This document discusses the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the interdependent relationship between China and Pakistan. It provides background on the long-standing diplomatic relationship and increasing economic cooperation between the two countries. In 2013, China and Pakistan agreed to the CPEC project, worth $46 billion, to improve infrastructure and energy projects in Pakistan. The CPEC connects China's Xinjiang region to Pakistan's Gwadar port and is seen as extending China's Belt and Road Initiative in the region. Scholars argue the CPEC strengthens China and Pakistan's political and economic ties and benefits both countries through increased trade and regional influence. However, others note potential issues such as costs to
Future projections and policy recommendationsJ-Ahmedi
The document discusses future projections and policy recommendations for the region following the US drawdown from Afghanistan. It predicts that regional instability could spread from Afghanistan to Pakistan if political tensions grow along ethnic or religious lines. An unstable Pakistan could further destabilize Afghanistan. It recommends that the US engage in trilateral counter-terrorism cooperation with India, Pakistan, and China while also continuing to support the Afghan peace process and encouraging economic development through projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Strengthening relationships and cooperation between regional powers could help address security challenges in a sustainable manner.
This document summarizes political relations among the five Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan based on data collected between April and July 2012. It finds that while Kazakhstan has been very active in visiting both neighboring and non-neighboring states, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan visit neighbors and other states less frequently. Relations are generally better depicted on a bilateral rather than regional level. Russia remains the primary external partner for Central Asian states, followed by the US, China, and Turkey. The frequency and nature of interactions varies significantly between state pairs.
Nazarbayev Discusses Business, Global Security in Japan Visit; Nazarbayev Meets Korean President, Business Leaders in Seoul; Pianist Jania Aubakirova Says Success Comes from Hard Work
The document summarizes the foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan. It has four main priorities: strengthening national security, fostering external development, strengthening international image, and establishing an effective foreign policy system. The policy is multi-vectored, balanced, and pragmatic, based on national interests. Key dimensions are regional cooperation with neighbors, continental relations with major powers like Russia and China, and global involvement in international organizations. The policy aims to develop mutually beneficial relations while maintaining independence.
1. Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev attended the G20 summit in Hangzhou, China where he reiterated his proposal to establish a single global organization to promote worldwide development.
2. Nazarbayev and Chinese President Xi Jinping agreed to strengthen economic cooperation between Kazakhstan and China, signing several documents to increase cooperation.
3. The Kazakh Foreign Ministry held its third annual contest on foreign media coverage of Kazakhstan, awarding journalists from various countries and regions for their articles highlighting Kazakhstan.
This document provides a summary of news from Kazakhstan, including:
1) President Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan and President Putin of Russia met in Astana to discuss bilateral cooperation and attended the Kazakhstan-Russia Interregional Cooperation Forum, where over 1,300 representatives from both countries discussed expanding trade.
2) Kazakh Foreign Minister Erlan Idrissov attended several EU-related meetings and conferences in Brussels to discuss Kazakhstan's cooperation with the EU on issues like trade, investment, and regional security in Central Asia.
3) The document profiles Kazakh freestyle wrestler Akzhurek Tanatarov and his athletic career, including winning bronze at the 2012 London Olympics.
The document discusses Kazakh-Chinese relations and EXPO 2017 in Astana, Kazakhstan. It summarizes that the Kazakh and Chinese presidents met in Astana to discuss economic cooperation and the 25th anniversary of relations. They signed several cooperation agreements. The Kazakh president noted the potential for success in coordinating Kazakhstan's development plans with China's One Belt, One Road initiative. It also summarizes that EXPO 2017 in Astana focuses on renewable energy and aims to drive Kazakhstan's economic development while introducing the country to the world. Astana is prepared to welcome millions of visitors to EXPO 2017 and ensure their safety and enjoyment.
The directions of development of the new Chinese ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (...Przegląd Politologiczny
In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis of the directions of development
of the new Chinese ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) or ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) as a project
launched by China to develop countries and improve global connectivity. First unveiled in 2013 by
Chinese President Xi Jinping, the initiative continues to grow in scale and popularity. The initiative is
focused on creating networks that will allow for a more efficient and productive free flow of trade as
well as further integration of international markets both physically and digitally. BRI is comprised of
the ‘21st Century Maritime Silk Road’ and the ‘Silk Road Economic Belt;’ together they will connect
more than 65 countries making up over 62% of the world’s population, around 35% of the world’s trade
and over 31% of the world’s GDP. It will take the form of a series of highways, railways and ports as
well as facilities for energy, telecommunications, healthcare and education. It must be emphasized that
the initiative merges both the land-based Silk Road (from China via Central Asia to Turkey and the EU)
with the Maritime Route (via the Indian Ocean and Africa to Europe). Both routes were created with the
intention of developing transportation infrastructure, facilitating economic development and increasing
trade. This 21st-century initiative is not merely for China to romanticize its historical legacies: it carries
major strategic economic and geopolitical calculations. The EU must decide now if and how to engage
in these emerging processes. The main aim of the article is to present the directions of development of
the new Chinese ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) as a project, launched by China to develop countries
and improve global connectivity
Future projections and policy recommendationsJ-Ahmedi
The document discusses future projections and policy recommendations for the region following the US drawdown from Afghanistan. It predicts that regional instability could spread from Afghanistan to Pakistan if political tensions grow along ethnic or religious lines. An unstable Pakistan could further destabilize Afghanistan. It recommends that the US engage in trilateral counter-terrorism cooperation with India, Pakistan, and China while also continuing to support the Afghan peace process and encouraging economic development through projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. Strengthening relationships and cooperation between regional powers could help address security challenges in a sustainable manner.
This document summarizes political relations among the five Central Asian states of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan based on data collected between April and July 2012. It finds that while Kazakhstan has been very active in visiting both neighboring and non-neighboring states, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan visit neighbors and other states less frequently. Relations are generally better depicted on a bilateral rather than regional level. Russia remains the primary external partner for Central Asian states, followed by the US, China, and Turkey. The frequency and nature of interactions varies significantly between state pairs.
Nazarbayev Discusses Business, Global Security in Japan Visit; Nazarbayev Meets Korean President, Business Leaders in Seoul; Pianist Jania Aubakirova Says Success Comes from Hard Work
The document summarizes the foreign policy of Kyrgyzstan. It has four main priorities: strengthening national security, fostering external development, strengthening international image, and establishing an effective foreign policy system. The policy is multi-vectored, balanced, and pragmatic, based on national interests. Key dimensions are regional cooperation with neighbors, continental relations with major powers like Russia and China, and global involvement in international organizations. The policy aims to develop mutually beneficial relations while maintaining independence.
1. Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev attended the G20 summit in Hangzhou, China where he reiterated his proposal to establish a single global organization to promote worldwide development.
2. Nazarbayev and Chinese President Xi Jinping agreed to strengthen economic cooperation between Kazakhstan and China, signing several documents to increase cooperation.
3. The Kazakh Foreign Ministry held its third annual contest on foreign media coverage of Kazakhstan, awarding journalists from various countries and regions for their articles highlighting Kazakhstan.
This document provides a summary of news from Kazakhstan, including:
1) President Nazarbayev of Kazakhstan and President Putin of Russia met in Astana to discuss bilateral cooperation and attended the Kazakhstan-Russia Interregional Cooperation Forum, where over 1,300 representatives from both countries discussed expanding trade.
2) Kazakh Foreign Minister Erlan Idrissov attended several EU-related meetings and conferences in Brussels to discuss Kazakhstan's cooperation with the EU on issues like trade, investment, and regional security in Central Asia.
3) The document profiles Kazakh freestyle wrestler Akzhurek Tanatarov and his athletic career, including winning bronze at the 2012 London Olympics.
The document discusses Kazakh-Chinese relations and EXPO 2017 in Astana, Kazakhstan. It summarizes that the Kazakh and Chinese presidents met in Astana to discuss economic cooperation and the 25th anniversary of relations. They signed several cooperation agreements. The Kazakh president noted the potential for success in coordinating Kazakhstan's development plans with China's One Belt, One Road initiative. It also summarizes that EXPO 2017 in Astana focuses on renewable energy and aims to drive Kazakhstan's economic development while introducing the country to the world. Astana is prepared to welcome millions of visitors to EXPO 2017 and ensure their safety and enjoyment.
