This paper critically examines Latvian media policy from the point of view
of public value theory, regarding the management of public service media. Since
1992, Latvian Television (LTV, 1954) and Latvian Radio (LR, 1925) officially, i.e. according to law, are independent public service media organisations, and consequently
two legal entities. In fact LTV and LR are two state enterprises with one supervising
council (five members) elected by parliament according to political proportionality
– National Electronic Mass Media Council (the NEPLP). Since 2011, the Latvian
government has been slowly deciding plans for the reform and creation of a unified
PSM corporation, not just a PSB, i.e. including not only radio and TV broadcasting
but a multimedia approach, especially on the Internet platform, due to media convergence. Political decisions of government and parliament for the above-mentioned
intent are still wanted. Also, an initiative by LTV and NEPLP to
Роль суспільних мовників у медіа-середовищі, що постійно змінюєтьсяFund for Good Politics
Промова Вільяма Хорслі (William Horsley), представника Асоціації європейських журналістів (AEJ) у галузі медіа-свободи. Доповідь на конференції «Свобода слова та ЗМІ в регіоні Західних Балкан і Туреччини», Брюссель, 6 травня 2011 року
Роль суспільних мовників у медіа-середовищі, що постійно змінюєтьсяFund for Good Politics
Промова Вільяма Хорслі (William Horsley), представника Асоціації європейських журналістів (AEJ) у галузі медіа-свободи. Доповідь на конференції «Свобода слова та ЗМІ в регіоні Західних Балкан і Туреччини», Брюссель, 6 травня 2011 року
Community radio (CR), which is known in France as “radio associative” and previously “free radio” or “pirate radio”, is “non-profit, open to or accountable to the community that they serve and mainly staffed by volunteers” . So it has to be distinguished from French commercial CR even if it shares some common features. And it constitutes an important, dynamic and highly diverse part of the world’s media landscape.
Media audiovizualne. konflikt regulacyjny w dobie cyfryzacji a book reviewMichal
The book under review here is entitled Audiovisual Media: regulatory conflict in
the digitalisation era by Katarzyna Chalubinska- Jentkiewicz. As the title suggests,
I expected it to be a monograph on new regulatory problems in the increasingly
digital audiovisual field. The sector itself is well known to cause competence conflicts
between the as many as three different regulatory bodies overseeing it in Poland: the
national telecoms regulator (the UKE President), the audiovisual media supervisory
body (the KRRiT) and the competition authority (the UOKiK President). The impact
of the European Commission can also not be overlooked. The book does indeed
deal in great detail with what is seen as the ‘regulatory conflict’ in the audiovisual
field but the approach applied therein is that of the theory of administration and
administrative/constitutional law rather than that of market regulation. As a result,
the analysis focuses primarily on the perceived ‘conflict’ between Poland’s interests
and regulatory competences and the impact exercised by the European Union as
a whole, rather than on any existing or potential internal conflicts. Key to the entire
analysis is the contraposition of the notion of ‘public interest of a nation’ (State) and
the ‘general interest of the EU’ whereby the special characteristics of ‘national’ public
interest are associated with the notion of ‘public morality’ and also, ‘public mission’.
Media Reforms in Sri Lanka - Highlights of a Rapid Assessment by Nalaka Gunaw...Nalaka Gunawardene
Media Development in Sri Lanka: Highlights of a Rapid Assessment is the plenary presentation by Nalaka Gunawardene, media development consultant, to the Sri Lanka National Media Summit on Media Reforms held in Colombo on 13 May 2015.
This was a national level event jointly convened by the Ministry of Mass Media, Sri Lanka Press Institute, University of Colombo and International Media Support, to discuss broad-ranging policy, legal and institutional reforms needed in Lankan media.
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic
aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic
changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between
two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development
of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance
to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in
Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government’s support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government.
Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed
by the Polish MFA, to the recipients’ respective needs and the current situation in
Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts
of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation
between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media
which play an important role in democratization processes.
Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish Development Cooperation ProgramPaulina Pospieszna
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government's support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government. Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed by the Polish MFA, to the recipients' respective needs and the current situation in Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media which play an important role in democratization processes.
Introduction to Public Library
Origin and Growth :- World, India
Definition of PL
Forerunner of modern PLs
Growth of PL as Social Institution
Important features of a PL
PL’s commitment to the society
Agencies in promotion & development of PLs in India
State’s PL Act
Types of PL Act
NAPLIS
Model PL Bills/Acts in India
Structure of PL & Information system
The management of PLs
PL Standards
Challenges and problems for future PL system
This profile was prepared and updated by Mr. Ghenadie SONTU (Chisinau).
It is based on official and non-official sources addressing current cultural policy issues.
The opinions expressed in this profile are those of the author and are not
official statements of the government or of the Compendium editors.
Additional national cultural policy profiles are available on:
http://www.culturalpolicies.net
MAIN TRENDS IN MEDIA COVERAGE OF SOCIOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN UKRAINE IN 2014-...DonbassFullAccess
The report outlines main trends in the coverage of socio-political news by Ukrainian TV-channels, including those undergoing the reform into public broadcasters, along with the impact on the newsroom editorial policy by the political environment and interests of media owners. Special attention was paid to the assessment of Russian propaganda media and main trends in their reporting about the events in Ukraine.
Media Reforms in Sri Lanka - Some Big Picture Ideas by Nalaka GunawardeneNalaka Gunawardene
Talk given by science writer and media researcher Nalaka Gunawardene to the Sri Lanka Media Reform Working Goup, at its first meeting held at Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI), Colombo, on 20 March 2015. The group will prepare for National Summit on Media Reforms to be held in mid May 2015.
In this talk, Nalaka looks at four facets of Lankan media -- owners, advertisers, practitioners and consumers -- and identifies some reform needs in each.
A Digital Eurovision for European UnionRene Summer
A Digital Eurovision for the European Union – the next step for European Public Service Broadcasting without frontiers. Why and how we must increase the availability of public service broadcasting to the widest Pan-European use.
This paper aims to initiate a discussion in Europe about the future of mass media in relation to the possibilities that can be achieved through technological development and policy innovation to stimulate the rise of a Pan-European identity across the European Union. By classifying current affairs reporting (news, current affairs and documentaries) produced by/for public service broadcasters (PSB) to fall within the definition of Open Government Data, European policy makers will unlock access to a wealth of European PSB content for European citizens, journalists and new start-ups to access, interact with, aggregate and disseminate. Such policy innovation not only comes with the already acknowledged economic benefits associated with open data and data-driven innovation; it also helps stimulate the creation of a strong Pan-European identity through increased Pan-European access to national stories, news and identity projections.
