1) The document discusses a study called NISMART-2 that aimed to provide national estimates of missing children in the United States by surveying households, juvenile facilities, and law enforcement.
2) NISMART-2 defined a missing child as one who was either missing from their caretakers ("caretaker missing") or missing from their caretakers and reported to authorities for help locating them ("reported missing").
3) The study found that a child can become missing for various reasons such as running away, being abducted, or due to miscommunications, and that determining how many children are truly missing is a complex problem with no single, straightforward answer.
Child in Conflict with the Law: The Demographic Factors Affecting Juvenile De...ReinaMarizBaguio
Juvenile delinquency in Lapu-Lapu City is on the rise for the past 4 years. It boomed since 2015. The researchers discovered that theft has been the most common crime in the city due to poverty. The data covers juvenile delinquency rates from 2011 - 2018.
Child in Conflict with the Law: The Demographic Factors Affecting Juvenile De...ReinaMarizBaguio
Juvenile delinquency in Lapu-Lapu City is on the rise for the past 4 years. It boomed since 2015. The researchers discovered that theft has been the most common crime in the city due to poverty. The data covers juvenile delinquency rates from 2011 - 2018.
Two of the charter members of The Long Island Clean Water Partnership, The Citizen's Campaign For The Environment, and The Group For The East End, offer this overview of the state of Long Island's waters -- what is polluting them and what we can do about it. The CCE's Adrienne Esposito and the GFTEE by Bob DeLuca.
Long Island gets its drinking water from the ground. Whatever we do on the surface eventually makes it into the aquifer, and into our drinking water, our rivers and bays.
The largest issue is nitrates from septic tanks, from the 200+ small sewage treatment plants, and from fertilizer, both residential and commercial leaching into the ground water, and then to our bays, where they trigger massive algal blooms -- brown tide, red tide, rust tide, blue green algae. These blooms have already destroyed much of our bay's habitats, resulting in a collapse of the shellfish and finfish population. To reverse this situation, we must impose much stricter limits on how much nitrogen can enter into our ground water from the plants, farms, and from the 500,000 septic tanks that dot Long Island.
Another major threat to Long Island water is VOCS (volatile organic chemicals). While there are 254 superfund sites on Long Island, the largest source of these VOCs are household products -- cleaners, paint strippers, aerosols. 100,000 tons of household hazardous waste is disposed of improperly every year in New York.
A further threat is the 117 pesticides now found in our drinking water. Even when banned, they remain in our environment for decades.
Finally, the improper disposal of household pharmaceuticals means that these drugs are entering into our ecosystem, with effects unknown. We must stop flushing or throwing out unused prescriptions, but dispose of them only at designated county locations.
In all, there are a number of things we can do now to help LI become sustainable for future generations: Push for new technologies and new policies that would limit nitrogenous waste from our septic and sewer systems. Stop using high nitrogen lawn and agricultural fertilizers. Dispose of your household waste properly. Any chemical you use at home will end up in the ground water unless disposed of properly. Don't pour oils, grease, and chemicals down the drain. Use green, friendly home cleaning products.
Finally, since the major contributor to Long Island's water problems has been overdevelopment (without the requisite infrastructure to support it), we need to protect what green spaces we have left.
Turn your present iphone into a brand new one by just putting the custom iphone cases, which is easily available at customdesignediphonecases.com and keep yourself stand out of crowd with Cute iphone Cases.
Originally presented at the SLA Europe, BIALL and CLSIG Graduate Open Day, on the 17th April 2013.
The slides are not as attractive as my usual decks as they were in accordance with corporate branding requirements.
Notes from my talk can be found here: http://libwig.wordpress.com/2013/04/17/clsig-biall-and-sla-europe-graduate-open-day/
Psychosocial Factors and Deviant Behaviors of Children in Conflict with the L...AJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT:This study aims to determine the relationship between psychosocialfactors and deviant
behaviors among children in conflict with the law (CICL) inDavao Region. The researchers want to discover the
prevalent factors thatdrive these children to their behaviors. Further, the study sought to determinethe
manifestation of psychosocial factors in terms of life satisfaction, emotionalsupport, self-esteem, and personality
traits. The study's data came from N-83children in conflict with the law (CICL) at the Regional Rehabilitation
Center forYouth (RRCY) in Bago Oshiro, Davao City; all respondents are male. This studyused a total
enumeration sampling technique due to the relatively smallpopulation size. The researchers adapted the
Psychosocial surveyquestionnaires by Zabriskie & Ward (2013) and by John and Srivastava (1999)as well as the
Deviant Behavior Variety Scale (DBVS) by Sanches et al. (2016).Through the use of a validated questionnaire,
the mean and standard deviationare determined. The researchers modified this questionnaire and translated itinto
the respondents' mother tongue (Cebuano) for them to comprehend itbetter. The study discovered no significant
relationship between psychosocialfactors and deviant behaviors of children in conflict with the law (CICL) in
theDavao Region
KEYWORDS :Children in Conflict with the Law (CICL), deviant behaviors, psychosocial factors
Satanic Ritual Abusein Day CareAn Analysis of12 America.docxjeffsrosalyn
Satanic Ritual Abuse
in Day Care:
An Analysis of
12 American Cases
Between 1983 and 1991, over 100 day care centres across America
were investigated for satanic ritual abuse of children. These bizarre
cases were widely reported in Great Britain as well as other
countries around the world, where American experts played a
signi®cant role in disseminating material about the cases in
workshops and seminars. Using news articles, investigative reports,
interview transcripts, legal briefs and court transcripts, this paper
analyses a sample of 12 of those cases. It examines the nature of the
allegations, the victims, the perpetrators, the criminal trials and the
outcome of the cases. The major ®nding of this analysis is that these
day care cases actually contribute little to the debate about whether
satanic ritual abuse is real or rumour, but they do set an agenda for
the international child abuse professional community for research,
practice and discussion. *c 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Child Abuse Review 6: 84±93, 1997
No. of Figures: 1. No. of Tables: 2. No. of References: 15
KEY WORDS: satanic ritual abuse; day care centres
T he term `satanic ritual abuse' was coined in Americajust over a decade ago to describe what is believed to be
the widespread sexual, physical and emotional abuse of very
young children in satanic ceremonies. The term gave a name
to disturbing reports that were cropping up across the
country. Children were describing abuse in rituals that
included such horri®c practices as blood-drinking, cannibal-
ism and human sacri®ces conducted by robed and hooded
satanists who also happened to be their day care providers.
The day care cases were widely reported in Great Britain
where, according to Jenkins (1992), they introduced profess-
ionals to the idea of satanic ritual abuse. That idea certainly
was given substance by American experts, who disseminated
`indicator lists' to identify ritually abused children, as well as
CCC 0952±9136/97/020084±10$17.50 Accepted 17 December 1996
*c 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Child Abuse Review Vol. 6: 84±93 (1997)
`Children were
describing abuse
in rituals'
Mary deYoung�
Professor of Sociology
Grand Valley State University
Allendale, Michigan
USA
�Correspondence to: Dr M. deYoung, Department of Sociology, 245 AuSable Hall,
Grand Valley State University, Allendale, MI 49401, USA. Tel: 616-895-3428.
Fax: 616-895-3735. E-mail: [email protected]
reams of material on satanic holidays, symbols and rituals,
in workshops conducted across Great Britain. Some of these
American experts also played signi®cant roles in the
satanic ritual abuse cases that were later identi®ed there
(LaFontaine, 1994). Although those cases were not usually
set in day care facilities, nursery schools or among organized
childminders like they were in America, the American
in¯uence on the spread of the idea of satanic ritual abuse
in Great Britain, as well as other countries around the world,
cannot be denied (.
Two of the charter members of The Long Island Clean Water Partnership, The Citizen's Campaign For The Environment, and The Group For The East End, offer this overview of the state of Long Island's waters -- what is polluting them and what we can do about it. The CCE's Adrienne Esposito and the GFTEE by Bob DeLuca.