The directions of development of the new Chinese ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (...Przegląd Politologiczny
In this research work, the author focuses on the analysis of the directions of development
of the new Chinese ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) or ‘One Belt, One Road’ (OBOR) as a project
launched by China to develop countries and improve global connectivity. First unveiled in 2013 by
Chinese President Xi Jinping, the initiative continues to grow in scale and popularity. The initiative is
focused on creating networks that will allow for a more efficient and productive free flow of trade as
well as further integration of international markets both physically and digitally. BRI is comprised of
the ‘21st Century Maritime Silk Road’ and the ‘Silk Road Economic Belt;’ together they will connect
more than 65 countries making up over 62% of the world’s population, around 35% of the world’s trade
and over 31% of the world’s GDP. It will take the form of a series of highways, railways and ports as
well as facilities for energy, telecommunications, healthcare and education. It must be emphasized that
the initiative merges both the land-based Silk Road (from China via Central Asia to Turkey and the EU)
with the Maritime Route (via the Indian Ocean and Africa to Europe). Both routes were created with the
intention of developing transportation infrastructure, facilitating economic development and increasing
trade. This 21st-century initiative is not merely for China to romanticize its historical legacies: it carries
major strategic economic and geopolitical calculations. The EU must decide now if and how to engage
in these emerging processes. The main aim of the article is to present the directions of development of
the new Chinese ‘Belt and Road Initiative’ (BRI) as a project, launched by China to develop countries
and improve global connectivity
The document discusses the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) collaborative research grant (CPEC-CRG) program. The CPEC-CRG aims to support research partnerships between Chinese and Pakistani academics to address problems related to CPEC projects and promote socioeconomic development. It will provide funding of 50-100 million Pakistani rupees over 3 years for research related to sustainable agriculture, clean water, health, science and technology, poverty alleviation, and other areas. The selection process will be merit-based and transparent to hire researchers to conduct collaborative research between the two countries.
- Russia and China have introduced new economic unions in Asia to increase their influence in the region and counter Western economic blocs like the EU. Russia formed the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and China is pursuing its "One Belt, One Road" policy to develop infrastructure and trade connectivity between China and Europe/Africa.
- While these unions claim to be purely economic, their actions indicate political motivations as well. Russia annexed Crimea and supported separatists in Ukraine after it joined the EU trade deal instead of the EEU. China is making large infrastructure investments to gain economic and political influence along its "New Silk Road."
- Both countries will face challenges growing these unions as smaller nations fear domination by Russia
The Belt and Road Initiative and Central Asian RegionalismBiligBrains
Iqboljon Qorabayev's presentantion made at the event co-organized by Bilig Brains, Central Asian Studies Center and China & Central Asia Studies Center on December 18, 2017
The document summarizes President Nazarbayev's remarks at the 25th summit of the Commonwealth of Independent States in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. He emphasized that the CIS remains an important platform for cooperation and its experience is useful for other integration organizations. He noted that member states must coordinate their economic and transportation policies to improve project efficiency. The document also summarizes Kazakhstan's foreign minister's participation in meetings at the UN General Assembly in New York, including bilateral meetings. It discusses Kazakhstan's priorities as an upcoming member of the UN Security Council. Finally, it provides an overview of the work being done by Kazakhstan's National Center for Biotechnology, focusing on developing innovative technologies.
One Belt One Road Greater Mekong Subregion-Economic Corridors and MyanmarMYO AUNG Myanmar
The Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Program comprises Cambodia, two provinces of the People’s Republic of China, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, Thailand, and Viet Nam.
One of the main focuses of the GMS Program is to improve connectivity in the subregion through strengthening linkages in transport, energy, and telecommunications. The GMS Program provides assistance to the facilitation of cross-border transport of goods and people in GMS. It also aids the implementation of high priority projects on regional public goods as well as in various other sectors.
The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road, better known as the One Belt and One Road Initiative (OBOR), The Belt and Road (B&R) and The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) (OBOR) is a development strategy proposed by China's paramount leader Xi Jinping that focuses on connectivity and cooperation between Eurasian countries, primarily the People's Republic of China (PRC), the land-based Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) and the oceangoing Maritime Silk Road (MSR). The strategy underlines China's push to take a larger role in global affairs with a China-centered trading network. It was unveiled in September and October 2013 for SREB and MSR respectively. It was also promoted by Premier Li Keqiang during the state visit to Asia and Europe and the most frequently mentioned concept in the People's Daily in 2016. It was initially called One Belt and One Road, but in mid-2016 the official English name was changed to the Belt and Road Initiative due to misinterpretations of the term one. In the past three years, the focuses were mainly on infrastructure investment, construction materials, railway and highway, automobile, real estate, power grid, and iron and steel.
This document provides an overview of strategic competition in Central Asia and India's stakes in the region. It discusses how India's historical and cultural links to Central Asia have been disrupted. It outlines how major powers like Russia, China, and the US are vying for political influence and economic opportunities in Central Asia. China in particular has invested heavily in infrastructure and pursued closer economic and security ties. The document also notes political uncertainty in Central Asia as aging leaders look to maintain their hold on power without clear succession plans. It argues that India needs a more cogent policy to reengage with the region and benefit from opportunities there.
The document discusses the geopolitical competition over Central Asia between major powers like China, Russia, and the United States. It analyzes Central Asia's rich natural resources and strategic location. The author argues that while democracy is unlikely to emerge in the next 25 years due to authoritarian regimes, China will become the most influential foreign power in Central Asia due to growing economic ties and cooperation through organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Internal conflicts, radicalism, and economic issues are also expected to continue impacting the region.
The document discusses Pak-Afghan relations and offers suggestions for improving them. It notes that both countries face security threats from militancy and terrorism. It suggests that Pakistan and Afghanistan establish joint border security, enhance economic cooperation, and resolve disputes over Taliban sanctuaries and Indian influence in a spirit of mutual understanding and respect for sovereignty. Former Afghan president Hamid Karzai also provided a two-point solution: jointly fighting terrorism and Pakistan accepting Afghanistan's sovereignty and non-interference in its foreign relations. Experts say the countries must cooperate regionally and normalize bilateral relations.
1) The document discusses several topics related to Pakistan including the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), regional security dynamics, sacred art and architecture, and national action plans.
2) It provides details on CPEC including its significance, concerns about debt and impact on the economy, and opportunities it may provide for improved infrastructure, trade, and cultural exchange.
3) One article discusses how artists and calligraphists have expressed their devotion to Allah through buildings, art, and calligraphy using Arabic letters from Allah's name.
The OSCE Parliamentary Assembly held its 15th winter meeting in Vienna, Austria to discuss the refugee crisis and situation in Ukraine. Kazakh Senate Chairman Kassym-Jomart Tokayev addressed the assembly, urging implementation of the Minsk agreements to solve the Ukraine crisis and cooperation to combat threats like terrorism. He invited members to a May conference in Astana on religions against terrorism and updated the group on Kazakhstan's reforms under the Plan of the Nation, including upcoming early parliamentary elections monitored by OSCE observers.
This document analyzes Uzbekistan's foreign policy and interests in Afghanistan after the planned 2014 NATO withdrawal. It finds that Uzbekistan pursues an independent foreign policy focused on self-reliance over cooperation. Uzbekistan's key interests in Afghanistan are preserving stability in northern regions, securing its border, increasing trade routes, and exporting electricity. The document predicts that if Afghanistan's future becomes more certain, either stable or unstable, Uzbekistan will face pressure to change its isolated approach. However, continued uncertainty in Afghanistan allows Uzbekistan to maintain its status quo foreign policy.
Strategic Planning of Russia–China Relations in Cross-Border and Inter-Region...Russian Council
In order to increase the predictability of Russia–China relations and ensure their progressive and consistent development, it is necessary to convert the high level of mutual political trust into steady and stable work of institutions responsible for international cooperation. For this purpose, it would be advisable to focus on determining the algorithms and mechanisms of strategic planning of Russia–China relations, which could help the parties identify mutually acceptable frameworks and boundaries of strategic partnership not transforming into a military and political alliance.