Community radio (CR), which is known in France as “radio associative” and previously “free radio” or “pirate radio”, is “non-profit, open to or accountable to the community that they serve and mainly staffed by volunteers” . So it has to be distinguished from French commercial CR even if it shares some common features. And it constitutes an important, dynamic and highly diverse part of the world’s media landscape.
Media audiovizualne. konflikt regulacyjny w dobie cyfryzacji a book reviewMichal
The book under review here is entitled Audiovisual Media: regulatory conflict in
the digitalisation era by Katarzyna Chalubinska- Jentkiewicz. As the title suggests,
I expected it to be a monograph on new regulatory problems in the increasingly
digital audiovisual field. The sector itself is well known to cause competence conflicts
between the as many as three different regulatory bodies overseeing it in Poland: the
national telecoms regulator (the UKE President), the audiovisual media supervisory
body (the KRRiT) and the competition authority (the UOKiK President). The impact
of the European Commission can also not be overlooked. The book does indeed
deal in great detail with what is seen as the ‘regulatory conflict’ in the audiovisual
field but the approach applied therein is that of the theory of administration and
administrative/constitutional law rather than that of market regulation. As a result,
the analysis focuses primarily on the perceived ‘conflict’ between Poland’s interests
and regulatory competences and the impact exercised by the European Union as
a whole, rather than on any existing or potential internal conflicts. Key to the entire
analysis is the contraposition of the notion of ‘public interest of a nation’ (State) and
the ‘general interest of the EU’ whereby the special characteristics of ‘national’ public
interest are associated with the notion of ‘public morality’ and also, ‘public mission’.
Media Reforms in Sri Lanka - Highlights of a Rapid Assessment by Nalaka Gunaw...Nalaka Gunawardene
Media Development in Sri Lanka: Highlights of a Rapid Assessment is the plenary presentation by Nalaka Gunawardene, media development consultant, to the Sri Lanka National Media Summit on Media Reforms held in Colombo on 13 May 2015.
This was a national level event jointly convened by the Ministry of Mass Media, Sri Lanka Press Institute, University of Colombo and International Media Support, to discuss broad-ranging policy, legal and institutional reforms needed in Lankan media.
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic
aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic
changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between
two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development
of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance
to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in
Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government’s support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government.
Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed
by the Polish MFA, to the recipients’ respective needs and the current situation in
Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts
of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation
between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media
which play an important role in democratization processes.
Supporting new media in Ukraine through Polish Development Cooperation ProgramPaulina Pospieszna
After the relatively successful system transformation, some young democratic countries from Central and Eastern Europe which used to receive democratic aid in the 1980s and 90s have engaged as new donors in assisting pro-democratic changes in other post-communist countries. The donor-recipient relations between two post-communist countries can be observed on the example of the development of cooperation between Poland and Ukraine. This paper deals with Polish assistance to new media in Ukraine in from 2007-2017 as a part of supporting democracy in Ukraine under the Polish Cooperation Development Program. Firstly, this work examines whether the Polish government's support of Ukrainian media as part of cooperation development will be sustained regardless of changes in the Polish government. Secondly, the paper explores whether Polish NGOs tailor their projects, financed by the Polish MFA, to the recipients' respective needs and the current situation in Ukraine. By examining Polish media assistance, the authors aim to explain the efforts of the new donor in developing media in a partner country, emphasizing the relation between the involvement of external actors and the presence of independent media which play an important role in democratization processes.
Introduction to Public Library
Origin and Growth :- World, India
Definition of PL
Forerunner of modern PLs
Growth of PL as Social Institution
Important features of a PL
PL’s commitment to the society
Agencies in promotion & development of PLs in India
State’s PL Act
Types of PL Act
NAPLIS
Model PL Bills/Acts in India
Structure of PL & Information system
The management of PLs
PL Standards
Challenges and problems for future PL system
This profile was prepared and updated by Mr. Ghenadie SONTU (Chisinau).
It is based on official and non-official sources addressing current cultural policy issues.
The opinions expressed in this profile are those of the author and are not
official statements of the government or of the Compendium editors.
Additional national cultural policy profiles are available on:
http://www.culturalpolicies.net
MAIN TRENDS IN MEDIA COVERAGE OF SOCIOPOLITICAL PROCESSES IN UKRAINE IN 2014-...DonbassFullAccess
The report outlines main trends in the coverage of socio-political news by Ukrainian TV-channels, including those undergoing the reform into public broadcasters, along with the impact on the newsroom editorial policy by the political environment and interests of media owners. Special attention was paid to the assessment of Russian propaganda media and main trends in their reporting about the events in Ukraine.
Media Reforms in Sri Lanka - Some Big Picture Ideas by Nalaka GunawardeneNalaka Gunawardene
Talk given by science writer and media researcher Nalaka Gunawardene to the Sri Lanka Media Reform Working Goup, at its first meeting held at Sri Lanka Press Institute (SLPI), Colombo, on 20 March 2015. The group will prepare for National Summit on Media Reforms to be held in mid May 2015.
In this talk, Nalaka looks at four facets of Lankan media -- owners, advertisers, practitioners and consumers -- and identifies some reform needs in each.
A Digital Eurovision for European UnionRene Summer
A Digital Eurovision for the European Union – the next step for European Public Service Broadcasting without frontiers. Why and how we must increase the availability of public service broadcasting to the widest Pan-European use.
This paper aims to initiate a discussion in Europe about the future of mass media in relation to the possibilities that can be achieved through technological development and policy innovation to stimulate the rise of a Pan-European identity across the European Union. By classifying current affairs reporting (news, current affairs and documentaries) produced by/for public service broadcasters (PSB) to fall within the definition of Open Government Data, European policy makers will unlock access to a wealth of European PSB content for European citizens, journalists and new start-ups to access, interact with, aggregate and disseminate. Such policy innovation not only comes with the already acknowledged economic benefits associated with open data and data-driven innovation; it also helps stimulate the creation of a strong Pan-European identity through increased Pan-European access to national stories, news and identity projections.
