This document discusses political party financing and its implications in Malawi. It notes that political parties rely on various sources of funding, including government funding allocated based on election results, membership contributions, donations from anonymous individuals and organizations, and payments from businesses. However, it expresses concerns that without proper regulation, this funding can be abused and lead to corruption. The document calls for reforms such as enacting legislation to regulate political party financing and establishing independent oversight of the process.
Nigerian Companies and the Prohibition on Political Donations: A Paradigmatic...IJAEMSJORNAL
Democratic rule is generally acclaimed as a better form of governance, but its operation does not appear to come cheap. This is especially so in Nigeria where new democratic dispensations are heralded by expensive electioneering campaigns. The funds for these campaigns are sourced from willing donors or through subtle coercion. Corporate organizations are easy prey to politicians. This paper is provoked by the frequency and blatancy with which corporate organizations in Nigeria donate to political parties and for political purposes without any sanctions despite the unambiguous prohibition in S.38 (2) of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA). This exposes the inability of the provision to halt or reduce this practice to the barest minimum and also reveals the unpopularity of the provision. The paper argued that it is not possible to completely extricate organizations from the political dynamics in their host committees and proffered some mitigating factors which will make the provision more acceptable to the people and more respected. The paper discovered normative reasons why the prohibition in S.38 (2) of CAMA is largely ignored.It therefore recommended wide ranging amendments to the provisions so as to enhance compliance, improve its enforcement strategies, reflect present day realities and align it with international best practices.
OECD Forum on Financing Democracy and Averting Policy Capture - AgendaOECD Governance
Forum to investigate the influence of money on public policies and to find ways of preventing policy capture by narrow private interests. http://www.oecd.org/gov/ethics/financing-democracy-and-averting-policy-capture-forum-2014.htm
Corporations, Module II: Policy, Lesson 3: Political ActionDuquesne University
Many laws have been passed over the years limiting the ability of corporations to participate in politics, but recent Supreme Court decisions have struck down many such laws. Corporations now enjoy new power to directly contribute to political campaigns. But has this changed politics? And, if so, for better or worse?
Safeguarding the Interests of the People Parliamentarians and Aid EffectivenessDr Lendy Spires
This publication is the result of coopera-tion between the Association of European Parliamentarians for Africa (AWEPA) and Mokoro Consulting in early 2009. It was written upon completion of the first phase of the programme Engaging Parliamentar-ians in the Aid Effectiveness Debate, which was co-funded by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) and the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Tech-nische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) on behalf of the Government of the Federal Repub-lic of Germany. The content of the booklet draws upon AWEPA’s experience over the past year in supporting and monitoring par-liamentary involvement in the OECD-led (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) reform of the interna-tional aid architecture. It has been drafted at the request of African parliamentarians from across the continent, who have made it a priority to become more involved in this process- a process from which they have often been marginalized or overlooked. It aims to give those new to the subject an overview of the technical background of aid delivery, bring to light what is expected of partner country parliamentarians as a re-sult of their government’s commitment to the 2005 Paris Declaration and the 2008 Accra Agenda for Action (AAA), and open the doors for proactive parliamentarians to make a difference in effective aid delivery. It is also hoped that this booklet will set par-liamentarians in Europe and Africa alike on the path towards the realisation of the vi-sion outlined by Professor Turok (MP South Introduction “If we have a team of two donor country parlia-mentarians, well informed, backed with documents, meeting with a team of partner country parliamentar-ians to check where donor funding has actually gone, we will come closer to the answers. They will work to capture the answers to all the right questions: how much was spent? What was done? And what were the mecha-nisms involved? Any discrepancies in these answers can then be raised with the Minister of Finance at home. In the name of transparency, these results should be pre-sented in a press conference providing citizens across the globe with the information they’ve been asking for. Ideally, participating MPs would then travel to the do-nor country and discuss future ODA priorities for their country along with donor MPs and Donor Development Agencies.” –Ben Turok, MP South Africa, 2009
Nigerian Companies and the Prohibition on Political Donations: A Paradigmatic...IJAEMSJORNAL
Democratic rule is generally acclaimed as a better form of governance, but its operation does not appear to come cheap. This is especially so in Nigeria where new democratic dispensations are heralded by expensive electioneering campaigns. The funds for these campaigns are sourced from willing donors or through subtle coercion. Corporate organizations are easy prey to politicians. This paper is provoked by the frequency and blatancy with which corporate organizations in Nigeria donate to political parties and for political purposes without any sanctions despite the unambiguous prohibition in S.38 (2) of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA). This exposes the inability of the provision to halt or reduce this practice to the barest minimum and also reveals the unpopularity of the provision. The paper argued that it is not possible to completely extricate organizations from the political dynamics in their host committees and proffered some mitigating factors which will make the provision more acceptable to the people and more respected. The paper discovered normative reasons why the prohibition in S.38 (2) of CAMA is largely ignored.It therefore recommended wide ranging amendments to the provisions so as to enhance compliance, improve its enforcement strategies, reflect present day realities and align it with international best practices.