This document summarizes the next phase of developments expected under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) initiative. It discusses how early harvest projects in the energy and infrastructure sectors are starting to benefit Pakistan's economy. The next phase is expected to focus on developing nine Special Economic Zones. It also analyzes the impact on bilateral trade between China and Pakistan, noting growing Chinese exports and efforts to increase Pakistani exports. Addressing Pakistan's trade deficit with China and fostering conditions for local businesses to export to Chinese markets will be important for maximizing the economic benefits of CPEC.
On 7 and 8 August 2013, the “Regional Economic Cooperation and Integration (RCI) in Asia” Programme of Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH in cooperation with the “Secretariat of Pan-Beibu Gulf Economic Cooperation (China)” held a workshop on "Project Management of Cross-border Cooperation: European Experiences" in Nanning, People's Republic of China. The purpose of the workshop was twofold. Firstly, it aimed at familiarizing participants from PBG member countries with the initiation, planning, management and financing of cross-border cooperation projects as well as the specifics of modes of cooperation, such as formation, legal bases, added value, and difficulties. The second objective of the workshop was to discuss opportunities and challenges of cross-border cooperation in Asia. This report summarises the main themes and results of this event.
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), also known as the One Belt One Road (OBOR) (Chinese: 一带一路) or the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road (Chinese: 丝绸之路经济带和21世纪海上丝绸之路), is a development strategy adopted by the Chinese government involving infrastructure development and investments in 152 countries and international organizations in Europe, Asia, Middle East, Latin America and Africa. This paper provides some perspectives from Pakistan. We also discuss the next phase of CPEC.
The return of Mackinder’s Heartland Theory with new strategic development in Eurasia, Defense Partnership and Alliances in the Heartland, Major Asian Power- Groping their way Amid Extremism including Test Case for India and China in Strategic Asia .
This document discusses the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the role of the Pakistan Army in ensuring its success. It outlines that CPEC is a $46-51 billion investment that aims to improve Pakistan's infrastructure and energy sectors through road, rail, and pipeline projects connecting China to the Arabian Sea. The Pakistan Army plays a key security role by protecting routes and projects, and also aids construction through organizations like the Frontier Works Organization. CPEC is vital for Pakistan's economic recovery and development and the Army helps address threats to ensure its timely implementation.
This document summarizes the economic relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. It discusses that Pakistan provides Afghanistan access to seaports and the two countries have established various mechanisms like the Joint Economic Council to facilitate bilateral and transit trade. However, political tensions sometimes hamper economic cooperation. The document argues that deeper political cooperation is needed to further liberalize trade between the countries and realizes the economic benefits of closer economic ties.
Pak-China Relationship: A Pillar of Regional Stability and Global CooperationMuhammadAsif653438
Pak-China Relationship: A Pillar of Regional Stability and Global Cooperation
The relationship between Pakistan and China, often celebrated as an "all-weather friendship," stands as a unique example of enduring bilateral ties in international diplomacy. Spanning over seven decades, this partnership encompasses a wide array of cooperation areas, including economic collaboration, strategic alignment, political support, military cooperation, and cultural exchanges. This article delves into the historical context, economic initiatives, military collaboration, political support, cultural exchanges, and the future prospects of the Pak-China relationship, underscoring its significance in regional stability and global geopolitics.
Historical Context
The diplomatic relations between Pakistan and China were formally established in 1951, making Pakistan one of the earliest countries to recognize the People's Republic of China. This early recognition set the stage for a relationship based on mutual respect and shared interests. The 1962 Sino-Indian War was a pivotal moment, significantly strengthening the ties between the two nations as they found common ground in their strategic concerns and regional security interests.
Throughout the Cold War, Pakistan and China maintained a steady course of cooperation, despite the shifting geopolitical landscapes. The relationship was further solidified through various treaties and agreements that emphasized political support and economic collaboration. The 1963 border agreement, which resolved territorial disputes between the two countries, stands as a testament to their ability to address contentious issues through diplomacy and mutual understanding.
Economic Cooperation: The CPEC Initiative
A cornerstone of the Pak-China relationship in the 21st century is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project under China's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Launched in 2013, CPEC aims to enhance connectivity between Gwadar Port in Pakistan and China’s Xinjiang region through a network of highways, railways, and pipelines, spanning approximately 3,000 kilometers.
Key Components of CPEC
1. Infrastructure Development: CPEC encompasses a vast array of infrastructure projects, including the construction of roads, railways, and airports. The development of the Gwadar Port is particularly significant, as it provides China with a strategic access point to the Arabian Sea, bypassing the longer route through the Strait of Malacca.
2. Energy Projects: Energy security is a critical component of CPEC, with numerous projects aimed at addressing Pakistan’s chronic energy shortages. These include coal, hydro, solar, and wind energy projects, collectively adding thousands of megawatts to Pakistan’s national grid.
3. Special Economic Zones (SEZs): The establishment of SEZs along the CPEC route aims to boost industrial growth, create job opportunities, and attract foreign investment. These zones are designed to facili
It is a draft paper on CPEC. It is a deep analysis of the results of CPEC on Pakistan and its inhabitants. The price Pakistan is paying and the returns it will get.
The document discusses the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) collaborative research grant (CPEC-CRG) program. The CPEC-CRG aims to support research partnerships between Chinese and Pakistani academics to address problems related to CPEC projects and promote socioeconomic development. It will provide funding of 50-100 million Pakistani rupees over 3 years for research related to sustainable agriculture, clean water, health, science and technology, poverty alleviation, and other areas. The selection process will be merit-based and transparent to hire researchers to conduct collaborative research between the two countries.
- Russia and China have introduced new economic unions in Asia to increase their influence in the region and counter Western economic blocs like the EU. Russia formed the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and China is pursuing its "One Belt, One Road" policy to develop infrastructure and trade connectivity between China and Europe/Africa.
- While these unions claim to be purely economic, their actions indicate political motivations as well. Russia annexed Crimea and supported separatists in Ukraine after it joined the EU trade deal instead of the EEU. China is making large infrastructure investments to gain economic and political influence along its "New Silk Road."
- Both countries will face challenges growing these unions as smaller nations fear domination by Russia
The Belt and Road Initiative and Central Asian RegionalismBiligBrains
Iqboljon Qorabayev's presentantion made at the event co-organized by Bilig Brains, Central Asian Studies Center and China & Central Asia Studies Center on December 18, 2017
The document summarizes President Nazarbayev's remarks at the 25th summit of the Commonwealth of Independent States in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan. He emphasized that the CIS remains an important platform for cooperation and its experience is useful for other integration organizations. He noted that member states must coordinate their economic and transportation policies to improve project efficiency. The document also summarizes Kazakhstan's foreign minister's participation in meetings at the UN General Assembly in New York, including bilateral meetings. It discusses Kazakhstan's priorities as an upcoming member of the UN Security Council. Finally, it provides an overview of the work being done by Kazakhstan's National Center for Biotechnology, focusing on developing innovative technologies.
One Belt One Road Greater Mekong Subregion-Economic Corridors and MyanmarMYO AUNG Myanmar
The Greater Mekong Subregion (GMS) Program comprises Cambodia, two provinces of the People’s Republic of China, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, Myanmar, Thailand, and Viet Nam.
One of the main focuses of the GMS Program is to improve connectivity in the subregion through strengthening linkages in transport, energy, and telecommunications. The GMS Program provides assistance to the facilitation of cross-border transport of goods and people in GMS. It also aids the implementation of high priority projects on regional public goods as well as in various other sectors.
The Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road, better known as the One Belt and One Road Initiative (OBOR), The Belt and Road (B&R) and The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) (OBOR) is a development strategy proposed by China's paramount leader Xi Jinping that focuses on connectivity and cooperation between Eurasian countries, primarily the People's Republic of China (PRC), the land-based Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) and the oceangoing Maritime Silk Road (MSR). The strategy underlines China's push to take a larger role in global affairs with a China-centered trading network. It was unveiled in September and October 2013 for SREB and MSR respectively. It was also promoted by Premier Li Keqiang during the state visit to Asia and Europe and the most frequently mentioned concept in the People's Daily in 2016. It was initially called One Belt and One Road, but in mid-2016 the official English name was changed to the Belt and Road Initiative due to misinterpretations of the term one. In the past three years, the focuses were mainly on infrastructure investment, construction materials, railway and highway, automobile, real estate, power grid, and iron and steel.