Long Island gets its drinking water from the ground. Whatever we do on the surface eventually makes it into the aquifer, and into our drinking water, our rivers and bays.
The largest issue is nitrates from septic tanks, from the 200+ small sewage treatment plants, and from fertilizer, both residential and commercial leaching into the ground water, and then to our bays, where they trigger massive algal blooms -- brown tide, red tide, rust tide, blue green algae. These blooms have already destroyed much of our bay's habitats, resulting in a collapse of the shellfish and finfish population. To reverse this situation, we must impose much stricter limits on how much nitrogen can enter into our ground water from the plants, farms, and from the 500,000 septic tanks that dot Long Island.
Another major threat to Long Island water is VOCS (volatile organic chemicals). While there are 254 superfund sites on Long Island, the largest source of these VOCs are household products -- cleaners, paint strippers, aerosols. 100,000 tons of household hazardous waste is disposed of improperly every year in New York.
A further threat is the 117 pesticides now found in our drinking water. Even when banned, they remain in our environment for decades.
Finally, the improper disposal of household pharmaceuticals means that these drugs are entering into our ecosystem, with effects unknown. We must stop flushing or throwing out unused prescriptions, but dispose of them only at designated county locations.
In all, there are a number of things we can do now to help LI become sustainable for future generations: Push for new technologies and new policies that would limit nitrogenous waste from our septic and sewer systems. Stop using high nitrogen lawn and agricultural fertilizers. Dispose of your household waste properly. Any chemical you use at home will end up in the ground water unless disposed of properly. Don't pour oils, grease, and chemicals down the drain. Use green, friendly home cleaning products.
Finally, since the major contributor to Long Island's water problems has been overdevelopment (without the requisite infrastructure to support it), we need to protect what green spaces we have left.
Turn your present iphone into a brand new one by just putting the custom iphone cases, which is easily available at customdesignediphonecases.com and keep yourself stand out of crowd with Cute iphone Cases.
Originally presented at the SLA Europe, BIALL and CLSIG Graduate Open Day, on the 17th April 2013.
The slides are not as attractive as my usual decks as they were in accordance with corporate branding requirements.
Notes from my talk can be found here: http://libwig.wordpress.com/2013/04/17/clsig-biall-and-sla-europe-graduate-open-day/
Psychosocial Factors and Deviant Behaviors of Children in Conflict with the L...AJHSSR Journal
ABSTRACT:This study aims to determine the relationship between psychosocialfactors and deviant
behaviors among children in conflict with the law (CICL) inDavao Region. The researchers want to discover the
prevalent factors thatdrive these children to their behaviors. Further, the study sought to determinethe
manifestation of psychosocial factors in terms of life satisfaction, emotionalsupport, self-esteem, and personality
traits. The study's data came from N-83children in conflict with the law (CICL) at the Regional Rehabilitation
Center forYouth (RRCY) in Bago Oshiro, Davao City; all respondents are male. This studyused a total
enumeration sampling technique due to the relatively smallpopulation size. The researchers adapted the
Psychosocial surveyquestionnaires by Zabriskie & Ward (2013) and by John and Srivastava (1999)as well as the
Deviant Behavior Variety Scale (DBVS) by Sanches et al. (2016).Through the use of a validated questionnaire,
the mean and standard deviationare determined. The researchers modified this questionnaire and translated itinto
the respondents' mother tongue (Cebuano) for them to comprehend itbetter. The study discovered no significant
relationship between psychosocialfactors and deviant behaviors of children in conflict with the law (CICL) in
theDavao Region
KEYWORDS :Children in Conflict with the Law (CICL), deviant behaviors, psychosocial factors
Satanic Ritual Abusein Day CareAn Analysis of12 America.docxjeffsrosalyn
Satanic Ritual Abuse
in Day Care:
An Analysis of
12 American Cases
Between 1983 and 1991, over 100 day care centres across America
were investigated for satanic ritual abuse of children. These bizarre
cases were widely reported in Great Britain as well as other
countries around the world, where American experts played a
signi®cant role in disseminating material about the cases in
workshops and seminars. Using news articles, investigative reports,
interview transcripts, legal briefs and court transcripts, this paper
analyses a sample of 12 of those cases. It examines the nature of the
allegations, the victims, the perpetrators, the criminal trials and the
outcome of the cases. The major ®nding of this analysis is that these
day care cases actually contribute little to the debate about whether
satanic ritual abuse is real or rumour, but they do set an agenda for
the international child abuse professional community for research,
practice and discussion. *c 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Child Abuse Review 6: 84±93, 1997
No. of Figures: 1. No. of Tables: 2. No. of References: 15
KEY WORDS: satanic ritual abuse; day care centres
T he term `satanic ritual abuse' was coined in Americajust over a decade ago to describe what is believed to be
the widespread sexual, physical and emotional abuse of very
young children in satanic ceremonies. The term gave a name
to disturbing reports that were cropping up across the
country. Children were describing abuse in rituals that
included such horri®c practices as blood-drinking, cannibal-
ism and human sacri®ces conducted by robed and hooded
satanists who also happened to be their day care providers.
The day care cases were widely reported in Great Britain
where, according to Jenkins (1992), they introduced profess-
ionals to the idea of satanic ritual abuse. That idea certainly
was given substance by American experts, who disseminated
`indicator lists' to identify ritually abused children, as well as
CCC 0952±9136/97/020084±10$17.50 Accepted 17 December 1996
*c 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
Child Abuse Review Vol. 6: 84±93 (1997)
`Children were
describing abuse
in rituals'
Mary deYoung�
Professor of Sociology
Grand Valley State University
Allendale, Michigan
USA
�Correspondence to: Dr M. deYoung, Department of Sociology, 245 AuSable Hall,
Grand Valley State University, Allendale, MI 49401, USA. Tel: 616-895-3428.
Fax: 616-895-3735. E-mail: [email protected]
reams of material on satanic holidays, symbols and rituals,
in workshops conducted across Great Britain. Some of these
American experts also played signi®cant roles in the
satanic ritual abuse cases that were later identi®ed there
(LaFontaine, 1994). Although those cases were not usually
set in day care facilities, nursery schools or among organized
childminders like they were in America, the American
in¯uence on the spread of the idea of satanic ritual abuse
in Great Britain, as well as other countries around the world,
cannot be denied (.
1Mandated Reporting of Child AbuseStudent’s NameAnastaciaShadelb
1
Mandated Reporting of Child Abuse
Student’s Name
Institutional Affiliation
Course Number and Name
Instructor’s Name
Due Date
Mandated Reporting of Child Abuse
Mandated reporting of child abuse is meant to shield children from the problem. Mandated reporting laws cross disciplines (counseling, psychology, medicine, nursing, education, etc.). Some professionals have criticized these laws on the basis of interfering with their professional relationship with children. Additionally, there are several legal and ethical dilemmas associated with mandated reporting laws, further complicating the professionals’ practice.
Mandated reporting laws are very necessary requirements for a system to protect children. The efforts to find better ways to protect children against maltreatment and neglect by the adults on whom they are dependent began actively during the 1950s. Research by radiologists and pediatricians during the 1950s produced evidence of extensive physical child abuse and killing cases by their caretakers (Duncan, 1994). Kempe et al (1962) , in “Battered-Child Syndrome”, a historic and landmark study, produced valuable empirical evidence on the severity of physical child abuse occurrences by child’s caretakers. The findings in Kempe et al (1962) raised public concerns with the burgeoning child abuse and neglect cases, leading to the quick development and enactment of mandatory reporting of child maltreatment laws in every state in the US (Duncan, 1994).