Public broadcasting: ukrainian history (1997-2012)Лєра Лауда
О потенциале общественного вещания как перспективного инструмента сбалансирования медиасобственности в Украине. Презентация в рамках конференции "Прозрачность медиасобсвенности в странах Восточного партнерства и Турции", Варшава (25.09.2013). Детальнее - mymedia.org.ua
Presentatiob by Dr. Frank W. Heuberger
Board Member for European Affairs,
National Network for Civil Society (BBE), Germany at the NCVO Annual Conference 2011.
The European Union (EU) and Civil Society: why bother? (workshop)
Communication tools with residents in Polish municipalities with cohabitation...Przegląd Politologiczny
The paper describes the tools for communication with residents used by municipalities. The
basis for paper preparation was qualitative (extended interviews) and quantitative (a question chosen
from a questionnaire) research conducted within a selected group of municipalities with cohabitation
during the term of office between 2014 and 2018. The aim of the paper is to determine whether and what
kind of tools for communication with residents are applied by municipal authorities. How effective are
these tools? Does cohabitation type: conflict or peaceful, influence the channel through which residents
acquire information? What impact will the changes introduced in 2018 in self-government law (the
goal was, among others, to broaden the transparency of self-government work) have on the methods of
communication with residents used by the authorities?
Similar to Latvian public service broadcasting (PSB) at a media policy crossroads on the path to public service media (PSM) (20)
This paper aims to examine the activity of the Mamy Głos Foundation [We
have a voice], an organization founded in 2015 by junior high school students from
a handful of towns in Poland. For this purpose, a review of available materials about
this organization will be carried out and information will be collected using in-depth
interviews with the founders of the organization. The main research question concerns
the motivation behind young people’s activity in the foundation, the methods used to
achieve the goals of the organization and its founders’ profiles. Their activity will be
presented in the context of political activism among young people, including gender
differentiation.
The United Kingdom joined the EEC/EU in 1973. Its membership has been
one of the thorniest issues in British politics over the last forty-five years. The United
Kingdom was one of the most Euroskeptic member states in the EU. The ‘added
value’ brought by London to the EU was the English language, which successively
supplanted French from the function of working language of the EU. English is not
only the official language of the EU (it is one of 24 official languages), but primarily
has a dominant position in the EU. It is used for communication between the EU and
the world, between European institutions and during informal meetings. The purpose
of this article is to analyze the position of English in the EU, to show its strengths, and
finally to answer the question of whether the present status of English in the EU will
remain after the UK leaves.
This article aims to identify the major cores of the 15-M Movement mindset
and explain how particular historical factors shaped it. The research problems are to identify the types of relations the movement established between the people and the ruling
elites in its political manifestos, and the sources of these discursively created relations.
The research field encompasses the content of political manifestos published between
the Spanish general election on March 9, 2008 and immediately after the demonstrations
held on May 15, 2011. To solve these problems, the research applies source analysis of
the political manifestos. These are: (1) The Manifesto of ¡Democracia Real YA!; (2) The
Manifesto of the Puerta del Sol Camp, and (3) The Manifesto “May 68 in Spain.” The
research uses the technique of relational qualitative content analysis to determine the
relations between the semantic fields of the major categories of populism, ‘the people’
and ‘the elites,’ as well as to identify the meanings formed by their co-occurrence. The
tool used is a content analysis instruction whose major assumption is to identify all the
attempts to create images of ‘the people,’ ‘the elites,’ and relations between them.
The article analyzes the structure, content, properties and effects of the
Russian-Ukrainian ‘hybrid war’ in its non-military dimension. Particular emphasis is
placed on the aspect of the information and propaganda war, as well as activities in
cyberspace. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict is described in the context of the new war
strategy of General Valery Gerasimov. Contemporary practice of hybrid actions in the
conflict in Ukraine has revealed that, for the first time, a stronger opponent, Russia,
uses the full spectrum of hybrid interaction on an opponent who is weak and unable
to defend the integrity of its territory. The military conflict of 2014 showed not only
the weakness of the Ukrainian state, but also, more importantly, the inefficiency of the
organizations responsible for ensuring international security: NATO, OSCE and the
UN. In the longer term, it should be noted that the escalation of hybrid activities in
Ukraine clearly threatens the states on the Eastern flank of the North Atlantic Alliance.
The analysis conducted refers to the problem defined in the form of questions: what
is the essence of hybrid operations? What is the nature of non-military hybrid operations? What was the course of these activities in Ukraine? How was international law
interpreted in relation to this conflict?
The article has three dimensions: methodological, theoretical, and empirical. A point of departure for the methodological remarks is a characterization of the
three main approaches in the vibrant interdisciplinary research field dealing with the
phenomenon of conspiracy theories. In this context, the content analysis method is
discussed as a promising approach to gain new data on conspiracy narratives. On the
theoretical level, the concept of conspiracy narratives is discussed in reference to the
popular understanding of the conspiracy theory. The main aim of the empirical part is
determining to what extent the media are saturated with different kinds of conspiracy
narratives. The analysis covers over 200 articles from two popular Polish news magazines (Sieci and the Polish edition of Newsweek) which occupy positions on opposite sides of the political divide in a society polarized, inter alia, by a conspiratorial
suspicion that in 2010 an airplane carrying President Lech Kaczyński on board was
deliberately crashed in Russia.
: The main goal of the studies described in this article may be defined as an
analysis of the promotional processes of regional and traditional products executed with
the use of symbols regulated by European law: Traditional Speciality Guaranteed (TSG),
Protected Designation of Origin (PDO) and Protected Geographical Indication (PGI).
The analysis presented here and the trends in promotional activities deducted from
it, primarily result from the specifics of the goods. The shape of the information system is also influenced by social and cultural factors decisive for the recognizability
and renown of the products, which have been confirmed by the results of the questionnaire conducted for the study. What is worth noting is the correlation between quality
and tradition, reflected, among other things, in declarations regarding the reasons for
the choice of these products: the sense of pride and the willingness to continue the
traditions were chosen by 45% of the survey participants. The Traditional Speciality
Guaranteed (TSG) has proven to be the most recognizable European symbol (38%).
This paper looks at the proposals of the European Commission for the
Multiannual Financial Framework 2021–2027, and explores how to achieve a better
future for Europe by ensuring compliance with the legally binding values and objectives of the EU: democracy, equality, the rule of law, economic, social and territorial
cohesion and solidarity between the member states.
It is argued that introducing progressivity, a reform of the EU’s finances involving
a paradigm shift in the financing of policies with redistributive effects and a reform of
the system of the EU’s ‘own resources,’ would ensure that solidarity becomes a matter
of the rule of law and not of governance through conditionalities and fines.