This document provides an overview of strategic competition in Central Asia and India's stakes in the region. It discusses how India's historical and cultural links to Central Asia have been disrupted. It outlines how major powers like Russia, China, and the US are vying for political influence and economic opportunities in Central Asia. China in particular has invested heavily in infrastructure and pursued closer economic and security ties. The document also notes political uncertainty in Central Asia as aging leaders look to maintain their hold on power without clear succession plans. It argues that India needs a more cogent policy to reengage with the region and benefit from opportunities there.
The document discusses the geopolitical competition over Central Asia between major powers like China, Russia, and the United States. It analyzes Central Asia's rich natural resources and strategic location. The author argues that while democracy is unlikely to emerge in the next 25 years due to authoritarian regimes, China will become the most influential foreign power in Central Asia due to growing economic ties and cooperation through organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. Internal conflicts, radicalism, and economic issues are also expected to continue impacting the region.
The document discusses Pak-Afghan relations and offers suggestions for improving them. It notes that both countries face security threats from militancy and terrorism. It suggests that Pakistan and Afghanistan establish joint border security, enhance economic cooperation, and resolve disputes over Taliban sanctuaries and Indian influence in a spirit of mutual understanding and respect for sovereignty. Former Afghan president Hamid Karzai also provided a two-point solution: jointly fighting terrorism and Pakistan accepting Afghanistan's sovereignty and non-interference in its foreign relations. Experts say the countries must cooperate regionally and normalize bilateral relations.
1) The document discusses several topics related to Pakistan including the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), regional security dynamics, sacred art and architecture, and national action plans.
2) It provides details on CPEC including its significance, concerns about debt and impact on the economy, and opportunities it may provide for improved infrastructure, trade, and cultural exchange.
3) One article discusses how artists and calligraphists have expressed their devotion to Allah through buildings, art, and calligraphy using Arabic letters from Allah's name.
The OSCE Parliamentary Assembly held its 15th winter meeting in Vienna, Austria to discuss the refugee crisis and situation in Ukraine. Kazakh Senate Chairman Kassym-Jomart Tokayev addressed the assembly, urging implementation of the Minsk agreements to solve the Ukraine crisis and cooperation to combat threats like terrorism. He invited members to a May conference in Astana on religions against terrorism and updated the group on Kazakhstan's reforms under the Plan of the Nation, including upcoming early parliamentary elections monitored by OSCE observers.
This document analyzes Uzbekistan's foreign policy and interests in Afghanistan after the planned 2014 NATO withdrawal. It finds that Uzbekistan pursues an independent foreign policy focused on self-reliance over cooperation. Uzbekistan's key interests in Afghanistan are preserving stability in northern regions, securing its border, increasing trade routes, and exporting electricity. The document predicts that if Afghanistan's future becomes more certain, either stable or unstable, Uzbekistan will face pressure to change its isolated approach. However, continued uncertainty in Afghanistan allows Uzbekistan to maintain its status quo foreign policy.
Strategic Planning of Russia–China Relations in Cross-Border and Inter-Region...Russian Council
In order to increase the predictability of Russia–China relations and ensure their progressive and consistent development, it is necessary to convert the high level of mutual political trust into steady and stable work of institutions responsible for international cooperation. For this purpose, it would be advisable to focus on determining the algorithms and mechanisms of strategic planning of Russia–China relations, which could help the parties identify mutually acceptable frameworks and boundaries of strategic partnership not transforming into a military and political alliance.
This document summarizes the next phase of developments expected under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) initiative. It discusses how early harvest projects in the energy and infrastructure sectors are starting to benefit Pakistan's economy. The next phase is expected to focus on developing nine Special Economic Zones. It also analyzes the impact on bilateral trade between China and Pakistan, noting growing Chinese exports and efforts to increase Pakistani exports. Addressing Pakistan's trade deficit with China and fostering conditions for local businesses to export to Chinese markets will be important for maximizing the economic benefits of CPEC.
On 7 and 8 August 2013, the “Regional Economic Cooperation and Integration (RCI) in Asia” Programme of Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH in cooperation with the “Secretariat of Pan-Beibu Gulf Economic Cooperation (China)” held a workshop on "Project Management of Cross-border Cooperation: European Experiences" in Nanning, People's Republic of China. The purpose of the workshop was twofold. Firstly, it aimed at familiarizing participants from PBG member countries with the initiation, planning, management and financing of cross-border cooperation projects as well as the specifics of modes of cooperation, such as formation, legal bases, added value, and difficulties. The second objective of the workshop was to discuss opportunities and challenges of cross-border cooperation in Asia. This report summarises the main themes and results of this event.
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), also known as the One Belt One Road (OBOR) (Chinese: 一带一路) or the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st-century Maritime Silk Road (Chinese: 丝绸之路经济带和21世纪海上丝绸之路), is a development strategy adopted by the Chinese government involving infrastructure development and investments in 152 countries and international organizations in Europe, Asia, Middle East, Latin America and Africa. This paper provides some perspectives from Pakistan. We also discuss the next phase of CPEC.
The return of Mackinder’s Heartland Theory with new strategic development in Eurasia, Defense Partnership and Alliances in the Heartland, Major Asian Power- Groping their way Amid Extremism including Test Case for India and China in Strategic Asia .
This document discusses the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the role of the Pakistan Army in ensuring its success. It outlines that CPEC is a $46-51 billion investment that aims to improve Pakistan's infrastructure and energy sectors through road, rail, and pipeline projects connecting China to the Arabian Sea. The Pakistan Army plays a key security role by protecting routes and projects, and also aids construction through organizations like the Frontier Works Organization. CPEC is vital for Pakistan's economic recovery and development and the Army helps address threats to ensure its timely implementation.
This document summarizes the economic relations between Pakistan and Afghanistan. It discusses that Pakistan provides Afghanistan access to seaports and the two countries have established various mechanisms like the Joint Economic Council to facilitate bilateral and transit trade. However, political tensions sometimes hamper economic cooperation. The document argues that deeper political cooperation is needed to further liberalize trade between the countries and realizes the economic benefits of closer economic ties.
Pak-China Relationship: A Pillar of Regional Stability and Global CooperationMuhammadAsif653438
Pak-China Relationship: A Pillar of Regional Stability and Global Cooperation
The relationship between Pakistan and China, often celebrated as an "all-weather friendship," stands as a unique example of enduring bilateral ties in international diplomacy. Spanning over seven decades, this partnership encompasses a wide array of cooperation areas, including economic collaboration, strategic alignment, political support, military cooperation, and cultural exchanges. This article delves into the historical context, economic initiatives, military collaboration, political support, cultural exchanges, and the future prospects of the Pak-China relationship, underscoring its significance in regional stability and global geopolitics.
Historical Context
The diplomatic relations between Pakistan and China were formally established in 1951, making Pakistan one of the earliest countries to recognize the People's Republic of China. This early recognition set the stage for a relationship based on mutual respect and shared interests. The 1962 Sino-Indian War was a pivotal moment, significantly strengthening the ties between the two nations as they found common ground in their strategic concerns and regional security interests.
Throughout the Cold War, Pakistan and China maintained a steady course of cooperation, despite the shifting geopolitical landscapes. The relationship was further solidified through various treaties and agreements that emphasized political support and economic collaboration. The 1963 border agreement, which resolved territorial disputes between the two countries, stands as a testament to their ability to address contentious issues through diplomacy and mutual understanding.
Economic Cooperation: The CPEC Initiative
A cornerstone of the Pak-China relationship in the 21st century is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project under China's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Launched in 2013, CPEC aims to enhance connectivity between Gwadar Port in Pakistan and China’s Xinjiang region through a network of highways, railways, and pipelines, spanning approximately 3,000 kilometers.
Key Components of CPEC
1. Infrastructure Development: CPEC encompasses a vast array of infrastructure projects, including the construction of roads, railways, and airports. The development of the Gwadar Port is particularly significant, as it provides China with a strategic access point to the Arabian Sea, bypassing the longer route through the Strait of Malacca.