OECD Forum on Financing Democracy and Averting Policy Capture - AgendaOECD Governance
Forum to investigate the influence of money on public policies and to find ways of preventing policy capture by narrow private interests. http://www.oecd.org/gov/ethics/financing-democracy-and-averting-policy-capture-forum-2014.htm
Corporations, Module II: Policy, Lesson 3: Political ActionDuquesne University
Many laws have been passed over the years limiting the ability of corporations to participate in politics, but recent Supreme Court decisions have struck down many such laws. Corporations now enjoy new power to directly contribute to political campaigns. But has this changed politics? And, if so, for better or worse?
Safeguarding the Interests of the People Parliamentarians and Aid EffectivenessDr Lendy Spires
This publication is the result of coopera-tion between the Association of European Parliamentarians for Africa (AWEPA) and Mokoro Consulting in early 2009. It was written upon completion of the first phase of the programme Engaging Parliamentar-ians in the Aid Effectiveness Debate, which was co-funded by the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA) and the Deutsche Gesellschaft für Tech-nische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) on behalf of the Government of the Federal Repub-lic of Germany. The content of the booklet draws upon AWEPA’s experience over the past year in supporting and monitoring par-liamentary involvement in the OECD-led (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development) reform of the interna-tional aid architecture. It has been drafted at the request of African parliamentarians from across the continent, who have made it a priority to become more involved in this process- a process from which they have often been marginalized or overlooked. It aims to give those new to the subject an overview of the technical background of aid delivery, bring to light what is expected of partner country parliamentarians as a re-sult of their government’s commitment to the 2005 Paris Declaration and the 2008 Accra Agenda for Action (AAA), and open the doors for proactive parliamentarians to make a difference in effective aid delivery. It is also hoped that this booklet will set par-liamentarians in Europe and Africa alike on the path towards the realisation of the vi-sion outlined by Professor Turok (MP South Introduction “If we have a team of two donor country parlia-mentarians, well informed, backed with documents, meeting with a team of partner country parliamentar-ians to check where donor funding has actually gone, we will come closer to the answers. They will work to capture the answers to all the right questions: how much was spent? What was done? And what were the mecha-nisms involved? Any discrepancies in these answers can then be raised with the Minister of Finance at home. In the name of transparency, these results should be pre-sented in a press conference providing citizens across the globe with the information they’ve been asking for. Ideally, participating MPs would then travel to the do-nor country and discuss future ODA priorities for their country along with donor MPs and Donor Development Agencies.” –Ben Turok, MP South Africa, 2009
Presentation by Pall Thorhallsson at the OECD Workshop on “Joint Learning for an OECD Trust Strategy” on 14 October 2013. Mr. Thorhallsson discusses the pre-crash situation, the nature of the 2008 crash, and the crash's impact on trust. He also mentions reasons for the lacking trust.
This webinar, hosted by National Safe Place and facilitated by Tammy Hopper of SouthEastern Network, will cover the basics of advocating for your agency and the clients that you serve.
This policy brief examines the timing of Turkey’s authoritarian turn using raw data measuring freedoms from the Freedom House (FH). It shows that Turkey’s authoritarian turn under the ruling AKP is not a recent phenomenon. Instead, the country’s institutional erosion – especially in terms of freedoms of expression and political pluralism – in fact began much earlier, and the losses in the earlier periods so far tend to dwarf those occurring later.