Specifically, the CAPTA (Federal Child Abuse Prevention and Treatment Act) directs each State to develop and enact procedures or provisions for mandating specific [group of] individuals to report either suspected or known child abuse and neglect cases. Thus, all USA States, and the District of Columbia, American Samoa, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands have statutory provisions mandating child abuse reporting by certain professional and other persons to the authorities, with the laws also addressing institutional responsibility in making reports, reporter’s identity’s confidentiality, and report-making standards (Child Welfare Information Gateway, 2019). The mandated child abuse reporting laws have had a positive impact in the fight against child maltreatment, especially by increasing the number of cases being reported to the authorities for further remedial actions. For instance, thanks to the mandated child abuse reporting law’s enactment in every State, the number of reports experienced a meteoric rise nationally from 10,000 in 1962 to almost over 3 million in 1992. One effect of this positive development is that it has led to the child welfare agencies’ unanticipated transformation into protective services agencies for children. Furthermore, nationwide data also suggests and attributes substantial reduction in child abuse-related fatalities to increased reporting (Duncan, 1994).
However, the mandated child abuse reporting laws have al ...
CHAPTER IIIRESEARCH METHODOLOGYIntroductionThe study has bee.docxchristinemaritza
CHAPTER III
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Introduction
The study has been interested with children and separation/divorce. The impacts of divorce on children became apparent when the exploration contemplates the undertaking. This chapter seeks to analyses the various methods that will be use in doing the study and the data collection process.
IMDCAP
The examination venture titled “The Impact of Divorce on Children and Parents" will be produced by Dr. James Smith. It is a collaborative exertion between New Haven County, Connecticut Circuit Court and the Southern Connecticut State University National Criminal Justice Educational Development Project. It has been supported by Criminal Justice team assets controlled by Southern Connecticut State University Division of Urban Affairs. The gift is a piece of the Criminal Justice Educational Development Project.
The real point of this study is to analyze the effect of divorce on the individual and common alteration of minor children, or different hobby is the degree to which children display improper behavior before, amid, and after the divorce of their parents. The example population comprised of separating couples who had not beforehand marriage, who had minor children, and who live in New Haven, Connecticut. The venture accumulated information from separated parents, their children, lawyers of record, school and New Haven County Juvenile.
court staff, and additionally court and school records. It will be assembled at three time periods: at the season of recording, six and eighteen months after the documenting. The IMDCAP undertaking will be coordinated by Dr. James Smith, Assistant Professor in the Department of Psychiatry, Southern Connecticut State University and Murice Freemans, Research Assistant.
The undertaking destinations as noted in the proposition seem to be:
a) thorough, transparent investigation of the demographic and attitudinal qualities of an arbitrary sample of initially married separating couples with minor, children.
b) An enlightening study of the elements considered by courts in deciding care in no challenged cases.
c) A precise examination of those social and individual elements working with a family that incite intercession by courts in determining children guardianship.
d) An six month longitudinal study to the degree to which child rearing styles created by couples preceding, amid, and after divorce, influence the psycho-social advancement of their children.
Concerning these targets, the significant free variables are whether the children will be prepared for their parents’ divorce and the sort of child rearing styles created by the separating couple. The important mediating variables are social class and social traits (pay, word related status, race/ethnicity, and religious introduction).
IMDCAP's speculations as noted in the undertaking review seem to be:
1. Children whose parents have set them up for divorce and have built up a helpful parental style will display the be ...
250 words each agree or disagree each questionsQ 1.I thi.docxvickeryr87
250 words each agree or disagree each questions
Q 1.
I think for most people this subject is hard to talk about but for parents it’s even worse. The idea that something could happen to your child scares that life out of you. For this week’s post we focus on someone would investigate child abuse and the signs and warnings that may not seem clear but are sitting right in front of the eye. Child abuse can be considered any intentional harm or mistreatment to a child under 18 years old is considered child abuse(mayoclinic.gov) Child abuse can physical, mental, emotional, sexual, medical or even neglect. Symptoms can vary and be wide in range from being withdrawn, to constant crying or acting out. In the realm of the criminal justice aspect, how can things change? How does one stop a child abuse act or even begin to create new ways and processes to fix the situation? The 1st step in changing this would be to identify the warning signs in the child and ask questions. Keep vigilant and if something seems off that most likely it is. According to Hunyl Kim and Christopher Wilderman, 37% of children receive an inverstigation by Child protection services by there 18.(Kim. Et al) The conclusion is simple that, most people do not realize how bad child abuse and maltreatment is in the world today. The outcomes from child abuse are linked to child maltreatment include degraded neurologic capacity to deal with stress, worsened general physical health,, elevated levels of risky health behaviors,, mental health problems ,impaired intellectual and cognitive development.
In juvenile cases where there is an offender convicted, states differ in how they see things.(Sandler et al) ) Policies and acts that are passed such as the The Wetterling Act or The Adam Walsh act are possible long term solutions to a problem but again are different in every state. Wetterling Act was focused on adult offenders and did not require the application of registration and notification policies to youth adjudicated as minors. The Adam Walsh child and protection safety act guided law makers to hat all convicted sex offenders be placed into one of three different risk tiers that would be based upon the level of the crime committed(Sandler,et al.) ) Some states pose an attitude of a rehabilitative mindset awhile other states look to throw the hammer at the offender.According to Sandler, Letorneau, and Vandiver there is a study extends research efforts by evaluating the association between juvenile sex offender registration and notification policies and juvenile reports for sexual crimes using data from four states: Idaho, South Carolina, Utah, and Virginia. For some of the states the juvenile processing of a sex crime has been pleaded down to a lesser charge. Does this help the convicted out in the long run or just hurt the essence of society by doing this? In Idaho, South Carolina, and Utah youth are required to register as sex offenders if charged with a sex crime. In Virginia y.
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The SVN® organization shares a portion of their new weekly listings via their SVN Live® Weekly Property Broadcast. Visit https://svn.com/svn-live/ if you would like to attend our weekly call, which we open up to the brokerage community.
Total Environment Tangled Up In The Green - Residential Plots Where Nature an...JagadishKR1
Embark on a journey where lush landscapes and contemporary living converge at Total Environment's Tangled Up In The Green Residential Plots in Devanahalli, Bangalore. Surrounded by verdant expanses, these plots offer an idyllic setting for your dream home. Immerse yourself in the serenity of nature while enjoying the finest amenities and design, where every moment is a harmonious blend of luxury and tranquility.
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One FNG by Group 108 Sector 142 Noida Construction UpdateOne FNG
One FNG by Group 108 is launching a new commercial project in Sector 142 Noida. Office space and high street retail shops on the FNG and Noida Expressway. For more information visit the website https://www.onefng.com/
Presentation to Windust Meadows HOA Board of Directors June 4, 2024: Focus o...Joseph Lewis Aguirre
Presentation to Windust Meadows HOA Board of Directors June 4, 2024: Focus on Public Safety as Job #1, Engagement, Wealth of HOA, Branding, Communication, Culture, Civic Responsibility
Need MCA leads? No sweat! MCAs are great for small biz funding. Learn how to snag top-notch leads: businesses needing cash, with repayment ability, decision-makers, and accurate contacts. Use content, social ads, lead platforms, partnerships, and capture processes for quality leads.
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Discover Yeni Eyup Evleri 2, nestled among the rising values of Eyupsultan, offering the epitome of modern living in Istanbul.
With its spacious living areas, contemporary architecture, and meticulous details, Yeni Eyup Evleri 2 is poised to be the star of your happiest moments. Situated in the new favorite district of Eyupsultan, claim your spot and unlock the doors to a peaceful life alongside your loved ones. Nestled next to the historical and natural beauties of Eyupsultan, embrace the comfort of modern living and rediscover life.
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Location:
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Rixos Tersane Istanbul Residences Brochure_May2024_ENG.pdfListing Turkey
Tersane Suites Residences is a luxurious real estate project located in the heart of Istanbul, next to the beautiful Golden Horn. This unique development offers hotel concept residences with Rixos management, making it the perfect choice for both homeowners and investors.
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Lixin Azarmehr, a Los Angeles-based real estate development trailblazer, co-founded JL Real Estate Development (JL RED) in 2015 and serves as its CEO. Her expertise has propelled the firm to specialize in luxury residential and mixed-use commercial projects, with a portfolio that features upscale retail spaces and sophisticated care facilities.