2. Energy Projects: Energy security is a critical component of CPEC, with numerous projects aimed at addressing Pakistan’s chronic energy shortages. These include coal, hydro, solar, and wind energy projects, collectively adding thousands of megawatts to Pakistan’s national grid.
3. Special Economic Zones (SEZs): The establishment of SEZs along the CPEC route aims to boost industrial growth, create job opportunities, and attract foreign investment. These zones are designed to facili
It is a draft paper on CPEC. It is a deep analysis of the results of CPEC on Pakistan and its inhabitants. The price Pakistan is paying and the returns it will get.
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Baluchistan region, regional security, and armed forces. Because of the lack of trust between Iran and Pakistan,
it is impossible to strengthen ties by expanding economic development and cooperation. The relationship
between Pakistan and Iran has always been a long-standing problem in the historical context of the region, and
because of China's CPEC plan in this region, the resolution of this problem has become particularly important.
Due to separatists, terrorism, and armed control of the region by some powerful countries, the Baluchistan
areas of Iran and Pakistan have been idle. At present, local Chinese and their economic corridors are
promoting economic development in the region and realizing China's trade routes in accordance with their
pearl plan. In the course of the research, several variables will be used to explain the factors that affect
Pakistan-Iran relations
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This study examines local community support for the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) infrastructure project using social exchange theory. Data was collected from 280 citizens across Pakistan's major cities. The findings show that locals who perceive greater positive impacts from CPEC on things like jobs, education and infrastructure are more likely to support the project. Perceived personal benefits also increased support. However, perceived negative impacts did not significantly influence support. The study provides insights for policymakers on gauging local perceptions to gain support for CPEC projects. Future research could examine rural communities' and Chinese locals' perspectives.
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1. International Journal of Scientific and Research Publications, Volume 10, Issue 3, March 2020 212
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International Relations and Business Diplomacy
A Case Study Model of China-Pakistan Economic
Corridor: Interdependencies
Noman Qadeer
School of management Sciences & MBA, North China University of Water Resource and Electric Power, Zhengzhou, 450002, Henan, China
DOI: 10.29322/IJSRP.10.03.2020.p9922
http://dx.doi.org/10.29322/IJSRP.10.03.2020.p9922
Abstract- Purpose – Purpose of study is to analyze the diplomatic
relationship between People’s Republic of China and Islamic
Republic of Pakistan through China-Pak Economic corridor of
interdependencies. This paper highlight the interdependent model
between both the countries and objectives achieved through it.
Design/methodology/approach – The paper uses data
collected secondary source of investigative case studies over the
time series of 2012 to 2018. Some interviews collected by the
CPEC & OBOR project team in Pakistan. Main it depends upon
the scholarly literature and studies previously held on the subject.
Findings – interdependencies model of objectives of both the
countries with respect to China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and
analysis of business and diplomatic relationship of China and
Pakistan in Geo-Economic Scenario.
Originality/value – The use of limited number of case study
and less statistical data for the paper makes it less complicated but
still firsthand data collection through the real project team through
interviews makes it more clear and real for the readers’ and
scholars who intend to investigate further. Case Study and
literature is carefully selected for just cause.
Index Terms- (Interdependencies, Business Relation, Diplomatic
Relation, Geo-Economic)
JEL classification: F02, F15, F53, F59, O19
I. INTRODUCTION
conomic regionalism in South Asia has entailed the search for
collective efforts to engulf frail economies, political downfall,
social and religious cleavages and the resultant inherent discords
among various states. The Economic Corridor (EC) is employed
as a means to enhance regional cooperation, invigorating
economic development and deeper integration of Asia’s sub-
regions. In South Asia, it is a hottest phenomenon that the
development of economic corridors has gained impetus. The
recent example is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)
(Wolf, May 11 2016).
Interdependencies bring two countries on mutual grounds of
business trade and investment. China and Pakistan are two
countries interdependent on trade, defense and power games of the
world. Both the countries are enjoying this bonded relationship
since long. Both have been supportive to each other almost each
forum. Their bilateral relationship is ever increasing with mutual
understanding and frequent high-level visits of government
officials. Their defense ties are the strongest bond of the
relationship. But now with the fast-moving economy, reaching out
for more dynamic and active role in global politics and demand
for energy, China has diversified its relationship with Pakistan.
They are moving towards increasing bilateral trade, investment,
infrastructure development, energy projects and people-to-people
contact.
In Year 2013, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor
agreement was signed along with the formal handing over of
Gwadar Port for further development and operation to China.
Various projects will be completed under the CPEC, with the
worth of 46 billion dollars and more. This diplomatic relationship
of interdependencies and economic benefits has become the key
factors of interest for whole of the world as this is the game
changer for the entire region. This paradigm of partnership will
result in changing the economic superpower and leaders of the
world. My paper tends to investigate the dark side
interdependencies of both the countries and objectives achieved
on the ground level realties. Four project investments in CPEC
may help build Pakistani Infra-Structure and overcome energy
crises in Pakistan but nothing comes for free. What is the
opportunity cost Pakistan is paying to achieve higher goals and
what is lay off policies Pakistan is been following to see this
project completion. The CPEC is a holistic, comprehensive
package of competitive economic initiatives from China, just the
energy projects once initiated will kick-start an industrial boom in
Pakistan. Thar Coal is one of the Largest Coal asset, was lying
untouched in the desert of Pakistan. This Virgin Coal Industry of
Pakistan can support energy requirements of the all the region for
very long time.
Because of this Diplomatic relationship and Economic
adventures of Pakistan and China Ties around the world have been
changing U.S entering in Indian market making bonds with India
compete in the market against China and Pakistan. Accessing
market has become easier but yet very difficult subject to
international and political relationships of countries all over the
world. Iran, India and U.S are playing their part to establish their
own corridor for joint investment. This leaves Pakistan and China
to rest aside their major interest and create edge over competitors.
The CPEC project is the result of the long cordial bilateral
relations based on state-to-state mutually beneficial terms. If to see
E
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it from geo-political and geo-economic angle, one can say that it
is an extension of the China‘s growing economic network. CPEC
project is a tiny addition to the China‘s rise economically and it‘s
growing needs for regional connectivity. Under China‘s policy of
the renewing Old Silk Road, the One Belt One Road initiated in
2013, it is investing even bigger portion of it in Central Asia. This
project will boost the economic relations of the two countries
through opening up multiple channels of cooperation in the long
run. China is investing in Pakistan and the route will connect
China‘s western parts to Gawadar port and in the long run this
route will connect Central Asia and the region altogether. CPEC
has brought together China and Pakistan for a win-win situation
by playing the politics of interdependence‘.
II. 2.0 BACKGROUND
“freshly world has seen a paradigm shift from tactical
grouping to the establishment of economic cooperation stuck
between countries around the world, the diplomatic interest and
security of the state being the determinants of this collaboration.
States redefine their interests and reshape their policies owing to
the realization that it does not seem potential for them to preserve
their welfares with their existing capacities” (Ashraf, 2015). Apex
height talks and diplomatic consultations are traits of a robust
partnership between nations in a variety of fields, such as
industrial ventures, development programs, defense, infrastructure
and other areas of cooperation (Noor, 2008). For decades, China
was deemed as a ‘sleeping giant’ that has awakened and now
playing a key role not merely in South Asia but in the entire world.
President Xi Jinping’s predecessor Xiaoping followed a
conservative foreign policy based on “hide your strength, bide
your time, never take the lead”, however the current premier,
President Xi, calls for a more vigorous, activist and assertive
foreign policy, and dreams of a “strong and powerful” Chinese
state. The Peoples Republic of China (PRC) and Pakistan’s
relations date back to 1950 very soon after the creation of the PRC.
The long history of camaraderie between the two is underlined by
mutual trust and assurance. Mao Zedong, the Chairman of the
Chinese Communist Party announced that the PRC was ready to
establish diplomatic ties “with any foreign government willing to
observe the principle of equality, mutual benefit and mutual
respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity” (Mahdi, 1986).
Pakistan, in 1950, responded to his call by recognizing the PRC.
