Victims spoken to throughout the research from all
around the county, and who are seeking refuge in the county and who have dealt with police around
the country, all had very different experiences. This was even the case in the same police force areas.
This shows a standard of training needs to be met by all responding officers for them to provide a
victim centred approach and work with victims appropriately. There are some standard things that
should happen in every case, and then there should be a suite of tools which the police can use as
well as arrest or instead of it. The things that should be standard best practice are:
- An awareness that this may be the first call but it probably is not the first incident
- An attempt to understand some of the back story
- An appropriate, professional, kind, non-judgemental response to what is a very delicate
situation
- A realisation of the risk of escalation that police involvement can bring
- Constant communication with the victim, explaining the options available in terms of what
can happen with the perpetrator (non-molestation orders etc.), and also signposting to other
support services
- A call back offered to the victim (as it is not always appropriate), preferably with an officer of
the same gender
Use of the 48 hour order for the perpetrator to stay away from the property was thought of highly
by all victims. Non molestation orders do not appear to be used enough despite them being part of
a new suite of tools introduced for police to use in DA situations. This can give the police time to
build up a fuller picture of the situation whilst the victim is not in fear of the perpetrator returning.
It can also be an opportunity for the woman to flee, or seek other support. That breathing time is
really important in a case as complex as domestic abuse. It may be beneficial to consider a mixed
civil and criminal response, and to look for innovative resolutions such as restorative justice but with
special safeguards due to the nature of domestic abuse.
So despite the official line being mandatory arrest, this is not the case on the ground. And actually,
this is no bad thing because the response needs to be individualised. So it is about time the protocol
of mandatory arrest was dropped to reflect what is happening, and to ensure that there are better
guidelines for every intervention and resolution to really put the victim at the centre of the police
response.

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Areas for further research
As a short research study, this report has brought up many questions that could themselves form further research
studies. Below are a few ideas:
- If women are mutually violent, is there mutual coercive control, emotional, abuse, and/or financial
abuse at play?
- Is reporting related to demographic and socio-economic background?
- Are the police discriminating against those with mental health issues in cases of domestic abuse?
- Are the police discriminating against those from a different culture in cases of domestic abuse?

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References
Andrews, R. and Johnston Miller, K. 2013., Representative Bureaucracy, Gender, and Policing: The Case of
Domestic Violence Arrests in England. Public Administration. 91(4), pp.998-1014. John Wiley & Sons Ltd:
London.
Barton, K. 2014., Positive Steps. One Community: Hampshire.
Bland, M. 2014., Targeting Escalation in Common Domestic Abuse: How Much if Any? Wolfson College:
Cambridge.
DAIP. Program Evaluation Activities at Domestic Abuse Intervention Programs.
http://www.theduluthmodel.org/about/research.html
Dixon, L. Archer, J. and Graham-Kevan, N. 2012., Perpetrator programmers for partner violence: Are they
based on ideology or evidence? Legal and Criminal Psychology. 17, pp.196-215. The British Psychological
Society: Wiley Online.
Dixon, L. and Graham-Kevan, N. 2011., Understanding the nature and aetiology of intimate partner violence
and implications for practice: A review of the evidence base. Clinical Psychology Review, January 2011.
Dugan, L. 2003., Domestic Violence Legislation: Exploring its impact on the likelihood of domestic violence,
police involvement, and arrest. University of Maryland National Consortium on Violence Research 2(2).
Pp.283-312.
HMIC. 2014., Everyone’s business: Improving the police response to domestic abuse. HMIC: London.
HMIC. 2014., Hampshire Constabulary’s Response to tackling domestic abuse. HMIC: London.
Johnson, R. and Goodlin-Fahncke, W. 2015., Exploring the Effect of Arrest Across a Domestic Batterer
Typology. Juvenile and Family Court Journal 66(1). NCJFCJ.
Leisenring, A. 2008., Controversies Surrounding Mandatory Arrest Policies and the Police Response to
Intimate Partner Violence. Sociology Compass 2/2, pp.451-466. Blackwell Publishing: USA.
Matczak, A., Hatzidimitriadou, E., and Lindsay, J., 2011. Review of Domestic Violence policies in England and
Wales. London: Kingston University and St George‘s, University of London.
Paymar, M. and Barnes, G. Countering Confusion about the Duluth Model. DAIP:
http://www.theduluthmodel.org/about/research.html
Rowland, J. 2013., What Happens After Arrest for Domestic Abuse: A Prospective Longitudinal Analysis of
Over 2200 Cases. Fitzwilliam College, University of Cambridge: Cambridge.
Sherman, L, W. 2014., The Impact of a Conditional Cautioning Program on Repeat Domestic Violence
Offences: Preliminary Results From The Hampshire CARA Project. University of Cambridge: Cambridge.
Vollaard, B. and Hamed, J. 2012., Why the Police Have an Effect on Violent Crime After All: Evidence from
the British Crime Survey. Journal of Law and Economics 55(4), pp.901-924. The University of Chicago Press:
Chicago.
Stith, S, M. et al. 2012., Systemic Perspectives on Intimate Partner Violence Treatment. Journal of Marital
and Family Therapy. 38(1), pp.220-240.
What is the Duluth Model? http://www.theduluthmodel.org/about/
Womens Aid Police Statistics
http://www.womensaid.org.uk/domestic_violence_topic.asp?section=0001000100220040