The KA Housing - Catalogue - Listing TurkeyListing Turkey
Welcome to KA Housing, a distinguished real estate development nestled in the heart of Eyüpsultan, one of Istanbul’s most promising districts.
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Residents of KA Housing enjoy exclusive on-site amenities, including a state-of-the-art gym, outdoor swimming pool, yoga area, and walking paths. Entertainment options abound with a private cinema, children’s playground, and a variety of dining options including a café and restaurant. Security and convenience are paramount with 24/7 security, a dedicated carpark garage, and an IP intercom system.
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The community and surroundings of KA Housing are enriched by close proximity to prestigious universities such as Haliç University, Bilgi University, and Istanbul Ticaret University, making it an ideal location for students and academics. The development is adjacent to the Alibeyköy stream leading into the Halic waters, offering serene natural escapes amidst lush greenery. Residents can enjoy the cultural richness of the area, surrounded by historical and cultural landmarks that blend leisure, nature, and culture seamlessly.
https://listingturkey.com/property/the-ka-housing/
Sense Levent Kagithane Catalog - Listing TurkeyListing Turkey
Sense Levent offers a luxurious living experience in the heart of Istanbul’s vibrant Levent district.
This cutting-edge development seamlessly integrates modern design with natural elements, featuring live evergreen plants maintained by an advanced irrigation system, ensuring lush greenery year-round.
The building’s elegant ceramic balconies are both stylish and durable, enhancing the overall aesthetic and functionality. Residents can enjoy the 700m Sky Lounge, which provides breathtaking views of Istanbul and a perfect space to relax and unwind.
Sense Levent promotes a healthy and active lifestyle with a full gym, swimming pool, sauna, and steam room, all available in the building. The interiors are crafted with high-quality materials, ensuring a luxurious and inviting living space.
Designed with young professionals in mind, Sense Levent features 1+1 and 2+1 units with smart floor plans and balconies. The project promises high investment returns, with an expected annual return of 6.5-7%, significantly above Istanbul’s average ROI.
Located in the rapidly growing and highly desirable Levent area, the development benefits from ongoing urban regeneration projects. Its prime location offers proximity to shopping malls, municipal buildings, universities, and public transportation, adding immense value to your investment.
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1. MART
U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Justice Programs
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention
National Estimates of Missing
Children: An Overview
Andrea J. Sedlak, David Finkelhor,
Heather Hammer, and Dana J. Schultz
The words “missing child” call to mind tragic and frightening kidnap-
pings reported in the national news. But a child can be missing for
many reasons, and the problem of missing children is far more complex
than the headlines suggest. Getting a clear picture of how many chil-
dren become missing—and why—is an important step in addressing
the problem. This series of Bulletins provides that clear picture by sum-
marizing findings from the Second National Incidence Studies of Miss-
ing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children (NISMART–2). The
series offers national estimates of missing children based on surveys of
households, juvenile residential facilities, and law enforcement agencies.
It also presents statistical profiles of these children, including their demo-
graphic characteristics and the circumstances of their disappearance.
The National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway,
and Thrownaway Children (NISMART) were undertaken in response
to the mandate of the 1984 Missing Children’s Assistance Act (Pub.
L. 98–473) that requires the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delin-
quency Prevention (OJJDP) to conduct periodic national incidence
studies to determine the actual number of children reported miss-
ing and the number of missing children who are recovered for a
given year.
October 2002
National Incidence Studies of Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children
J. Robert Flores
OJJDP Administrator
Access OJJDP publications online at ojjdp.ncjrs.org
2. The first such study, NISMART–1 (Finkel-
hor, Hotaling, and Sedlak, 1990), conduct-
ed almost 15 years ago, addressed this
mandate by defining major types of miss-
ing child episodes and estimating the num-
ber of children who experienced episodes
of each type in 1988. At that time, the lack
of a standardized definition of a “missing
child” made it impossible to provide a sin-
gle estimate of missing children. This Bul-
letin describes the NISMART–2 efforts to
fill this gap and presents the results: uni-
fied estimates of the number of missing
children in the United States.
Overview of the NISMART–2
Studies
The unified estimates of the number of
missing children are derived from data
collected by the four complementary
NISMART–2 studies (see table 1 and the
sidebar on NISMART–2 study descrip-
tions).1 These studies were designed to
provide a comprehensive picture of the
population of children who experienced
qualifying episodes, with study compo-
nents focusing on different aspects of
the missing child population. The four
NISMART–2 studies used to estimate
the number of missing children are:
■ National Household Survey of Adult
Caretakers.
■ National Household Survey of Youth.
■ Law Enforcement Study.
■ Juvenile Facilities Study.
The two Household Surveys covered all
types of episodes for children living in
households. The Juvenile Facilities Study
obtained information about children who
ran away from the institutional settings
where they lived. The Law Enforcement
Study was designed to provide precise
estimates and case characteristics for a
rare form of nonfamily abduction, the
stereotypical kidnapping.
NISMART
NISMART–2 Study Descriptions
National Household Surveys of Adult Caretakers and Youth
The Household Surveys were conducted during 1999, using computer-
assisted telephone interviewing methodology to collect information on
missing child episodes from both adults and youth in a national probability
sample of households. A total of 16,111 interviews were completed with an
adult primary caretaker, resulting in an 80-percent cooperation rate among
eligible households with children, and a 61-percent response rate. The total
number of children identified by adult caretakers in the Household Survey
sample was 31,787; these data were weighted to reflect the Census-based
U.S. population of children age 18 years and younger. Each primary caretaker
who completed an interview was asked for permission to interview one ran-
domly selected youth in the household between the ages of 10 and 18. Per-
mission was granted to interview 60 percent of the selected youth, yielding
5,015 youth interviews and a 95-percent response rate among the youth for
whom permission was granted. These youth data were weighted to reflect
the Census-based U.S. population of children ages 10–18. All of the adult
caretakers and sampled youth in the Household Surveys were screened
with a set of 17 questions to determine their eligibility for an indepth fol-
lowup interview designed to collect detailed information about each type
of episode.
One obvious limitation of the Household Surveys is that they may have
undercounted children who experienced episodes but were living in house-
holds without telephones or were not living in households during the study
period, including street children and homeless families. Although these are
not large populations in comparison to the overall child population, they
may be at risk for episodes.
Law Enforcement Study
The Law Enforcement Study (LES) sample consisted of all law enforcement
agencies serving a nationally representative sample of 400 counties, includ-
ing the 400 county sheriff departments and 3,765 municipal law enforcement
agencies. The selection of counties took into account the size of their child
populations.
Data were collected in two phases. In the first phase, a mail survey was sent
to all law enforcement agencies in the sample. This questionnaire asked
whether the agency had any stereotypical kidnappings (see definition on
page 4) open for investigation during 1997. The response rate for the mail
survey was 91 percent. Agencies that reported any stereotypical kidnapping
cases were then contacted by telephone for an extensive followup inter-
view with the key investigating officer in each case. Data collection was
completed for 99 percent of the cases targeted for followup interviews.
Incorporating both phases of the LES, the combined response rate for the
study was 91 percent. LES case weights were developed to reflect the proba-
bility of the agency and case having been included in the sample and to
adjust for nonresponse and refusals.
Juvenile Facilities Study
The Juvenile Facilities Study was developed to estimate the number of run-
aways from juvenile residential facilities. Respondents were facility staff in
a nationally representative sample of 74 facilities, including juvenile deten-
tion centers, group homes, residential treatment centers, and runaway and
homeless youth shelters. Telephone interviews were conducted to deter-
mine the number of children who ran away from each facility in 1997, and
details were obtained for the five most recent runaway episodes. All of
the selected facilities that were operational participated; the response rate
for episode-level interviews was 93 percent. Runaways were assigned
weights to reflect the probability of having included the facility and episode
in the sample and to adjust for nonresponse.