It is pointed out that, unless the EU undertakes an effective reform of its redistributive policies to ensure that progressivity and solidarity in the EU become a matter
of the rule of law, the Union will bear less and less resemblance to a democracy and
will increasingly look like an empire with an economically stronger and more rapidly
developing ‘core,’ and an economically weaker ‘periphery’ in the East and the South
lagging behind the ‘core.’
What is needed is collective action by the member states most immediately interested in a reform to make the system of EU’s ‘own resources’ less regressive and to
introduce progressivity in the financing of the policies of the EU. It would take significant skill for those countries to organize themselves as a group and to act together
in the course of the adoption of the legislative proposals for the next MFF in order to
make the EU more equitable.
Contemporary diplomacy has evolved into a network involving various
new actors, including international sports organizations. The article is dedicated to the
issue of the sports diplomacy of international bodies which are in charge of international sporting competitions, particularly the International Federation of Association
Football (FIFA), an organization that manages football on a global level.
The research presented in this article is a case study dedicated to the issue of the
influence of international sports organizations on the governments of sovereign states,
specifically FIFA. The objective of the research is to investigate whether international
sports organizations are able to make governments change their political decisions.
The hypothesis that has been investigated states that international sports governing
bodies are diplomatic actors capable of influencing states.
One of the first laws adopted by the new political leadership in Ukraine
in the aftermath of the Revolution of Dignity in 2014 was the new concept of local
governance reform and the organization of territorial authority in Ukraine. The aforementioned law, as well as official declarations by top politicians on the necessity of
empowering Ukrainian citizens to take part in the decision-making process and shape
their local communities, led to positive expectations regarding the transformation of
local governance in Ukraine. Therefore, this article addresses the issue of the legal
basis framing the functioning of civil society in Ukraine, focusing on major attempts
to conduct reform and on the main outcomes of implemented actions. Additionally,
emphasis is placed on the current state of cooperation between social and political
actors, and the trends in civil participation in the decision-making process regarding
decentralization and local governance reform in Ukraine.
Lobbying, understood as all actions performed by or on behalf of interest
groups directed at influencing of the process of policy formation and implementation,
occurs in every political regime. The article examines whether the illiberal type of
democracy that exists in Hungary (2010–2014) exerts an influence on the effectiveness of lobbying control.
Illiberal democracy differs from liberal democracy with regard to five systemic core
principles, such as the rule of law, government control and accountability, the integrity
of political elites, media freedom and civil rights and protection of minorities. This
article shows that all of these systemic criteria constituting illiberal democracy were
met in Hungary between 2010–2014. Examination of the case of Hungary with regard
to lobbying control suggests that illiberal democracy had diminished the effectiveness
of lobbying control in this country.
The article is based on an analysis of national and European legal acts,
documents and source literature and its aim is to describe education and information
in consumer policy in Poland. The protection of consumer rights within the scope
of information and education is presented as a prime objective of the consumer policy strategy of the European Union and government programs of consumer policy
in Poland. Certain aspects of information and education policy of the government
are investigated, which are included in the Consumer Policy Strategy 2014–2018.
The competencies of consumer authorities in the institutional context are thoroughly
discussed in terms of education and information in Poland. Moreover, the consumer
identity of information and education policy between Poland and the European Union
is indicated.
Agrarianism was founded in Germany in the second half of the nineteenth
century, but it exercised the greatest influence in the predominantly agricultural countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Central European agrarianism was the ideology
of peasants and it proclaimed that land was the greatest wealth of the nation, agriculture was the most important branch of economy, and peasants were the morally
healthiest and thus the most valuable part of the society. Agrarianism was a personalist
ideology, which proclaimed a conception of man as a subject of social and economic
life. It criticized both extreme liberalism and totalitarian political ideology and advocated the concept of a ‘third way of development’ – between capitalism and communism. The main purpose of this paper is to analyze the formation and development
of Polish agrarianism, and the related process of transfer and reception of knowledge.
The analysis focuses on the concept of land, man and labor, formulated by the representatives of the mainstream of agrarianism. In the 1930s, the Polish agrarians voiced
demands for land reform and the development of smallholder agriculture which, in
their opinion, made an optimal use of the land, capital and labor, that is, the most
important resources available to interwar Poland.
Using a proprietary computer program, simulations of voting in the Council
after Great Britain’s withdrawal from the EU were carried out. In the case of some of
them, a methodological innovation consisting in departing from the assumption that
the emergence of each possible coalition is equally probable was used. The analysis
conducted indicates that after Brexit the ability of the Council members to form small
minimally blocking coalitions will change significantly. At the same time, the assessment of the ability of states to block decisions in the Council and made on the basis
of the Preventive Power Index, differs fundamentally from the results of the analysis
focusing on building small minimally blocking coalitions.
This research is funded by the National Science Centre, Poland, under project no.
UMO-2016/23/D/HS5/00408 (SONATA 12 grant) entitled “The Impact of Brexit and
Unconditional Introduction of the ‘Double Majority’ Voting System on DecisionMaking in the Council of the European Union.”
Teoretycy i praktycy storytellingu koncentrują się zazwyczaj na formalnych właściwościach przekazu, upatrując klucza do jego perswazyjnej skuteczności w realizacji strukturalnych cech opowiadania. Niniejszy artykuł kładzie natomiast
nacisk na poznawczy aspekt relacji komunikat-odbiorca, upatrując w nim ważnego
czynnika determinującego siłę perswazyjnego oddziaływania storytellingu. W pierwszej części tekst analizuje psychologiczne przesłanki skuteczności perswazyjnej narracyjnego komunikatu. Część kolejna stanowi teoretyczną propozycję w jaki sposób
zwiększyć skuteczność jego oddziaływania, uwzględniając budowę, właściwości
i funkcje schematów poznawczych oraz w oparciu o model poznawczych reakcji na
perswazję.
The author examines the nexus between international law and the concept
of human security that emerged in the 1990s. The article proceeds in three parts. Part
one outlines the concept of human security, its genesis and contents. Part two examines the nexus between human security and international law and briefly considers the
most representative aspects of international law, including international jurisprudence,
that, in the author’s opinion, reflect human security imperatives. Finally, conclusions
provide answers to the questions posed and indicate the increased value of the human
security concept. The questions read as follows: How can human security strengthen
international actions (actions based on international law)? Where in international law
is human security reflected? In other words, what aspects of international law reflect
a human security-centered approach? What is the role of international law in human
security? Taking all this into account, what is the added value of adopting the concept
of human security? This article is inevitably interdisciplinary, as it combines the perspectives of international law and international relations.