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Appendices
Appendix 1 – The Questionnaire
A little bit about you...
Here at One Community we are working with the Hampshire Police Crime Commissioner to discover if victims of
domestic abuse are happy with the police response.
There is little research into whether the police response is appropriate for victims, and if it meets their needs and
this research seeks to address that.
It is hoped this research will help lead the police to innovate and find better ways to respond to domestic abuse
that is more suited to victim need, and which also helps prevent repeat offences. First in Hampshire, and hopefully
then nationwide.
This info sheet and your participation is a vital stage of the research and will help us create an accurate portrayal
of what change is needed.
Thank you for taking the time to take part in this research, your input is invaluable and will go
a long way in helping us to better support other victims.
The data from your responses will be used in the report to be submitted to the PCC by December
2015 which then maybe disseminated to third parties to improve service provision for victims,
and potential victims of domestic abuse in Hampshire. All participants’ identities will be
protected through changing of names, and standard rules of confidentiality apply at all times.
To confirm you are happy for the information you provide to be used in this capacity please sign
and date below.
Printed: Signed: Date:
If you have any questions please feel free to contact Kylie Barton
on kbarton@1community.org.uk at any time.

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Age
18-24 24-30 30-40 40-50 50+ Prefer not to say
Gender
Male Female Transgender Prefer not to say
Ethnicity
White Black Asian Mixed Other (please state)
Prefer not to say
Religion
Christian Muslim Sikh Buddhism Judaism Other
Prefer not to say None
Do you class yourself as having a disability?
Yes No Prefer not to say
Marital status
Single Married Separated Divorced
In a relationship Prefer not to say Widowed
How many children do you have?
0 1 2 3 4 5 5+
How old are your children?
(Please tick all that apply)
Under 5 5-11 11-16 16+
Are you currently experiencing domestic abuse?
Yes No Prefer not to say
How many times (roughly) have you called the police about the abuse?
Once Two or Three Three to five More than five
Would you call the police again in an abuse situation?
Yes No Prefer not to say
On a scale of one to ten, how satisfied have you been with the police response:
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Not satisfied at all Satisfied Very Satisfied
Is there anything else you would like to tell us? If so please use this space to share your thoughts...

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Appendix 2 – Interview Questions
Interview Structure
Introduce myself, the project, and thank the participant for their involvement and then
present the participant with the questionnaire to complete.
Once complete invite the participant to tell me a little about their situation. Then continue
with the following questions in a semi-structured manner.
1) Approximately how many times have you called the police due to domestic abuse?
2) In what ways have the police responded when you have called them?
3) What was good about the way the police responded?
4) What was not good about the way the police responded?
5) What would you like the police to have done differently?
6) What was the outcome of the police attending?
7) How do you feel about the outcomes that came about because you called the police?
8) To what extent do you feel like your needs were met throughout this process of police
involvement?
9) Would you call the police again? Why?