2
3. 3
NISMART
The NISMART–2 studies spanned
the years 1997 to 1999. All data
in the individual component
studies were collected to reflect
a 12-month period.2 Because the
vast majority of cases were from
the studies concentrated in 1999,
the annual period being referred
to in this Bulletin is 1999.
Conceptualizing the
Missing Child Problem
Although the concept of a miss-
ing child may seem readily under-
standable, especially in cases that
come to media attention, a care-
ful examination shows that the
notion is actually quite complex.
A child can become missing because of a variety of cir-
cumstances, such as running away, being abducted, or
being delayed by a mishap on the way home. Even sim-
ple misunderstandings about schedules and miscommu-
nications about plans and activities can cause a child
to be missing. The situations that can cause a child to
become missing stem from different sources and require
different means of resolution.
Fundamentally, whether a child is “missing” depends
on the knowledge and state of mind of the child’s care-
taker, rather than the child’s actual condition or circum-
stance. From the caretaker’s point of view, the child is
not where the caretaker expects the child to be, the care-
taker does not know the child’s location, and these cir-
cumstances raise concern about the child’s well-being.
Despite this concern, a missing child may not be in any
peril whatsoever, as in the case where the child and
parent have had a miscommunication about the time
the child is expected to arrive home.
The term “missing children” is also used to mean chil-
dren who are being sought by the police and missing
children’s agencies. This conception of missing children
relates to the resources needed by organizations, both
public and private, to locate children. The subset of chil-
dren reported missing by their caretakers for the purpose
of locating them provides one measure of the demand on
law enforcement because, like reported crimes, missing
person reports contribute to the volume of cases the
police must deal with. Contacting the police to report a
missing child does not necessarily measure the serious-
ness of the episode itself. Rather, it measures the care-
taker’s assessment of the need for law enforcement
assistance.
Defining and Counting Missing Children
Thus, NISMART–2 defined a missing child in two ways:
first, in terms of those who were missing from their care-
takers (“caretaker missing”); and second, in terms of those
who were missing from their caretakers and reported to
an agency for help locating them (“reported missing”).
NISMART–2 counts a child as missing from the care-
taker’s perspective when the child experienced a qualify-
ing episode during which the child’s whereabouts were
unknown to the primary caretaker, with the result that
the caretaker was alarmed for at least 1 hour and tried to
locate the child. For an episode to qualify, the child had
to be younger than 18 and the situation had to meet the
specific criteria for one of the following NISMART–2
episode types (summarized in the sidebar on page 4):
■ Nonfamily abductions (including a subcategory,
stereotypical kidnappings).
■ Family abductions.
■ Runaway/thrownaway episodes.
Table 1: NISMART–2 Study Sources, by Episode Type
Episode Type Study Source
Nonfamily abduction Household Survey of Adult Caretakers
Household Survey of Youth
Law Enforcement Study
(stereotypical kidnappings only)
Family abduction Household Survey of Adult Caretakers
Household Survey of Youth
Runaway/thrownaway Household Survey of Adult Caretakers
Household Survey of Youth
Juvenile Facilities Study
Missing involuntary, lost, or injured Household Survey of Adult Caretakers
Household Survey of Youth
Missing benign explanation Household Survey of Adult Caretakers
Household Survey of Youth
4. 4
NISMART
■ Missing involuntary, lost, or injured events.
■ Missing benign explanation situations.
A caretaker missing child was considered to be reported
missing if a caretaker contacted the police or a missing
children’s agency to locate the child. Note that the
category “reported missing” does not include children
who were reported to the police for reasons other than
locating the missing child, e.g., to report an incident as
a crime or simply to recover a child whose whereabouts
were known.
Not all children who experience qualifying NISMART–2
episodes can be classified as caretaker missing. For
example, when a child is abducted by a family member,
the caretaker may know very well where the child is
but may be unable to retrieve the child. The parent of
a runaway child may not know the child’s whereabouts
but may not be alarmed or try to find the child. These
children would not be counted among the caretaker
missing children in NISMART–2 because they fail to
meet one or more of the three criteria noted above: the
child’s whereabouts must be unknown, the caretaker
must be alarmed for at least 1 hour, and the caretaker
must attempt to locate the child. In addition, to ensure
that minor misunderstandings would not inflate the
estimates, those who became missing because of benign
reasons were only considered to be missing if police
were contacted about the episode.
To summarize, NISMART–2 conceptualizes children
in terms of three nested classes: The largest set com-
prises all children with a qualifying NISMART–2 episode
who may or may not be missing (e.g., a child runs away
from home).3 Within that group, some children meet
the additional criteria that classify them as caretaker
missing children (the runaway child’s parent notices the
child is gone, does not know where the child is, becomes
alarmed for at least an hour, and tries to find the child).
Finally, within that group of caretaker missing children,
a subset meets the further requirement that qualifies the
children as reported missing (the parent calls the police
or a missing children’s agency to help locate the child).
Results
Table 2 presents the unified estimates of the number
of children who are counted as caretaker missing chil-
dren. These figures are annual estimates, reflecting the
NISMART–2 Definitions of Episode Types
Nonfamily Abduction
A nonfamily abduction occurs when a nonfamily perpetrator
takes a child by the use of physical force or threat of bodily
harm or detains a child for at least 1 hour in an isolated place
by the use of physical force or threat of bodily harm without
lawful authority or parental permission; or when a child who
is younger than 15 years old or is mentally incompetent, with-
out lawful authority or parental permission, is taken or de-
tained by or voluntarily accompanies a nonfamily perpetrator
who conceals the child’s whereabouts, demands ransom, or
expresses the intention to keep the child permanently.
Stereotypical Kidnapping
A stereotypical kidnapping occurs when a stranger or slight
acquaintance perpetrates a nonfamily abduction in which the
child is detained overnight, transported at least 50 miles, held
for ransom, abducted with intent to keep the child permanent-
ly, or killed.
Family Abduction
A family abduction occurs when, in violation of a custody order,
a decree, or other legitimate custodial rights, a member of
the child’s family, or someone acting on behalf of a family
member, takes or fails to return a child, and the child is con-
cealed or transported out of State with the intent to prevent
contact or deprive the caretaker of custodial rights indefinitely
or permanently. (For a child 15 or older, unless mentally incom-
petent, there must be evidence that the perpetrator used phys-
ical force or threat of bodily harm to take or detain the child.)
Runaway/Thrownaway
A runaway incident occurs when a child leaves home without
permission and stays away overnight; or a child 14 years old
or younger (or older and mentally incompetent) who is away
from home chooses not to return when supposed to and stays
away overnight; or a child 15 years old or older who is away
from home chooses not to return and stays away two nights.
A thrownaway incident occurs when a child is asked or told to
leave home by a parent or other household adult, no adequate
alternative care is arranged for the child by a household adult,
and the child is out of the household overnight; or a child who
is away from home is prevented from returning home by a
parent or other household adult, no adequate alternative care
is arranged for the child by a household adult, and the child is
out of the household overnight.
Missing Involuntary, Lost, or Injured
A missing involuntary, lost, or injured episode occurs when
a child’s whereabouts are unknown to the child’s caretaker
and this causes the caretaker to be alarmed for at least 1
hour and try to locate the child, under one of two conditions:
(1) the child was trying to get home or make contact with the
caretaker but was unable to do so because the child was lost,
stranded, or injured; or (2) the child was too young to know
how to return home or make contact with the caretaker.
Missing Benign Explanation
A missing benign explanation episode occurs when a child’s
whereabouts are unknown to the child’s caretaker and this
causes the caretaker to (1) be alarmed, (2) try to locate the
child, and (3) contact the police about the episode for any
reason, as long as the child was not lost, injured, abducted,
victimized, or classified as runaway/thrownaway.
5. NISMART
number of children who became
missing at some time during the
study year. The sidebar on this
page explains how the estimates
were derived.
The total number of children who
were missing from their caretakers
in 1999, including children who
were reported missing and those
who were not, is estimated to be
1,315,600. Because this estimate is
based on samples, sampling error
qualifies its statistical precision.