In this paper I examine the development effects of coups. I first show that coups overthrowing democratically-elected leaders imply a different kind of event than those overthrowing autocratic leaders, and that these differences relate to the implementation of authoritarian institutions following a coup in a democracy. Secondly, I address the endogeneity of coups by comparing the growth consequences of failed and successful coups as well as implementing matching and panel data methods, which yield similar results. Although coups taking place in already autocratic countries show imprecise and sometimes positive effects on economic growth, in democracies their effects are distinctly detrimental. I find no evidence that these results are symptomatic of alternative hypothesis involving the effects of failed coups or political transitions. Thirdly, when overthrowing democratic leaders, coups not only fail to promote economic reforms or stop the occurrence of economic crises and political instability, but they also have substantial negative effects across a number of standard growth-related outcomes including health, education, and investment.
Find more research publications at https://www.hhs.se/site
Arrangements by which politically connected firms receive economic favors are a common feature around the world, but little is known of the form or effects of influence in business-
government relationships. We present a simple model in which influence requires firms to provide goods of political value in exchange for economic privileges. We argue that political influence improves the business environment for selected firms, but restricts their ability to fire workers. Under these conditions, if political influence primarily lowers fixed costs over variable costs, then favored firms will be less likely to invest and their productivity will suffer, even if they earn higher profits than non-influential firms. We rely on the World Bank's Enterprise Surveys of approximately 8,000 firms in 40 developing countries, and control for a number of biases present in the data. We find that influential firms benefit from lower administrative and regulatory barriers (including bribe taxes), greater pricing power, and easier access to credit. But these firms also provide politically valuable benefits to incumbents through bloated payrolls and greater tax payments. Finally, these firms are worse-performing than their non-influential counterparts. Our results highlight a potential channel by which cronyism leads to persistent underdevelopment.
Explanations for Dierences in Levels of Investor ProtectioScott Tominaga
Although, La Porta and colleagues pointed out the importance of legal foundation for investor protection, other theories argue that legal determinants are complex. These theories suggest that the differences in the investor protection level around the world are determined by other variables, particularly important exogenous variables are those related to political economy considerations
Presentation by Pall Thorhallsson at the OECD Workshop on “Joint Learning for an OECD Trust Strategy” on 14 October 2013. Mr. Thorhallsson discusses the pre-crash situation, the nature of the 2008 crash, and the crash's impact on trust. He also mentions reasons for the lacking trust.
This webinar, hosted by National Safe Place and facilitated by Tammy Hopper of SouthEastern Network, will cover the basics of advocating for your agency and the clients that you serve.
This policy brief examines the timing of Turkey’s authoritarian turn using raw data measuring freedoms from the Freedom House (FH). It shows that Turkey’s authoritarian turn under the ruling AKP is not a recent phenomenon. Instead, the country’s institutional erosion – especially in terms of freedoms of expression and political pluralism – in fact began much earlier, and the losses in the earlier periods so far tend to dwarf those occurring later.
In this paper I examine the development effects of coups. I first show that coups overthrowing democratically-elected leaders imply a different kind of event than those overthrowing autocratic leaders, and that these differences relate to the implementation of authoritarian institutions following a coup in a democracy. Secondly, I address the endogeneity of coups by comparing the growth consequences of failed and successful coups as well as implementing matching and panel data methods, which yield similar results. Although coups taking place in already autocratic countries show imprecise and sometimes positive effects on economic growth, in democracies their effects are distinctly detrimental. I find no evidence that these results are symptomatic of alternative hypothesis involving the effects of failed coups or political transitions. Thirdly, when overthrowing democratic leaders, coups not only fail to promote economic reforms or stop the occurrence of economic crises and political instability, but they also have substantial negative effects across a number of standard growth-related outcomes including health, education, and investment.