In 1954, Chinese Premier Chou En-Lai made a statement that
summed up one consistent aspect of the Chinese foreign policy by
stating that “all people should have the right to choose their own
state system and way of life without interference from other
nation’s revolution cannot be exported” (Mahdi, 1986). In spite of
believing in an absolutely opposing ideology, Pakistan accepted
the Chinese notion at first, thus, rendering it possible for two states
with different socio-political systems to establish durable ties.
Secondly, Pakistan was convinced that the PRC harbored no
designs of territorial aggrandizement against her neighbors.
Thirdly, Pakistan concurred with the Chinese that there was no
actual ‘conflict of interests’ between the two.
Therefore, Sino-Pak relations were founded on a very cordial
footing. Maintaining a wholesome connection with China has
been a vital feature of Pakistan’s foreign policy. Pakistan helped
China in sustaining the balance of power in the region (Iqbal,
2015).The Chinese President, explained China’s “Good Neighbor
Policy as part of a strategy of peaceful development which China
sought to promote as an interdependent, rather than competitive,
relationship with her neighboring countries and the world” (Iqbal,
2015). In 1966, armed assistance between China and Pakistan
began, in 1972, strategic partnership was developed and in 1979,
economic collaboration commenced. The relationship is said to be
‘higher than the mountains’ and ‘deeper than the oceans’.
Following are a few key events in Pakistan and China relationship.
In September 1950, Pakistan voted in favour of a resolution
challenging the right of the Nationalist Chinese representation in
the United Nations, and asked for the seating of the true
representative of the Beijing government. Pakistan also supported
the ‘One China Policy’ and in 1951, trade relations between the
two were firmly established. In 1954 and 1955, Pakistan joined
SEATO and CENTO respectively due to her search of security
against India (Syed, 2013). These pacts were initiated as a cordon
solitaire to contain the Soviet Union and China. Meanwhile from
mid-fifties to early sixties, Sino-Pak ties were somewhat dented.
The decade of the sixties eventually saw a consolidation of the
Sino- Pak friendship. In 1961, Pakistan viewed her role as an ally
of the West, and renewed her links with China as well. Pakistan
again voted for China’s seating in the United Nations.
Long relational cordials with China lead to another
economical venture and new ties of international relations. China-
Pak Economic Corridor strengthened the bond between two
countries and acceptance of these ties is welcomed by both the
nation. CPEC lead both countries to interdependent economic and
political benefits. Today CPEC is sought to be the largest change
in world’s economic scenario initiated from China and rooted in
Pakistan. This study further discusses the importance of OBOR
and CPEC for the economic leadership of both the countries and
regional dominance of both the countries as it connects China and
Pakistan to rest of the world for easy trade.
III. 3.0 LITERATURE REVIEW
3.1 Literature on Pak-China Interdependencies
(JAVAID, 2016) (Akhtar*, 2017) (Chawla, 2017) (Hameed, 2016)
All the authors of subcontinent have tried to put the face that
CPEC is important for both the countries’ Economic and Political
ties. One Belt One Road initiatives (OBOR) is a project which
showcases China’s global outreach in Asia, Africa and Europe.
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) project is an
important component of this project. Higher than the Himalayas
and deeper than the Indian Ocean‟ and „sweeter than honey‟ are
some of the clichés often associated with the Pakistan-China
diplomatic relations. Six and a half decades of peaceful co-
existence with zero number of clashes at states‟ level presents a
unique example of bilateral ties, globally. [Pakistan-China
diplomatic relations span over six decades of persistent cordiality,
represent a unique example in the current international political
system. Until the turn of the century, this relationship was limited
mostly to government-to-government, defense, political and
diplomatic cooperation. However, since the start of this century,
the relationship has expanded in economic and socio-economic
spheres. The realization that the two countries need each other
more in the changed regional and global setting is visible on both
sides. Nevertheless, understanding of each other’s society and
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culture is still a less-explored domain. An intimate relationship
between Pakistan and China is not a novel phenomenon. For
decades, they have been ‘all-weather’ friends –both countries
enjoy enduring and deep-rooted ties. Initially, China and Pakistan
were involved in a geo-strategic context, but since the end of the
Cold War, their relations have increasingly become
multidimensional. China emerged as an economic regional power,
and over the years has been successful in generating her own
sphere of influence by developing a huge export capacity along
with a robust market. Pakistan had her own way with a long history
of rivalry with India and then fighting the war against terror that
dragged her into destitute economic conditions. India’s increasing
interest and influence in the region and her growing cooperation
with the US alarmed both Pakistan and China. Reciprocating,
Pakistan and China agreed to build a “One Belt One Road” project;
also known as the China Pakistan Economic Corridor.
3.2 Literature on CPEC
(Leight, 2011) (Rohimi Shapiee, 2017) Authors tried to explain
that CPEC is an obvious way for Pakistan to overcome the
economic crises and other related issues but it will not be possible
under the current problem of Pakistan legal system and not
suitable infrastructure for the project. For this cause a detailed
changing environment is required otherwise dream may not come
true. (Naranjan, 2015) In 2013, China and Pakistan announced
plans to construct an economic corridor to connect Kashgar in
China’s Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region with the
southwestern Pakistani port of Gwadar. Together with the
proposed BCIM Economic Corridor (BCIM-EC), the China-
Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) extends to South Asia the
broader trend of Asian regional economic integration through
economic corridors. This became an alarming problem for India
as China-Pak diplomatic relations were already hurting the causes
of India now this mutual bond based on economic belt leaving
Indian dream of winning the race far behind of his reach.
(Rasheed, 2017) Author tends to further explain that CPEC lead
ties of not only Pak-China but other countries are also competing
in the game. U.S and India since the inception of CPEC have
joined hand in many trade contracts and economic ventures in
order to cover up the market and leave less for China but CPEC
has already changed the game for both the countries. (Mirza, 2016)
Says the author China has successfully adopted foreign policy of
non-confrontation and has laid undiluted emphasis in pursuit of
her political and economic interests. Resultantly, China has
emerged as second largest economy of the world. One of the most
fascinating manifestations of China’s rise is the One Belt One
Road (OBOR) initiative, running overland along the Silk Route
Economic Belt (SREB) and through the seas along Maritime Silk
Road (MSR).
IV. 4.0 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
4.1 Conceptualization of interdependencies
Interdependencies of countries are due to economic bonds
and trade contract to safe guard their investment and achieve set
goal together many countries under go interdependent on each
other. (Moravcsik, 2009) Has argued, interdependence is a key
structural feature of the international system, along with anarchy.
She argues that anarchy and interdependence do not stand in
opposition to one other as is frequently claimed. To the contrary,
anarchy and interdependence are different features of the
international system. (Baldwin, 1980), and others have repeated
that the concept is not new. Interdependence thinking and
theorizing have been at play for a long time and have served as
fundamental building blocks in international relations. (Baldwin,
1980) Author illustrated this point by recounting Angell’s
frequently cited story about two men in a boat in a stormy sea. The
boat was leaking and rapidly taking on water. One man rowed
frantically as the other desperately bailed. If either stopped, the
boat would sink and both would drown. They were equally
dependent on one another. Baldwin suggested that the story
reveals several elements commonly addressed by most pre-WWII
interdependency writers: a division of labor among parties
involved; mutual dependency among the parties; mutual benefits
from exchange; reciprocal interdependence constrains behavior;
dependency as unpleasant fact; and the effects of interdependence
on the effectiveness of the use of force.
Clearly, these examples show that interdependence is
relational and refers to the situation of parties engaged in a system
of action. CPEC is bridge between China-Pak Interdependencies.
Both countries are connected through OBOR on mutual interest
ground of Economics and Trade. This also led to security and
military ties between both the countries to safe guard their
investment from external threats. The catalyzing piece of this
scholarship was the publication in 1977 of Power and
Interdependence (Nye, 1977). These authors suggest that
“interdependence” is both an analytical tool and rhetorical device.
“In common parlance, dependence means a state of being
determined or significantly affected by external
forces. Interdependence most simply defined
means mutual dependence. Interdependence in world politics
refers to situations characterized by reciprocal effects among
countries or among actors in different countries” (Nye, 1977).
They differentiate interdependence from simple
interconnectedness by the existence of costly reciprocal effects.