The 95-percent confidence interval
indicates that if the study were to
be repeated with the same method-
ology 100 times, 95 of the replica-
tions would produce an estimate
between 1,131,100 and 1,500,100.
The total estimate of a little more
than 1.3 million reflects an annual
rate of 18.8 children per 1,000 in
the general population of children
nationwide.4 The number of missing children who
were reported missing in 1999 (i.e., reported to police
or missing children’s agencies in order to locate them)
NISMART–2 Unified Estimate Methodology
5
Information from all four NISMART–2 studies (see descrip-
tions of studies on page 2) was integrated to construct uni-
fied estimates of the number of missing children. Two key
principles guided this integration:
Principle 1: To combine episode information within a
survey, each sampled child could only be counted once
in the unified estimate.
Principle 2: To unify episode information across surveys,
a given subgroup of children could be represented by
information from one survey only.
Beginning with the information from the Household Survey
of Adult Caretakers, children who qualified as missing on the
basis of any countable episode other than a stereotypical kid-
napping were entered into the unified estimate. In accordance
with the first principle above, children who were missing on
different occasions, because of multiple episodes, were only
counted once in the unified estimate. In accordance with the
second principle, those with stereotypical kidnappings were
excluded at this point, because the Law Enforcement Study
data were used to represent these children.
Next, Household Survey children not yet included in the
unified estimate were added to it if their responses to the
Household Survey of Youth showed that they met the criteria
for a missing child. Again, children who were missing solely
because of a stereotypical kidnapping were not added at this
point and children who were missing in multiple qualifying
episodes were only added once.
At the third stage, the runaways from institutions who were
identified in the Juvenile Facilities Study were added, but only
if they did not also run away from a household during the
study year. This restriction was necessary because runaways
from households were already represented in the Household
Survey data.
Finally, children who were missing because of stereotypical
kidnappings were added from the Law Enforcement Study
data. The Law Enforcement Study was used as the data source for
this rare subset of nonfamily abducted children because no reliable
estimate could be developed from the Household Surveys.
A more detailed description of the unified estimate methodol-
ogy is provided in OJJDP’s forthcoming Unified Estimate
Methodology Technical Report.
Table 2: Unified Estimates of Caretaker Missing Children and Reported
Missing Children
Rate per 1,000 in U.S.
Estimated Total Child Population
Category (95% Confidence Interval)* (95% Confidence Interval)*
Caretaker missing 1,315,600 18.8
children† (1,131,100–1,500,100) (16.1–21.4)
(reported and
not reported)
Reported missing 797,500 11.4
children‡ (645,400–949,500) (9.2–13.5)
Note: All estimates are rounded to the nearest 100.
* The 95-percent confidence interval indicates that if the study
were repeated 100 times, 95 of the replications would
produce estimates within the ranges noted.
† Child’s whereabouts were unknown, caretaker was alarmed and
tried to locate the child.
‡ Reported to police or a missing children’s agency for
purposes of locating the child.
The diagram illustrates the proportional relationship
between the total number of caretaker missing children
and the subset of children who were reported missing.
Reported
missing
Caretaker
missing children
6. NISMART
was estimated to be 797,500, which is equivalent to a
rate of 11.4 children per 1,000 in the U.S. population.
Children reported missing to police and other missing
children’s agencies represent 61 percent of all children
classified as caretaker missing. The diagram accompany-
ing table 2 illustrates the fact that children who were re-
ported missing are a subset of the caretaker missing
children.
In considering these estimates, it is important to recog-
nize that nearly all of the caretaker missing children
(1,312,800 or 99.8 percent) were returned home alive or
located by the time the study data were collected. Only
a fraction of a percent (0.2 percent or 2,500) of all care-
taker missing children had not returned home or been
located, and the vast majority of these were runaways
from institutions who had been identified through the
Juvenile Facilities Study.5 (Details on episode out-
comes—whether the child was returned home alive or
located—are presented in the NISMART–2 episode-
specific Bulletins.)
Estimates by Type of Episode
Table 3 reports the reasons children became missing. Data
are shown for all caretaker missing children and for those
who were reported missing.
Of all caretaker missing children, nearly one-half (48 per-
cent) were missing because of a runaway/thrownaway
episode. More than one-fourth (28 percent) became miss-
ing as a result of benign explanation circumstances (mis-
communications or misunderstandings between child
and caretaker). Children who were missing because they
became lost or injured accounted for 15 percent of all
caretaker missing children. Less than one-tenth (9 per-
cent) of caretaker missing children were abducted by
family members, and only 3 percent were abducted by
nonfamily perpetrators.
Table 3: Reasons Children Became Missing
Rate per 1,000
Children in U.S.
95% Confidence Population
Episode Type Estimated Total* Interval† Percent* (N = 70,172,700)
Caretaker Missing Children (n = 1,315,600)
Nonfamily abduction‡ 33,000§ (2,000–64,000) 3§ 0.47§
Family abduction 117,200 (79,000–155,400) 9 1.67
Runaway/thrownaway 628,900 (481,000–776,900) 48 8.96
Missing involuntary, lost,
or injured 198,300 (124,800–271,800) 15 2.83
Missing benign explanation 374,700 (289,900–459,500) 28 5.34
Reported Missing Children (n = 797,500)
Nonfamily abduction‡ 12,100§ (<100–31,000) 2§ 0.17§
Family abduction 56,500 (22,600–90,400) 7 0.81
Runaway/thrownaway 357,600 (238,000–477,200) 45 5.10
Missing involuntary, lost,
or injured 61,900 (19,700–104,100) 8 0.88
Missing benign explanation 340,500 (256,000–425,000) 43 4.85
Note: All estimates are rounded to the nearest 100.
* Estimates sum to more than the total of 1,315,600, and percents sum to more than 100, because children who had multiple episodes are included in every
row that applies to them.
† The 95-percent confidence interval indicates that, if the study were repeated 100 times, 95 of the replications would produce estimates within the ranges noted.
‡ Nonfamily abduction includes stereotypical kidnapping.
§ Estimate is based on an extremely small sample of cases; therefore, its precision and confidence interval are unreliable.
6
7. NISMART
A somewhat different picture emerges from the esti-
mates of children who were reported missing to police
or missing children’s agencies. Although runaway/
thrownaway children reflect a substantial minority of
reported missing children (45 percent), nearly as many
children (43 percent) became missing because of benign
reasons. Comparable percentages of reported missing
children were missing because they were lost or injured
(8 percent) and because they had been abducted by a family
member (7 percent). Only a small percentage were
missing because of a nonfamily abduction (2 percent).
Stereotypical kidnappings. In table 3, the estimates for
nonfamily abducted children include primarily crimes
involving a modest amount of forced movement or de-
tention that correspond with the way in which abduction
is legally defined in most State statutes. Such abductions
are rare enough that the estimates of the number of care-
taker missing and reported missing children abducted by
a nonfamily perpetrator are not
very reliable and have very large
confidence intervals. Stereotypical
kidnappings are the particular
type of nonfamily abduction that
receives the most media attention
and involves a stranger or slight
acquaintance who detains the
child overnight, transports the
child at least 50 miles, holds the
child for ransom, abducts the child
with intent to keep the child per-
manently, or kills the child. They
represent an extremely small por-
tion of all missing children. (The
Law Enforcement Study found that
an estimated 115 of the nonfamily
abducted children were victims
of stereotypical kidnappings and
that 90 of these qualified as re-
ported missing.)6
Multiple episodes. In table 3,
children who had multiple types
of episodes are included in every
row that applies to them. Of
the 1,315,600 caretaker missing
children, 36,500 (3 percent) experienced more than one
type of episode during the year. All of these multiple-
episode children experienced a runaway/thrownaway
episode and one other type of episode (missing benign
explanation for 86 percent of the children, family abduc-
tion for 8 percent, and missing involuntary, lost, or
injured for 5 percent). Of the estimated 797,500 reported
missing children, 31,100 (4 percent) experienced multiple
types of episodes. Every reported missing child with mul-
tiple episodes experienced a runaway/thrownaway
episode and a missing benign explanation episode.