Najważniejszą barierą rozwoju małych i średnich przedsiębiorstw
(MŚP) jest ograniczony dostęp do źródeł finansowania. W fazie startu wykorzystują
one zwykle środki własne, rodziny i przyjaciół. Następnie zaś sięgają one po kredyt bankowy, którego otrzymanie jest trudne ze względu na brak historii finansowej,
gwarancji i ekonomiczną ich słabość. Nieliczne mogą korzystać z grantów rządowych i wsparcia międzynarodowych organizacji (np. Unii Europejskiej). Pomocnymi mogą być alternatywne źródła finansowania takie jak venture capital, mezzanine,
crowdfunding, emisja obligacji oraz publiczna emisja akcji (Initial Public Offering:
IPO). Ten ostatnio wymieniony sposób finansowania może przynieść znaczne korzyści dla MŚP; umocnić ich pozycję rynkową i umożliwić ekonomiczną ekspansję, ale
związany jest z wieloma barierami. Do najważniejszych należą trudność spełnienia
kryteriów notowania na giełdzie lub specjalnych platformach, nawet jeśli są one łagodniejsze niż dla dużych firm, wysokie koszty, brak wiedzy o rynku kapitałowym
i niska płynność akcji MŚP. Dlatego niezbędne jest podjęcie przez rządy, organizacje
międzynarodowe i krajowe oraz interesariuszy działań zmierzających do likwidacji
lub ograniczenia tych barier.
Dyskusje i badania polskiego członkostwa w strefie euro są w obecnych, dynamicznie zmieniających się warunkach obarczone dużą dozą niepewności,
stąd ograniczać się mogą jedynie do kreślenia scenariuszy. Niniejsze opracowanie
skupia się na aspektach gospodarczych decyzji o: 1) definitywnej rezygnacji z wprowadzenia wspólnej waluty w Polsce, 2) szybkiej akcesji do strefy euro oraz 3) odsunięciu w czasie udziału Polski w tej strefie. Każdy z wariantów rodzi inne skutki polityczno-ekonomiczne i tym samym wyznacza inne ścieżki długookresowego rozwoju
polskiej gospodarki.
Artykuł prezentuje wyniki badań nad traumą społeczno-kulturową
w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej. Do weryfikacji teorii traumy zostały wykorzystane reprezentatywne dane sondażowe z Białorusi, Bułgarii, Węgier, Rumunii, Polski,
Rosji i Ukrainy. Prowadzone analizy pokazały, że społeczeństwo postkomunistyczne
negatywnie oceniło zmiany systemu gospodarczego i politycznego. Źródłem traumy był spadek poziomu życia oraz wzrost przestępczości. Respondenci uważali, że
w wyniku transformacji stracili na zmianach i pod wpływem powstałej traumy pesymistycznie oceniali przyszłość. Rekcją na pojawiającą się traumę była nostalgia za
socjalizmem i bezpieczeństwem społecznym przezeń oferowanym. Czynnikami łagodzącymi szok w społeczeństwie postkomunistycznym było wykształcenie, młodszy
wiek i orientacja proeuropejska.
Zasadniczym celem artykułu jest przybliżenie prób reformy systemu
wyborczego do Rady Najwyższej Ukrainy podejmowanych w okresie przypadającym
po Euromajdanie. Analizie zostały poddane rozwiązania prawne zawarte w zarejestrowanych i poddanych pod głosowanie w parlamencie projektach ordynacji wyborczych. Przybliżono także stanowisko poszczególnych sił politycznych wobec potrzeby reformy systemu wyborczego, na co pozwoliła analiza programów wyborczych,
zapisów umowy koalicyjnej zawartej w RN VIII kadencji, jak również wyników
głosowania nad poszczególnymi projektami ustaw w parlamencie. Ponadto uwaga
została skupiona na wynikach badań opinii publicznej, pozwalających ukazać, który
z wariantów systemu wyborczego jest najbardziej pożądany przez ukraińskie społeczeństwo.
Mołdawia jest państwem, które z jednej strony podejmuje wysiłki
zmierzające ku demokratyzacji i europeizacji jej systemu politycznego i prawnego,
z drugiej – działania te są chaotyczne, brak im konsekwencji i są uwarunkowane
bieżącą sytuacją polityczną. Jednym z obszarów podlegających takim politycznym
przesileniom jest samorząd terytorialny. Cele artykułu są dwojakie: po pierwsze, periodyzacja i charakterystyka kolejnych etapów kształtowania się modelu samorządu
lokalnego w Mołdawii, po drugie – charakterystyka aktualnie obowiązujących rozwiązań i wskazanie podstawowych problemów istotnie wpływających na jego funkcjonowanie.
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role of women and girls in various terror groupssadiakorobi2
Women have three distinct types of involvement: direct involvement in terrorist acts; enabling of others to commit such acts; and facilitating the disengagement of others from violent or extremist groups.
In a May 9, 2024 paper, Juri Opitz from the University of Zurich, along with Shira Wein and Nathan Schneider form Georgetown University, discussed the importance of linguistic expertise in natural language processing (NLP) in an era dominated by large language models (LLMs).
The authors explained that while machine translation (MT) previously relied heavily on linguists, the landscape has shifted. “Linguistics is no longer front and center in the way we build NLP systems,” they said. With the emergence of LLMs, which can generate fluent text without the need for specialized modules to handle grammar or semantic coherence, the need for linguistic expertise in NLP is being questioned.