They argue that is distinction is crucial for understanding the
politics of interdependence. Keohane and Nye distinguish between
two dimensions of interdependence for understanding power and
interdependence: sensitivity and vulnerability. According to the
authors, “sensitivity means liability to costly effects imposed from
outside before policies are altered to try to change the situation.
Vulnerability can be defined as an actor’s liability to suffer costs
imposed by external events even after policies have been altered (
(Nye, 1977). Clearly, ambiguity exists over the concept and its
usage. What is equally clear, however, is that the concept is central
for explaining the nature and dynamics of international
organization, as well as international relations more broadly
conceived. Broadly speaking, this concept has been used in
international relations theorizing to provide the context necessary
for understanding its use and potential for understanding the
dynamics of international organization and global governance.
Specifically, the analysis examines the use of the concept in the
study of general international systems, world-systems theory,
dependency, international integration, and transnational relations.
4.2 Interdependence in international Relations theory
As reflected by (Baldwin, 1980), interdependence thinking
has a long history in contemporary international relations
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scholarship. Marx’s critique of the capitalism, for example, was
based on fundamental interdependence concepts and systems
logic. Marx’s theoretical foundation would soon be built upon by
Lenin and others who saw mode of production, technological
change, exploitative economic relations, and the dynamics of
interdependent social relations among collectivities.
In many respects, (Carr, 1939) initiated the interwar-time
context. To develop a comprehensive image of international
relations, he focused on interdependence related to relative power
relationships among major powers in the Westphalia interstate
order. He distinguished power into three distinct elements:
military, economic, and power over opinion. The struggle to fulfill
power-related objectives creates an interactive framework in
which states cause conflict while attempting to achieve additional
power. In this context, the struggle for power among states may
cause change at the systemic level, which can serve as a stressor
for conflict among them. Carr did not believe in absolutist
assumptions. Historical conditions and relative positions, actual
and perceived, among state actors conditioned such systemic
change.
Writing several decades later, (Bull, 1977) suggested that
endeavoring to coping with interdependence can also be an
underlying cause of cooperation. (Bull, 1977) He argued that,
while the international system is anarchical, it is subject to
principles of interdependence. The members of the system form a
society with common rules and institutions, providing order in the
international arena. These rules and institutions are based on basic
goals of the society of states, including (a) preservation of the
system and society of states; (b) maintaining the sovereignty of
states; (c) preserving peace; and (d) general goals of social life.
V. 5.0 METHODOLOGY AND DESIGN
5.1 Qualitative design
This research is based on qualitative design. As major part
of the study is covered by literature available in different studies
though this topic is not old and very fewer studies are available
but attempt is made to make things clear. CPEC is initiated in year
2013 since then fewer authors have worked on the topic.
Especially the topic of interdependencies between China and
Pakistan through OBOR and CPEC has not been studied before by
many authors.
Secondly for this research purpose the main study of
economic interdependencies is designed through the studies of
famous author (Nye, 1977). Author of Power and
interdependencies book has tried to overcome the topic that two
countries become interdependent through mutual investment on a
project and power distribution over the project leads to mutual
interests and diplomatic interdependencies. For the purpose of this
study we have also taken few interviews of the employees working
in CPEC projects for understanding the motivation and needs of
both the countries and objectives achieved from it.
VI. 6.0 NTERPRETATIONS OF CASE STUDIES
6.1 Driving Force for China to Invest In CPEC
China recently has changed his policy from inward to
outward directions and for the cause Pakistan has become the key
ally to china. On the note Pakistan has handed over Gwadar port
to china as the mutual contract signed for the benefits of both the
countries. China-Pak friendship has led to many interdependencies
to each other on different frontiers.
1. First is to reduce the distance for supply of goods and trade.
Currently China is dealing with most of the world through the
Pacific as well as Indian Ocean. China is dependent on the
Strait of Malacca for supply of oil and other energy and trade
commodities and; also to deliver its own products in Middle
Eastern, African, European markets; and beyond. From the
coasts of Middle East to the Port of Shanghai, total distance
is about 12000 km and further to include the north-western
Sinkiang region of China, it makes about 16000 km.
Logistically this is so long distance to be covered and even
costly. By the construction of road, railways and pipeline
networks across Pakistan to connect Kashgar with Gwadar, it
is only 2500 km. The successful completion of CPEC will not
only save time for China but also make its supply more secure
and quick. United States is also a factor in the current Chinese
maritime route where the former possess a huge influence in
the Pacific Ocean by supporting its allies and monitoring the
region.
2. Chinese second objective is to develop its neglected and
backward Sinkiang and other north-western regions. The
Chinese motive here is also to create job opportunities and
curb the separatist and terrorist tendencies. Bordering with
Afghanistan and Pakistan, Sinkiang has been under the threat
of separatist organization the ‗East Turkistan Islamic
Movement‘, responsible for unrest in the region. Beijing
regime believes in the eradication of terrorism from region
through the economic emancipation for bringing it into the
mainstream politics.
3. Third objective is the security and expansion of energy and
trade linkages. Pakistan provides a shortest route to China‘s
linkage with Middle Eastern and African markets. Due to the
rapid industrialization and becoming the world‘s second
largest and fastest growing economy; since 2003, China is the
second largest consumer of oil and other energy resources.
This global hunt for energy has forced China to look for more
supply of energy resources from Middle East and to use new
markets of Africa, where it is the world‘s biggest investor.
4. Fourth is Chinese investment in Pakistan‘s mining and energy
sectors where various projects of coal, copper and other
minerals are underway with Chinese assistance in Pakistan.
5. Fifth is the development of infrastructure and Gwadar Port.
Regional stability as well as Pakistan‘s internal security is a
pre-requisite for all other objectives. China‘s most parochial
motivation for the CPEC is to provide economic support to a
flagging ally struggling with internal instability. A stable and
economically prosperous Pakistan is in the interest of China
to carry on its trade and economic projects with the world.
6. Last objective is to have access to Indian Ocean for
monitoring the strategic developments in the region and to
expand its presence in the Middle East. It will also help China
for more connectivity with the energy-rich and land locked
Afghanistan and Central Asian republics. One of China‘s
major domestic security concerns is to ensure that Islamists
do not penetrate the western autonomous region of Xinjiang.
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Bordering on Afghanistan, this area has experienced unrest in
the past decade or more as a result of political influence from
the region probably inspired by the increasing insurgencies in
a number of Muslim countries. China, it is believed, has
expressed its concern to Pakistan on several occasions, with
Beijing‘s reaction varying from diplomatic protest to extreme
annoyance expressed in the form of temporary closures of the
border with Pakistan.
6.2 Driving Force for Pakistan to Partner China
1. Pakistan is equally interested to complete the China-Pakistan
Economic Corridor. Various factors are responsible for
Islamabad‘s efforts to make it a success story. First is the
overcoming of the power shortfall where the country is
lagging behind to facilitate its public and run industries. The
country‘s short fall has been increased especially since 2007
resulted into the public continuous outrage and less
productivity of the industrial sector. Various energy projects
of hydropower generation, thermal plants, coal-run
installations, wind and nuclear energy are included within the
umbrella of CPEC. It is not only useful for creation of more
job opportunities but equally significant to produce more
commodities and improve the quality by industries.
Pakistan‘s sinking economy will show a rapid growth by
attracting more foreign investment and joint projects with the
foreign governments to increase its exports. It will also
minimize the current gap in China-Pakistan imbalanced
bilateral trade volume, now more favorable to China.
2. Second is the development of infrastructure capability of the
country, severely needs improvement particularly since the
start of the War on Terror. A country‘s development is gauged
by various factors where infrastructure is one of the most
important elements. Pakistan‘s poor transportation and
industrial network have created a hindrance in boosting the
national economy. The scene is worse to see in the backdrop
of the wave of terrorism and militancy in the region where a
huge loss has been incurred to infrastructure. Various roads
links, railway tracks, pipelines, industrial parks and economic
zones will be established under the CPEC.