Estimates by Age, Gender, and Race/Ethnicity
Tables 4–6 show the demographic characteristics of
missing children. The tables show distributions by age,
gender, and race/ethnicity for caretaker missing children
and for children who were reported missing to police
or missing children’s agencies. The tables also include
demographic distributions for all children in the U.S.
Table 4: Ages of Missing Children
Percent of
95% 95% U.S. Child
Estimated Confidence Confidence Population
Age Total Interval* Percent Interval* (N = 70,172,700)
Caretaker Missing Children
0–5 138,200 (89,600–186,700) 11 (7–14) 33
6–11 175,300 (117,100–233,600) 13 (9–17) 34
12–14 402,400 (292,400–512,500) 31 (23–38) 17
15–17 596,900 (476,700–717,100) 45 (38–53) 17
Total 1,315,600 (1,131,100–1,500,100) 100 100
Reported Missing Children
0–5 96,500 (48,400–144,700) 12 (7–17) 33
6–11 113,400 (61,500–165,300) 14 (8–20) 34
12–14 235,500 (161,300–309,700) 30 (19–40) 17
15–17 349,300 (253,600–444,900) 44 (35–53) 17
Total 797,500 (645,400–949,500) 100 100
Note: All estimates are rounded to the nearest 100. Percents may not sum to 100 because of rounding.
* The 95-percent confidence interval indicates that if the study were repeated 100 times, 95 of the
replications would produce estimates within the ranges noted.
7
8. population, providing a basis for assessing the relative
level of risk of becoming caretaker missing (and being
reported missing) for children in each demographic group.
Age. As shown in table 4, the great majority of missing
children were older teenagers (ages 15–17) and young
adolescents (ages 12–14). Together, these age groups ac-
counted for about three-fourths of caretaker missing
children. The age distribution of reported missing chil-
dren mirrors that of caretaker missing children. The
table also shows that, for nearly all age levels, the per-
centage in the U.S. child population falls well outside of
the 95-percent confidence interval for the study. This
means that children age 12 and older had a risk of becom-
ing caretaker missing (and of being reported missing) that
was significantly higher than would be expected on the
basis of their representation in the U.S. child population,
whereas the risk for younger children was significantly
lower than would be expected.
Gender. Table 5 shows that, although boys appear to be
somewhat overrepresented among caretaker missing and
reported missing children, the U.S. child population per-
centages fall within the 95-percent confidence intervals.
This means that the gender distribution for missing
children is not significantly different from the distribu-
tion for the U.S. child population.
Race/ethnicity. White children had a significantly lower
risk of being caretaker missing and reported missing
than one would expect based on their representation in
the overall U.S. child population. Although the percent-
ages of minority children among missing children
appear slightly higher than their percentages in the U.S.
child population, no single group of minority children
had a significantly higher risk of becoming missing.
Children Not Classified as Missing
The earlier discussion under “Conceptualizing the
Missing Child Problem” notes that children counted
as “caretaker missing” or “reported missing” in
NISMART–2 were not the only children to experi-
ence episodes of interest to the study. Some children
experienced nonfamily or family abduction episodes or
runaway/thrownaway episodes but were neither missing
from their caretakers nor reported missing to authori-
ties. Examples include children who ran away to the
homes of relatives or friends, causing their caretakers
little or no concern; children who were held by family
members in known locations (e.g., an ex-spouse’s home);
and children who were abducted
by nonfamily perpetrators but
released before anyone noticed
that they were missing. These
children experienced episodes
but were not counted as missing
children.
For each of the five types of
episodes, table 7 shows the total
number of children who experi-
enced an episode, the percentage
who were classified as caretaker
missing, and the percentage who
were classified as reported miss-
ing. As the table shows, all chil-
dren who experienced missing
involuntary, lost, or injured epi-
sodes and missing benign expla-
nation episodes were classified
as caretaker missing; this is
because such episodes involve
8
NISMART
Table 5: Gender of Missing Children
Percent of
95% 95% U.S. Child
Estimated Confidence Confidence Population
Gender Total Interval* Percent Interval* (N = 70,172,700)
Caretaker Missing Children
Male 754,500 (604,200–904,800) 57 (51–64) 51
Female 561,100 (459,000–663,200) 43 (36–49) 49
Total 1,315,600 (1,131,100–1,500,100) 100 100
Reported Missing Children
Male 409,400 (290,400–528,400) 51 (42–61) 51
Female 388,000 (296,900–479,200) 49 (39–58) 49
Total 797,500 (645,400–949,500) 100 100
Note: All estimates are rounded to the nearest 100. Percents may not sum to 100 because of rounding.
* The 95-percent confidence interval indicates that if the study were repeated 100 times, 95 of the
replications would produce estimates within the ranges noted.
9. a missing child by definition.
Only a little more than half of the
children who experienced family
and nonfamily abductions and
37 percent of those who experi-
enced runaway/thrownaway
episodes, however, were included
in NISMART estimates of care-
taker missing children. For all
types of episodes except missing
benign explanation, between one-
fifth and one-third of children ex-
periencing episodes were reported
missing. (Benign explanation
episodes, by definition, involve
police contact. The percentage of
children reported missing for this
type of episode is 91 percent, not
100 percent, because some cases
were reported to the police for rea-
sons other than locating the child.)
Summary
By unifying information across
four studies, NISMART–2 pro-
vides, for the first time, annual
estimates of the number of miss-
ing children. In 1999, an estimat-
ed 1,315,600 children met the
criteria for being classified as care-
taker missing, i.e., their caretakers
did not know their whereabouts
and were alarmed for at least 1
hour while trying to locate them.
Among these missing children, an estimated 797,500
met the additional criterion for being classified as report-
ed missing, i.e., the caretaker contacted the police or a
missing children’s agency to help locate the child.
Only a fraction of 1 percent of the children who were
reported missing had not been recovered by the time
they entered the NISMART–2 study data. Thus, the
study shows that, although the number of caretaker
missing children is fairly large and a majority come to
the attention of law enforcement or missing children’s
agencies, all but a very small percentage are recovered
fairly quickly.
Most of the caretaker missing children became missing
because they ran away (48 percent) or because of benign
misunderstandings about where they should be (28 per-
cent). Together, these two reasons accounted for 84 per-
cent of all children who were reported missing. (This
estimated combined percentage was carefully developed
to count each child only once. Because some children
had more than one type of episode, the estimates in
table 3 should not be summed.) This is consistent with
the fact that about three-fourths of those who were
caretaker missing (or reported missing) were young
9
NISMART
Table 6: Race/Ethnicity of Missing Children
Percent of
95% 95% U.S. Child
Race/ Estimated Confidence Confidence Population
Ethnicity Total Interval* Percent Interval* (N = 70,172,700)
Caretaker Missing Children
White,
non-Hispanic 752,300 (624,800–879,700) 57 (51–63) 65
Black,
non-Hispanic 215,000 (140,100–289,900) 16 (11–22) 15
Hispanic 234,500 (149,100–319,800) 18 (12–24) 16
Other 107,200 (50,400–164,000) 8 (4–12) 5
No information 6,700† (<100–15,000) 1† (<1–1) —
Total 1,315,600 (1,131,100–1,500,100) 100 100
Reported Missing Children
White,
non-Hispanic 428,800 (331,500–526,100) 54 (46–62) 65
Black,
non-Hispanic 149,700 (90,100–209,400) 19 (12–26) 15
Hispanic 163,900 (88,900–238,900) 21 (13–29) 16
Other 52,100 (19,000–85,200) 7 (3–10) 5
No information 3,000† (<100–6,900) <1† (<1–1) —
Total 797,500 (645,400–949,500) 100 100
Note: All estimates are rounded to the nearest 100. Percents may not sum to 100 because of rounding.
* The 95-percent confidence interval indicates that, if the study were repeated 100 times, 95 of the replications
would produce estimates within the ranges noted.