हम आग्रह करते हैं कि जो भी सत्ता में आए, वह संविधान का पालन करे, उसकी रक्षा करे और उसे बनाए रखे।" प्रस्ताव में कुल तीन प्रमुख हस्तक्षेप और उनके तंत्र भी प्रस्तुत किए गए। पहला हस्तक्षेप स्वतंत्र मीडिया को प्रोत्साहित करके, वास्तविकता पर आधारित काउंटर नैरेटिव का निर्माण करके और सत्तारूढ़ सरकार द्वारा नियोजित मनोवैज्ञानिक हेरफेर की रणनीति का मुकाबला करके लोगों द्वारा निर्धारित कथा को बनाए रखना और उस पर कार्यकरना था।
Latvian public service broadcasting (PSB) at a media policy crossroads on the path to public service media (PSM)
1. DOI 10.14746/ssp.2016.2.10
Ainars Dimants
Turiba University, Riga, Latvia
Latvian public service broadcasting (PSB)
at a media policy crossroads on the path to public
service media (PSM)
Abstract: This paper critically examines Latvian media policy from the point of view
of public value theory, regarding the management of public service media. Since
1992, Latvian Television (LTV, 1954) and Latvian Radio (LR, 1925) officially, i.e. ac-
cording to law, are independent public service media organisations, and consequently
two legal entities. In fact LTV and LR are two state enterprises with one supervising
council (five members) elected by parliament according to political proportionality
– National Electronic Mass Media Council (the NEPLP). Since 2011, the Latvian
government has been slowly deciding plans for the reform and creation of a unified
PSM corporation, not just a PSB, i.e. including not only radio and TV broadcasting
but a multimedia approach, especially on the Internet platform, due to media con-
vergence. Political decisions of government and parliament for the above-mentioned
intent are still wanted. Also, an initiative by LTV and NEPLP to establish a Russian
language TV channel was not taken further by decision makers.
Key words: public service broadcasting, public service media, public value theory,
theory of communicative action, media policy
Introduction
In the process of transformation from state broadcasters into public
service broadcasting (PSB), and most recently into public service me-
dia (PSM), two issues are seen as crucial. Firstly, good knowledge and
acceptance of established PSM principles by media policy makers, inter
alia facilitating a sense of national identity and cultural belonging, devel-
oping public value1
also in online and mobile cross-media platforms by
1
According to the pattern of the British Broadcasting Company (BBC) one can
see “public value in five main ways: Democratic value..., Cultural and creative val-
ue..., Educational value..., Social and community value..., Global value… These are
the BBC’s public purposes” (BBC, 2004, p. 8).
2. 156 Ainars Dimants ŚSP 2 ’16
applying and promoting economic measurement (Lowe, Martin, 2014,
pp. 20–25).2
Secondly, the political will and power to implement those
principles of PSM (Beitika, 2015, pp. 87–88). This cognition has been
confirmed through the negative Latvian experience with the lack of politi-
cal support for PSB/PSM (Lowe, Martin, 2014, p. 88).
On one hand, a key element of public value theory, according to the
strategic triangle of Mark H. Moore, is the building and sustaining a coa-
lition of stakeholders, called the Authorising Environment, in addition
to Public Value Outcomes and Operational Capacity (Benington, Moore,
2011, p. 6). The consensus-oriented theory of communicative action
(Habermas, 1976, pp. 174–175; Habermas, 1981, p. 439), on other hand,
inter alia anticipates the common interests of the partners of a dialogue,
in our case constantly involving the stakeholders of the PSM in dialogue
(Troxler, Süssenbacher, Karmasin, 2011, p. 140). This article is based on
the author’s participatory observation as a Member since 2012 of the Na-
tional Electronic Mass Media Council (the NEPLP, see Neplpadome.lv),
which makes it possible to analyse and compare Latvian practice within
that theoretical framework, improving the theoretical research perspec-
tive (Dimants, 2008, p. 461) with the unique added value of empirical
knowledge.
The state of Latvian PSB and its supervision
Since 1992, Latvian Television (LTV)3
and Latvian Radio (LR)4
have
been officially, i.e. according to law, independent public service media
organisations, comprising two independent legal entities. LTV with its
two channels is the third largest player on the local TV market alongside
two private ones, firstly, the Swedish MTG Group (channels TV3, LNT
etc.) and, secondly, the Russian First Baltic Channel (Dimants, 2012).
2
“... it is important for PSM to demonstrate that the money invested in the enter-
prise and spent on production and distribution constitutes a fair deal. The resource is
public money and that is increasingly scarce. Yet it is equally obvious that delivering
value for money cannot legitimate PSM’s overall role and functions because these are
not primarily about economic criteria and industrial priorities. Of utmost importance
is ensuring that its output and outcomes deliver value that is appreciated by its public,
and add value to the public sphere. That is the foundational heuristic of public value
theory…” (ibid., p. 22).
3
Established in 1954 as the oldest TV station in Baltic States, see LTV.lv.
4
Established in 1925, see Latvijasradio.lv.
3. ŚSP 2 ’16 Latvian public service broadcasting (PSB) at a media... 157
LTV1 as the first channel is a major channel in the Latvian language while
LTV7 is a niche channel with some news and discussion programmes in
the Russian language, too.
There are actually two linguistically different markets in Latvia (Latvi-
ans and the Russian speaking minority). LR leads in both Latvian and the
Russian language radio markets and broadcasts on six stations: LR1 as
news and talk radio, LR2 as Latvian popular music radio, LR3 as classical
music radio, LR4 as Russian language radio, LR5–Pieci.lv as youth radio
and LR6 – NABA as an alternative music radio station.
Since 2013, LTV and LR have a joint news portal for Latvian PSB in
Latvian, Russian and English, named LSM.lv. Lacking further political
support, as will be explained later, there has still been no reorganisation
of the Latvian PSB into one legal person, after the decision of government
(in 2011) to create a new Latvian PSM jointly working on TV, radio and
the Internet, including mobile platforms.
LTV and LR are two state enterprises with one supervising external
council, which, according to the law, is an independent authority (five
members, chosen from among professionally or academically experi-
enced candidates suggested by specialised NGOs in the fields of media,
human rights, culture, education and science) who are elected by parlia-
ment for a term of five years, according to the political proportionality
of the governing coalition. Elected candidates become members of the
above-mentioned National Electronic Mass Media Council (the NEPLP)
with an administrative capacity of only ten permanent staff members.
However, the NEPLP in its single institution grasps too many functions,
which partly create a conflict of interests for NEPLP members and which
usually, in other European countries, belong at least to two different insti-
tutions. For example, the same NEPLP members, on one hand, as regu-
lators must decide the administrative penalties for PSB organisations in
case of violations of the law and, on the other hand, as the shareholders of
these organisations, must satisfy their financial needs.
Firstly, it is the independent regulatory authority for audio-visual me-
dia services according to national law and the Audio-visual Media Servi
ces Directive of European Union. Such a regulator was set up in 1992 for
the first time in Latvian history. Secondly, the NEPLP fulfils the tasks of
a supervising council for LTV and LR as state enterprises, which are the
biggest media enterprises in the country. It means also that the Council, in
cooperation with LTV and LR, and together with the Public Consultative
Council, established by the NEPLP as a body of experts from specialised
4. 158 Ainars Dimants ŚSP 2 ’16
NGOs on the fields of media, human rights, culture, education and sci-
ence, elaborates the public remit for both public service broadcasters ac-
cording to its own regulations based on the law.