Find more research publications at https://www.hhs.se/site
Arrangements by which politically connected firms receive economic favors are a common feature around the world, but little is known of the form or effects of influence in business-
government relationships. We present a simple model in which influence requires firms to provide goods of political value in exchange for economic privileges. We argue that political influence improves the business environment for selected firms, but restricts their ability to fire workers. Under these conditions, if political influence primarily lowers fixed costs over variable costs, then favored firms will be less likely to invest and their productivity will suffer, even if they earn higher profits than non-influential firms. We rely on the World Bank's Enterprise Surveys of approximately 8,000 firms in 40 developing countries, and control for a number of biases present in the data. We find that influential firms benefit from lower administrative and regulatory barriers (including bribe taxes), greater pricing power, and easier access to credit. But these firms also provide politically valuable benefits to incumbents through bloated payrolls and greater tax payments. Finally, these firms are worse-performing than their non-influential counterparts. Our results highlight a potential channel by which cronyism leads to persistent underdevelopment.
Explanations for Dierences in Levels of Investor ProtectioScott Tominaga
Although, La Porta and colleagues pointed out the importance of legal foundation for investor protection, other theories argue that legal determinants are complex. These theories suggest that the differences in the investor protection level around the world are determined by other variables, particularly important exogenous variables are those related to political economy considerations
Analisa Software Quality factors
-Rancang Bangun Sistem Informasi Tracking Client Studi Kasus di TV9
- Sistem Aplikasi Klasifikasi Obat dengan Metode ABC-Fuzzy
Alnefouth has more than 8 years of experience in hardware and distribution which ensures that we understand our client requirements. Our sales executives are trained professionals in their field, and show the unity under the Branch managers/supervisors which shows in our all outlets and warehouse.
This presentation by Gary Pienaar (www.idasa.org) was given at a Transparency International conference –
Zimbabwe workshop on Political Finance in the SADC Region - the South African Experience.
August 2009
See more at www.idasa.org
Ideg publication this week newsletter june 2016IDEGGhana
IDEG This Week will feature one major topical is-sue which could be considered as central to the current political discourse. This underlies the IDEG mandate, and should nourish whatever debate and discussions the article on the topical issue could generate.
Legalizing Political financing and Political Parties--Whereforth Belize?
In Belize, Political parties are necessary organizations to source leaders for the ballot paper. However, to date, there are no laws to govern political parties that are tasked with such important pursuits as leadership of governance in a country of people. Political parties are not perceived as NGOs or businesses or partnerships, but they exist. Election financing to maintain a political party between elections, to contest elections and successfully bring a political party into power has become extremely exorbitant. However, a political party cannot finance itself through membership subscriptions, so where does the financing come from?
How Political Parties in Foreign Countries Take Election DonationsVoterMood
it has been customary in many American and European nations to disclose the source and amount of funds received by political parties. In 2014, several European countries passed laws governing political party fundraising, such as donation caps and the requirement for timely disclosure of big contributions.
Jennifer Schaus and Associates hosts a complimentary webinar series on The FAR in 2024. Join the webinars on Wednesdays and Fridays at noon, eastern.
Recordings are on YouTube and the company website.
https://www.youtube.com/@jenniferschaus/videos
Many ways to support street children.pptxSERUDS INDIA
By raising awareness, providing support, advocating for change, and offering assistance to children in need, individuals can play a crucial role in improving the lives of street children and helping them realize their full potential
Donate Us
https://serudsindia.org/how-individuals-can-support-street-children-in-india/
#donatefororphan, #donateforhomelesschildren, #childeducation, #ngochildeducation, #donateforeducation, #donationforchildeducation, #sponsorforpoorchild, #sponsororphanage #sponsororphanchild, #donation, #education, #charity, #educationforchild, #seruds, #kurnool, #joyhome
Russian anarchist and anti-war movement in the third year of full-scale warAntti Rautiainen
Anarchist group ANA Regensburg hosted my online-presentation on 16th of May 2024, in which I discussed tactics of anti-war activism in Russia, and reasons why the anti-war movement has not been able to make an impact to change the course of events yet. Cases of anarchists repressed for anti-war activities are presented, as well as strategies of support for political prisoners, and modest successes in supporting their struggles.