† Estimate is based on too few sample cases to be reliable.
10. 10
NISMART
adolescents and teenagers (age 12 and older), an age
group with more independent comings and goings than
younger children and more conflicts with parents and
other caretakers. No significant gender differences were
found, but white children were at significantly lower
risk of becoming missing.
Contrary to the common assumption that abduction
is a principal reason why children become missing,
the NISMART–2 findings indicate that only a small
minority of missing children were abducted, and most
of these children were abducted by family members
(9 percent of all caretaker missing children). Close
to 3 percent of caretaker missing children were ab-
ducted by a nonfamily perpetrator; among these, an
extremely small number (90) were victims of stereo-
typical kidnapping.
Conclusion
The complexity of the concept of a missing child is evi-
dent in these data, which show that children become
missing because of a wide range of circumstances. This
complexity has implications at two levels: finding the
individual missing child and developing policies to
address the broader problem.
An analogy from the medical
domain offers context for under-
standing the implications at both
levels. The symptom of chest
pain can arise from many different
sources—some relatively minor
(indigestion, muscle sprain), some
potentially very serious (heart
attack, gall bladder attack). Only
with a differential diagnosis is it
possible to know which special-
ist to consult and how to address
the problem. Similarly, a missing
child can indicate a relatively
innocuous situation (such as a
misunderstanding about where
the child should be) or something
quite serious (a stereotypical kid-
napping). Caretakers and others
who are attempting to find an
individual missing child need to know why the child is
missing—the type of episode—in order to resolve the
crisis. Policymakers who are attempting to address the
broader problem of missing children need information
about the relative frequency of the different types of
episodes in order to develop effective strategies for
reducing the problem and design appropriately scaled
interventions. Other Bulletins in this series contribute
to the policymaking effort by providing details from
NISMART–2 about children who experienced each
type of episode.
Endnotes
1. Because of important differences in both definitions
and methodology, the NISMART–1 and NISMART–2
data and findings should not be compared directly.
2. The reference dates for some of the NISMART–2 com-
ponent studies vary because of a delay caused by pending
Federal legislation that, had it passed, would have made it
impossible to conduct the National Household Survey of
Youth, a key component of NISMART–2. In anticipation
of a quick resolution, OJJDP decided to proceed with the
Law Enforcement Study and the Juvenile Facilities Study
because neither involved interviewing youth. Had these
Table 7: Estimated Total Number of Children With Episodes and
the Percent Who Were Counted as Caretaker Missing and
Reported Missing
Total Number of
Children With Percent in Row Percent in Row
Episodes (Missing Counted as Counted as
Episode Type and Nonmissing) Caretaker Missing* Reported Missing†
Nonfamily abduction 58,200 57 21
Family abduction 203,900 57 28
Runaway/thrownaway 1,682,900 37 21
Missing involuntary,
lost, or injured 198,300 100‡ 31
Missing benign
explanation 374,700 100‡ 91
Note: These estimates cannot be added or combined. All estimates are rounded to the nearest 100.
* Whereabouts unknown to caretaker, caretaker was alarmed and tried to locate child.
† Reported to police or a missing children’s agency for purposes of locating the child.
‡ By definition, all children with episodes in this category are caretaker missing.
11. 6. The Law Enforcement Survey classified stereotypical-
ly kidnapped children as reported missing only if the
police were notified either by someone who discovered
the child was missing or by someone who witnessed
the abduction. Even in a stereotypical kidnapping, a
child may not be reported missing if no one notices
the child’s absence or if the discovery of the child’s
body is the first evidence of the episode.
Reference
Finkelhor, D., Hotaling, G., and Sedlak, A. 1990. Miss-
ing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children
in America. First Report: Numbers and Characteristics
National Incidence Studies. Washington, DC: U.S.
Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office
of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention.
This Bulletin was prepared under grant number 95–MC–CX–K004 from
the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, U.S. Depart-
ment of Justice, to Temple University.
11
NISMART
1997 studies been postponed until 1999, it is highly un-
likely that those estimates would have been statistically
different.
3. NISMART–2 Bulletins on each of the episode types
will describe the characteristics of all children who
experienced these episodes in addition to presenting
estimates of those who were counted as missing
and reported missing.
4. All information concerning the U.S. child population
reflects the average monthly estimate for the popula-
tion ages 0–17 in 1999, as computed from the U.S.
Census Bureau’s National Monthly Population Esti-
mates (Monthly Postcensal Resident Population, by
Single Year of Age, Sex, Race, and Hispanic Origin,
eire.census.gov/popest/archives/national/nat_90s_detail/
nat_90s_1.php).
5. The category included only 40 missing children who
had been stereotypically kidnapped and killed (an estimat-
ed 35) or were still missing (approximately 5) at the time
of the study interviews. Information about the child’s
recovery or return was unknown for an estimated 300
children, all of whom were runaways from institutions.
Although individual facilities report their runaways to
the authorities legally responsible for the youth (e.g.,
child welfare, juvenile justice, mental health), these
authorities sometimes place a recovered child in another
facility without notifying the original facility.
The Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention is a com-
ponent of the Office of Justice Programs, which also includes the
Bureau of Justice Assistance, the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the
National Institute of Justice, and the Office for Victims of Crime.
Acknowledgments
Andrea J. Sedlak, Ph.D., is Associate Director of Human Services Research at Westat, Inc.; Project Director of the NISMART–2
Unified Estimate, Juvenile Facilities Study, and Law Enforcement Study; and Advisor to the NISMART–2 Household Survey. David
Finkelhor, Ph.D., is Professor of Sociology and Director, Crimes against Children Research Center, University of New Hampshire,
and Advisor to NISMART–2. Heather Hammer, Ph.D., is a Senior Study Director at the Temple University Institute for Survey
Research, Philadelphia, PA, and Principal Investigator of NISMART–2. Dana J. Schultz, M.P.P., is a Policy Analyst at Westat, Inc.,
Operations Manager of the Juvenile Facilities Study and Law Enforcement Study, and Analyst for the Unified Estimate.
Other contributors include Louise Hanson, M.A.S., Senior Study Director at the Temple University Institute for Survey Research
and Director of Data Collection for the NISMART–2 Household Surveys; Michael K. Barr, M.A., Associate Study Director at the
Temple University Institute for Survey Research; Lorraine E. Porcellini, M.A., Sampling Department Manager at the Temple University
Institute for Survey Research; Richard Ormrod, Ph.D., Research Professor of Geography at the University of New Hampshire Crimes
against Children Research Center; G. Hussain Choudhry, Ph.D., Senior Statistician at Westat, Inc.; Svetlana Ryaboy, Statistician at
Westat, Inc.; Ying Long, Programmer at Westat, Inc.; Karol P. Krotki, Ph.D., Chief Statistician at NuStats; and Karl Landis, Ph.D.
The authors extend their appreciation to Barbara Allen-Hagen, Senior Social Analyst at OJJDP and NISMART–2 Program
Manager, for her support and guidance in every phase of this project. The authors also thank the many individuals who
responded to the NISMART–2 surveys for their cooperation and candor.
12. U.S. Department of Justice
Office of Justice Programs
Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention
Washington, DC 20531
Official Business
Penalty for Private Use $300
NCJ 196465NISMART Bulletin Series
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For Further Information
NISMART Questions and Answers, a fact
sheet, offers a straightforward introduction
to NISMART–2. It answers anticipated
questions—such as What is NISMART?
Have abductions by strangers declined
or increased? and Why can’t I compare
NISMART–1 statistics with NISMART–2
statistics?—to help explain NISMART’s
purpose, methodology, and findings.
Other Bulletins in the NISMART series
provide more detailed information on
the specific types of episodes studied—
nonfamily abduction (including stereo-
typical kidnapping), family abduction,
and runaway/thrownaway.
All NISMART-related publications are avail-
able at OJJDP’s Web site, ojjdp.ncjrs.org.
Want to know more about the issues in this Bulletin or
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