At the same time, according to national Electronic Mass Media Law
(2015) there is a legal option for the Council to provide up to 15% of the
public service remit for commercial electronic mass media. The public
remit includes themes, formats and budgets at the concept stage, includ-
ing the audience, for each constant programme, but without deciding on
concrete personalities, such as, for example, anchors, moderators, inter-
viewers or participants of the programmes.
The Council also chooses the boards of LTV and LR. The editorial
independence and the stability of PSB management, i.e. the autonomy of
mass media sub-system in a modern society (Luhmann, 1996), to a large
extent depend on the personal independence of the Council’s members
and the public service broadcaster’s board members. They function as
a buffer against the political and economic sub-systems of society, namely
the pressure of narrow political and commercial interests, creating ‘politi-
cal facts,’ but their independence is not guaranteed structurally enough.5
Thirdly, the NEPLP elaborates and approves media policy through its
own National Development Strategy for the Electronic Mass Media Sec-
tor (the last five year strategy was for 2012–2017) which, according to the
law, has the status of an external normative act, i.e. it is binding for actors
within the industry.
5
This was demonstrated when the Saeima, the Parliament of Latvia, in an extraor-
dinary session held on 8 July 2015 voted to dismiss me as chairman of the NEPLP
(EPRA, 2015). The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media Dunja Mijatović
on 30 June 2015 called for the media regulator’s independence in Latvia to be re-
spected. She spoke following a letter from Members of Parliament asking the Saeima
to dismiss four members of the NEPLP. They were considered no longer suitable to
hold their positions because of the alleged “loss of their good reputation” (OSCE,
2015). On this occasion Mijatović had “urged the members of the Latvian Parliament
to carefully examine this proposal as the independence of national media regulators
is a basic pre-condition for preserving and facilitating free media and free expression”
(ibid.). The proceedings for firing the NEPLP board started on June 17 when the leaders
of four Saeima factions, including the leading Unity Party, the Regional Alliance Party
and the Greens and Farmers Alliance filed a submission for the dismissal of the entire
council (LSM.lv, 2015). The decision of parliament was declared clearly “political” and
was therefore overruled by theAdministrative Regional Court on 23 December as “arbi-
trary” and “illegitimate” (Administratīvā rajona tiesa, 2015). If the Saeima in the mean-
time had approved a new member for the NEPLP, the court stated that I could not have
been reinstated and that the violation of rights would have been irreversible (ibid.).
5. ŚSP 2 ’16 Latvian public service broadcasting (PSB) at a media... 159
As already mentioned, since 2011 the Latvian government has slowly
been deciding the plans for the reform and creation of a unified PSM, not
just PSB, i.e. including not only radio and TV broadcasting, but a multi-
media approach, especially on the Internet platform, due to media con-
vergence. Obviously, three problems must be solved in the process of
creating the Latvian PSM.
Firstly, there is the administratively and financially difficult collabo-
ration of two legal entities, independent enterprises with partly different
organisational cultures, on three technological platforms: TV, radio and
the Internet (e.g., see LSM.lv, common portal of Latvian PSM). Secondly,
there exists a conflict of interests between the regulatory and PSM func-
tions within the existing Council for PSB – the NEPLP. Thirdly, to date,
in Latvian law the financial independence and stability of PSM have been
legally secured by a single principle for PSB financing: the state subsidy
for public service remit should not be less than in the previous year. This
provision was also ignored by the government and the parliament for the
first time since 2012, after the global financial crises and the increase in
the Russian information war. Namely, the state subsidy for LTV and LR
in 2016 is half a million euro less than in 2015 (Dimants, 2015a). There
is no licence fee or earmarked tax for Latvian public service broadcast-
ers, like in Lithuania where the financing of PSM has doubled through
an earmarked rate of income (1.5%) and excise (1.3%) taxes since 2015
(Dimants, 2015b). However, meanwhile Latvian PSB remains under-
financed even in comparison to Estonian PSB: 22 million euro of state
subsidies in Latvia versus 29 million euro of the same in Estonia.
The concept of the new, unified Latvian PSM
Following the initiative of Prime Minister Valdis Dombrovskis’s go
vernment, since 2011 the NEPLP, in an open process, has drawn up and on
7 January 2013 approved a Concept for the new PSM (NEPLP, 2013) for
a five year period (2013–2018). After internal contradictions in the ruling
Unity Party and then the collapse of the governing coalition, this policy
paper was ultimately not adopted by the government as its own policy
planning document.
The critical point for the political leadership, leading them not to back
the project, was the creation of a special new council for PSM where
politicians wanted to have direct representation, which would be a step
6. 160 Ainars Dimants ŚSP 2 ’16
back in comparison to the current legal regulations and therefore was not
supported by the NEPLP. Politicians, decision makers in government and
parliament, both those in power and in opposition, are crucial stakehold-
ers of PSB in Latvia, but they lack knowledge in the field of democratic
media policy, and at the same time mostly represent a political culture
with fragmented interests and ambitions, without the national consensus
that is needed to strengthen the PSM (Beitika, 2015).
On one hand, according to Electronic Mass Media Law (2015) the
Council has the authority to reorganise and restructure PSB organisations.
On the other hand, Latvian PSB organisations are financed not by licence
fees, but directly from the state budget, according to the law on annual
state budgets and the respective political decisions. Two PSB organisa-
tions are directly mentioned in the law, and therefore decisions made by
government and parliament are necessary for this reform.
Speaking about the achievements to date and prospects for the future,
one must add the fact that after the economic crisis of 2012 serious im-
provements have occurred in finances and management for both Latvian
public service broadcasters. The state subsidy for LTV and LR in 2014
conformed to the investment programme included in the above mentioned
Concept and was agreed by the Ministry of Finance.
The Concept of the Council envisaged the step-by-step reorganisa-
tion of LTV and LR (until 2018) into a genuine, strong PSM: working
for the public (the efficient synergy of existing and new channel brands
on TV, radio and the Internet, also including social media), financed and
supervised by the public. The main goal was to increase original content
production according to content priorities, specific for development of
PSM: (1) news (+22%), (2) analytics (+15%), (3) education and science
(+15%), (4) culture (+7%), (5) children, teenagers and youth (+10%).