Thumbnail picture is by MediaZona, you may read their report on anti-war arson attacks in Russia here: https://en.zona.media/article/2022/10/13/burn-map
Links:
Autonomous Action
http://Avtonom.org
Anarchist Black Cross Moscow
http://Avtonom.org/abc
Solidarity Zone
https://t.me/solidarity_zone
Memorial
https://memopzk.org/, https://t.me/pzk_memorial
OVD-Info
https://en.ovdinfo.org/antiwar-ovd-info-guide
RosUznik
https://rosuznik.org/
Uznik Online
http://uznikonline.tilda.ws/
Russian Reader
https://therussianreader.com/
ABC Irkutsk
https://abc38.noblogs.org/
Send mail to prisoners from abroad:
http://Prisonmail.online
YouTube: https://youtu.be/c5nSOdU48O8
Spotify: https://podcasters.spotify.com/pod/show/libertarianlifecoach/episodes/Russian-anarchist-and-anti-war-movement-in-the-third-year-of-full-scale-war-e2k8ai4
A process server is a authorized person for delivering legal documents, such as summons, complaints, subpoenas, and other court papers, to peoples involved in legal proceedings.
Presentation by Jared Jageler, David Adler, Noelia Duchovny, and Evan Herrnstadt, analysts in CBO’s Microeconomic Studies and Health Analysis Divisions, at the Association of Environmental and Resource Economists Summer Conference.
Understanding the Challenges of Street ChildrenSERUDS INDIA
By raising awareness, providing support, advocating for change, and offering assistance to children in need, individuals can play a crucial role in improving the lives of street children and helping them realize their full potential
Donate Us
https://serudsindia.org/how-individuals-can-support-street-children-in-india/
#donatefororphan, #donateforhomelesschildren, #childeducation, #ngochildeducation, #donateforeducation, #donationforchildeducation, #sponsorforpoorchild, #sponsororphanage #sponsororphanchild, #donation, #education, #charity, #educationforchild, #seruds, #kurnool, #joyhome
Up the Ratios Bylaws - a Comprehensive Process of Our Organizationuptheratios
Up the Ratios is a non-profit organization dedicated to bridging the gap in STEM education for underprivileged students by providing free, high-quality learning opportunities in robotics and other STEM fields. Our mission is to empower the next generation of innovators, thinkers, and problem-solvers by offering a range of educational programs that foster curiosity, creativity, and critical thinking.
At Up the Ratios, we believe that every student, regardless of their socio-economic background, should have access to the tools and knowledge needed to succeed in today's technology-driven world. To achieve this, we host a variety of free classes, workshops, summer camps, and live lectures tailored to students from underserved communities. Our programs are designed to be engaging and hands-on, allowing students to explore the exciting world of robotics and STEM through practical, real-world applications.
Our free classes cover fundamental concepts in robotics, coding, and engineering, providing students with a strong foundation in these critical areas. Through our interactive workshops, students can dive deeper into specific topics, working on projects that challenge them to apply what they've learned and think creatively. Our summer camps offer an immersive experience where students can collaborate on larger projects, develop their teamwork skills, and gain confidence in their abilities.
In addition to our local programs, Up the Ratios is committed to making a global impact. We take donations of new and gently used robotics parts, which we then distribute to students and educational institutions in other countries. These donations help ensure that young learners worldwide have the resources they need to explore and excel in STEM fields. By supporting education in this way, we aim to nurture a global community of future leaders and innovators.
Our live lectures feature guest speakers from various STEM disciplines, including engineers, scientists, and industry professionals who share their knowledge and experiences with our students. These lectures provide valuable insights into potential career paths and inspire students to pursue their passions in STEM.
Up the Ratios relies on the generosity of donors and volunteers to continue our work. Contributions of time, expertise, and financial support are crucial to sustaining our programs and expanding our reach. Whether you're an individual passionate about education, a professional in the STEM field, or a company looking to give back to the community, there are many ways to get involved and make a difference.
We are proud of the positive impact we've had on the lives of countless students, many of whom have gone on to pursue higher education and careers in STEM. By providing these young minds with the tools and opportunities they need to succeed, we are not only changing their futures but also contributing to the advancement of technology and innovation on a broader scale.
2. Role of Political Parties in the May, 2014
elections.