The policy document drawn up by leading, national and international
media experts and by stakeholders included, firstly, an original (Troxler,
Süssenbacher, Karmasin, 2011, pp. 140–141) public value test (Donders,
Moe, 2011) using annual audience polls (Gundlach, 2011, p. 15) for quan-
titative measuring of (1) the satisfaction of real PSM users and (2) their
trust in PSM (Lowe, 2013). Such a public value test was introduced in
2014, together with a new, internal system of programme quality measur-
ing in LTV (Buholcs, 2016). That has been used to further develop the
measuring of public value in Latvian PSM (ibid.; BICEPS 2015; Lowe,
Martin, 2014, pp. 30–33) setting goals for each year also regarding (3) au-
dience reach, (4) brand rankings and (5) increased financing for PSM,
7. ŚSP 2 ’16 Latvian public service broadcasting (PSB) at a media... 161
especially of the proportion of expenditure for content production within
the budgets of PSM organisations.
Audience polls, made by GfK, show growing public trust in PSM: for
LTV in 2014 in comparison to 2012 from 60% to 69%, in 2015 to 74%; for
LR from 63% to 79%, in 2015 to 84% (Buholcs, 2016). This constitutes
a good basis for increased public support potentially pushing forward the
appropriate governance and finance model for a strong Latvian PSM.
Secondly, the Concept foresees unifying PSM into a single legal en-
tity by the synergetic concentration of human, financial and technical
resources, with a special Council for PSM approved by parliament, but
eliminating the influence of party politics from the Council (arising out of
the principle of political proportionality), and at the same time structur-
ally securing basic guarantees for editorial independence and pluralism
both within the balanced managerial structure of PSM organisations itself
(dividing programme planning and editorial production, etc.) us well in
the Council’s and consequently PSM boards’ appointment and dismissal
procedures. The last mentioned procedures were fixed according to con-
stitutional values, especially to the separation of powers, and professional
evaluation criteria for applicants with emphasis on the principles of PSM.
In addition, in case of Council’s appointment and dismissal the decisions
should be based on parliamentary consensus, including both governing
coalition and opposition into decision making, or at least on constitutional
majority. Unfortunately, the political decisions of the government and the
parliament in this regard are still lacking (Dimants, 2015a). In the Con-
cept a self-regulatory PSM ombudsman institution would also have been
created for organisational transparency (Chadwick, 2014, p. 14; Lowe,
Martin, 2014, p. 34).
Thirdly, the step-by-step implementation of a special, public media
tax to provide PSM was planned, and their leaving the advertising market
at the same time. To date, income from advertising forms approximately
one third of all the income of Latvian PSM.
Main conclusions
There is a clear interest of the lobbies of commercial electronic media
and professional associations in the media field to support the withdrawal
of PSM from the advertising market, as was done in Estonia (2007) and
Lithuania (2015). Taking into account the public value development needs
8. 162 Ainars Dimants ŚSP 2 ’16
of Latvian PSM under conditions of a small media market (Moe, Van den
Bulck, 2014, p. 62, 73), extra contributions from tax payers’ money for
PSM are necessary, as it was in Estonia and Lithuania.
To achieve this goal, a grand coalition among different stakeholders
should be created, something which failed during the attempt to introduce
the Concept. To be successful, this coalition, besides the NEPLP, LTV
and LR itself, plus the Public Consultative Council, must include in one
boat not only the decision makers in government and parliament and con-
nected state institutions, like the new Department of Media Policy (since
2015) in the Ministry of Culture and the office of Prime Minister. It must
also include the above-mentioned lobbies of commercial electronic media
and professional associations in the media field. Therefore, a rational and
pragmatic, solution-oriented approach is highly needed, based on finding
common interests and respecting the specific social outcomes of PSM.
Without shouting at each other, economic issues and policy evidence re-
quire that a balance be sought between those who argue for unfettered
public service television, and those who argue that the market alone can
meet the nation’s audio-visual content needs (Picard, 20156
).
Hence, at the end of day the National Electronic Mass Media Council
was left alone with its limited instruments to create the political leadership
necessary to strengthen the PSM. The Council used the establishing of
new boards for LTV and LR to gain support for the Concept. In addition,
joint projects of both PSB organisations were created on the initiative of
the NEPLP, such as LSM.lv, multi-media LR5 – Pieci.lv, joint marketing
activities, etc. This included the concept of a multi-media, Russian lan-
guage channel of LTV, which was also not approved by the government
(in 2015) because of the campaign by the National Alliance, one of the
governing coalition parties and who had the Minister of Culture at the
time, against promoting the use of the Russian language in Latvia.
6
For example: “Commercial audio-visual providers operate with differing incen-
tives than public service broadcasters and are less concerned about the social impact
of their programming. Consequently, they tend to offer less original programming,
less domestic programming, less culturally significant programming, and less pro-
gramming dealing with social issues and public concerns. The ability to serve nar-
rower audiences through non-broadcast means is increasing. Production of quality
original content for them remains a challenge, however, because it tends not to be
commercially viable or produces only limited income. The bulk of quality program-
ming originates with production for broadcasters. [...] It is possible to use policy tools
to achieve public service objectives outside of public service television, but the extent
to which they are effective over time is uncertain.” (Ibid.)
9. ŚSP 2 ’16 Latvian public service broadcasting (PSB) at a media... 163
Meetings and other communications with staff members of LTV and
LR regarding the establishing of new PSM were organised by the Coun-
cil, as well as numerous contacts and presentations to the politicians in
government and parliament, at the same time intensively using policy
planning procedures in cooperation with the relevant state institutions.
The involvement of the interests of professional associations and com-
mercial media was ensured in the Concept.
This process is well documented (Latvijas Sabiedriskais medijs) and
was constantly accompanied by publications in the media, press releases,
and on social media, press conferences, appeals of illustrious personali-
ties (Memorands), annual reports and public value tests.
To get strong leadership in strategic communication (in broader sense
of this term based on constitutional values and not on governmental pub-
lic relations) of the Latvian democratic nation of citizens, and as a result
growing acceptance of PSM by the public and politicians the follow-
ing steps for strengthening PSM must be taken. The initiative of LTV to
establish a common Baltic States’ public service Russian language TV
channel, as a brand and trustful communication platform for local Rus-
sian speakers oriented towards Europe and the West, would be one of
such steps. That could be set up in the immediate future together with the
new (since September 2015) Russian language channel of the Estonian
public service television ETV+ and other international partners (Pomian-
owski, 2015, p. 68) if there were be enough expertise and political will
among the decision makers.
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