Political party financing & its implications
Forward looking
3. Mobilisation for voter registration
Mobilisation for voters’ roll verification
Deployment of candidates
Campaigns
Participation in debates
Monitoring of the polls
CMD-MEC periodic interface meetings
Voter education, of course with a bias
Contributions during NECOF meetings
Signing of agreements, commitments, with
different stakeholders
Party tallying centres
4. Government funding: “the State shall provide
funds so as to ensure that, during the life of
any Parliament, any party which has secured
more than one-tenth of the national vote in
elections to that Parliament has sufficient
funds to continue to represent its
constituency”(Section 40 {2})
Membership contributions
5. Public Account # 1 & Benefits of incumbency:
(use of the public media, state security,
politicisation of development programmes
and projects, cash and material handouts, etc
Illustrative expressions:
Woyenga mafuta satuwa!
The tree that grows on the edges of the river
never wither !!!!
6. Donations from anonymous “well-wishers,”
e.g. individuals and organisations.
Political payments & business companies: In
this regard, companies and business
enterprises are forced to finance political
parties. These are forms of political
investments usually without written contracts,
hence not easily enforceable by the courts.
7. In Malawi, the PPRRA has no specific
provisions regarding political party financing
and regulation.
However, currently there is a draft Bill being
championed by the Centre for Multiparty
Democracy. The bill has provisions in relation
to political party financing and regulation.
8. Abuses of the public funds by incumbent parties. In
the absence of proper legislation, incumbent parties
are a threat to the safety of the public purse.
Solution???? One presidential candidate had this:
Abolish Account # 1 and Decentralise!!!!!!!!
Once upon a time, Hon. Mark Katsonga Phiri, the PPM
President said, “ there are no big or small political
parties in Malawi. Political parties grow when they
are in government” (Interview on 09/04/2014,
Blantyre).
These abuses easily lead to a bizarre situation where
there is a rich party running a poor government.
9. “ Such a regime does not go very far.
It cannot halt the process of its own
contradictions. Since the bourgeoisie, i.e. the
elite , has not the economic means to ensure
domination and throw a few crumbs to the
rest of the country; and since moreover, it is
pre-occupied with filling its pockets as rapidly
as possible, the country sinks all the more deeply
into stagnation”. (Frantz Fanon, 1961)
10. Donations from anonymous individuals,
organisations, companies to political parties
mainly during elections are a common
source of revenue. But this too has its own
risks particularly where there are weak or no
legal and institutional regulatory
mechanisms.
11. The Trojan Horse
“ Timeo Danaos et dona
ferentes,” I fear the Greeks
even when they bring gifts.
12. Tax reduction
Tax exemptions
Access to lucrative government contracts,
e.g. construction, supplies, mineral
exploration rights, etc
Public utility franchises
Protection against import competition, and
any other favours a friendly government
can confer.
13. Donations to political parties when not
regulated pose a risk to national economy as
well as security.
In terms of security, State becomes
vulnerable to a takeover by undesirable local
or foreign interests because political parties
easily become their proxies.
14. Public inquiry/investigation: party financing is
just one of the many aspects of the just
ended elections. It could be desirable to
consider a public inquiry into the whole
management of the process including
financing of political parties. Results of such
an endeavour could help in institutional and
legal reforms including the law on party
financing.
15. Institutionalisation of party monitors: Political
parties might have to consider establishing
the positions of party monitors in their
organisational structures to ensure more
commitment and professionalism. The ad hoc
manner in which they are often picked does
not bring adequate returns to the party and
the nation at large.
16. Formalisation of membership contributions to
political parties to ensure sustainable
financial base for parties.
Lobby for the enactment of the current draft
Bill on the Political Party Registration and
Regulation. This has potential to reduce the
risks that have been cited earlier in the
discussions
17. Business investments: Political parties might
consider establishing special semi-autonomous
entities to champion business
investments such as in transport, real estate,
etc. An interesting lesson could be learnt
from the MCP initiative in the early/mid
1990s when they established transport
company-Tilipo.
Caution: This could be practical where
political parties are not personalised.
18. Establishment of political foundations: Fifty
years after independence, it is time political
parties started to think of establishing
foundations. These are critical in (a)
resources mobilisation from like-minded
political establishments elsewhere, (b)
entrenchment of party ideologies, (c) capacity
building of the party membership, (d)
research and publication of party ideas and
ideals, (e) creation of local and international
partnerships.