3. Third objective Pakistan wants to achieve through CPEC is
the development of the deep water seaport at Gwadar. It is
situated at a significantly geostrategic location, near the Strait
of Hormuz on the Persian Gulf through which about 40
percent of the world oil channelizes on daily basis. The port
has already been developed with the Chinese assistance and
handed over to her for future operations. The long-remained
backward and militancy-ridden area of Baluchistan will be
come into mainstream by all the economic initiatives and
employment opportunities. Gwadar Port is in competition
with the Iran‘s Chabahar Port, Oman Port and Dubai Port.
4. Fourth factor is the regional connectivity. The CPEC project
is passing through an area which joins together some
geopolitically and geo-strategically important regions of
South Asia, Middle East, and Central Asia; and further to
Africa and Europe. Gwadar provides an easy access to Indian
Ocean for Afghanistan and Central Asian republics, to import
and export trade. Some Central Asian states and Afghanistan
are also part of the China‘s One Belt, One Road policy.
Pakistan‘s trade and energy relations with these countries will
be increased with a rapid pace.
5. Fifth motive is to eradicate terrorism and militancy from the
country and the region through economic emancipation.
Pakistan has suffered huge losses in the War on Terror.
Afghanistan, China and Central Asian states also face the
challenges of militancy and separatism. The eradication of the
menace of terrorism through the economic initiatives is a slow
process but with durable impacts. Sixth objective of Pakistan
is to explore new minerals and scientifically utilize the
already discovered ones. Resource-rich Pakistan is attractive
for China and future‘s foreign investors to play a win-win
game. The jobless youth will be benefited with modern
technological skills to raise the living standard high and make
economy stronger.
6.3 Objectives of China and Pakistan in CPEC
CHINA’S INTERDEPENDENCIES
ON PAK
PAKISTAN INTERDEPENDENCIES
ON CHINA
CA
Reduce the risk of violence in the
bordering Xinjiang region from Pakistan-
based drivers of instability. Pakistan
blockade to the aid of Xinjiang Muslims
and support.
PA
Attract aid and foreign direct investment
to boost economic growth, create jobs,
enhance productivity, and increase
exports.
CB
Offset slowing domestic economic
growth by exporting excess capacity and
supply. Making Pakistan and other Asian
countries China’s market through
accessing Pakistani region.
PB
Obtain financing for electricity
generation and transmission projects to
eliminate shortfall, meet future
residential and industrial demand, and
achieve a more affordable and diverse
energy fuel mix.
CC
Redirect FOREX reserves from US
Treasury bills toward projects abroad
with higher rates of return with the
investment of CPEC project there china is
dependent on Pak land and assets
PC
Upgrade road and rail infrastructure to
enhance regional connectivity and
ground logistics efficiency.
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6.4 China
Pakistan & Power Politic of Interdependencies
International relations and diplomacies has been changing
right after WWII and in late 1970s it has become clear that in forth
coming future many different interdependent blocks will arise on
the world’s map. A collaborative environment between the United
States and the Soviet Union, normalization of relations between
Washington and Beijing; the OPEC states‘ strategies against the
West and the worldwide economic engagements, mostly in
Europe, paved the way for avoiding conflicts and power politics.
The states ‘relations long remained inter-governmental throughout
the diplomatic history but now extended to transnational, non-
governmental and trans-governmental partnerships. Same is the
case of China-Pakistan relationship under the China-Pakistan
Economic Corridor by the explanation of the politics of
interdependence. This theory was put forward by Robert O.
Keohane and Joseph S. Nye in 1977 in their book “Power and
Interdependence: World Politics in Transition”.
Interdependence in world politics refers to situations
characterized by reciprocal effects among countries or among
actors in different countries‖ (Keohane & Nye, 2012: 7). China and
Pakistan, though, not totally dependent on one another but are
engaged interdependently. This engagement under
interdependence has provided both countries to contribute in
various dimensions of their bilateral relationship. China and
Pakistan will gain from the projects under CPEC but not
necessarily that the advantage will be balanced. Symmetric
interdependence is possible but very rare. Asymmetries in
interdependence provide chances of influence to actors in dealings
with one another. In such a relationship the less dependent actor
can use the asymmetric interdependence for power position in
bargaining over an issue or bunch of issues. This asymmetric
dimension further provides a political bargaining process to actors
(Nye, 1977). Looking into asymmetric interdependence, China has
an upper hand in dealing with Pakistan within the CPEC. The 46
billion dollars will be provided by China for various projects in
Pakistan. Also, various Chinese companies are involved in
extracting different minerals, maximizing energy cooperation and
providing technical assistance to develop the Gwadar Port. The
China-Pakistan bilateral trade is imbalanced; favoring China. But
geographically Pakistan is more advantageous than China. (Nye,
1977) He argues that the vulnerability dimension of
interdependence rests on the relative availability and costliness of
the alternatives that various actors face‖. Pakistan provides a
shortest route to China to be connected with the Middle East,
North Africa and beyond; for its trade and energy supply. Among
the three corridors under the One Belt and One Road’ initiative, it
is the easiest extension and most economical route for China.
Other alternatives of going through Russia or Tajikistan and
Afghanistan reaching to Iran; require more time, finance and
logistic support.
However the economic infrastructure among states is a
challenge when it hinders the transaction. It brings costs to states
on two levels. Normal interaction between two states involves an
understood accepted cost. For instance, trade routes channelize the
CD
Demonstrate a new, China-led, win-win
model of international development.
Diplomatic relationship with Pakistan can
lead to an international Business Model
for China to become No. 1 Economy of
the world
PD
Reduce dependence on the Karachi port
and Port Qasim, lowering port congestion
and making a potential full Indian naval
blockade less likely. For that Chinese
help will be required in developing and
investing in CPEC
CE
China is dependent on Pakistan in sense
of accessing its market and skilled labor
on low cost in CPEC and more profitable
good can be produced with direct benefits
to China
PE
Leverage Chinese investment and
expertise in industrial zones to bolster
and diversify manufacturing sector
through industrial zones producing
higher value-added goods.
CF
Reduce dependence on Straits of Malacca
as transit route for energy and trade, as
well as raw materials extracted from East
Africa. It will also reduce the oil arriving
days in china from Arab countries. China
will be dependent on Karakoram to get to
oil needs less than 10 days where as
previously it used to take 45 days
PF
Modernize and diversify agricultural
industry through Chinese investment and
transfer of technology.
CG
Secure refueling, replenishing, and ship
repair facilities in the Indian Ocean
region.
PG
Expand the Sino-Pak relationship beyond
a strategic and military alliance into an
economic partnership as well.
CH
Break out of US containment efforts.
PH
Use CPEC as a demonstration effect,
indicating to other investors that Pakistan
is a safe and attractive destination for
foreign direct investment.
CI
Enhance food security by investing in and
sourcing agricultural and livestock
products from Pakistan.
PI
Establish Pakistani ports as
transshipment hubs for Central and South
Asia and western China.
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capacity to supply goods and services across the geographical and
political boundaries. The economic infrastructure among states is
complex, thus states willingly bear costs to achieve the advantages
that motivate the trade relations. States make these costs to fully
utilize the benefits of trade. However, further costs are possible in
case of changing the relationship or the economic infrastructure
among those states. The economic infrastructure within Pakistan
and China are different from each other. If China has a vibrant
economy with a rapid speed to grow, Pakistan‘s economy is
destabilized due to various factors of political instability,
corruption and sufferings in War on Terror. Islamabad and Beijing
have joined hands together by forming Joint Working Groups
(JWGs) to foster the CPEC projects and bear all the political,
economic and security costs to avoid any hindrance.
Interdependence in international and regional politics is positive
connectivity with immediate neighbors. This will require changes
in Pakistan‘s foreign policy strategy that has, in the past, preferred
closer economic ties, trade and security interaction with the far-
away states in order to cope with the security threats from within
the region of its geographic location. Now, Pakistan will be
required to cultivate more active relations with the immediate
neighbors for sharing energy and pursuing economic development
and trade. This will give a major boost to Pakistan‘s economy. The
areas adjacent to the Corridor will experience a major economic
uplift.
VII. 7.0 MODEL OF INTERDEPENDENCIES
VIII. 8.0 DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS
8.1 Indian-American Response to CPEC
CPEC is currently world’s largest route under-construction
and will the current economical regimes of the world. Indian
another neighboring country to China and Pakistan is directly
opposing to this economical interdependent collaboration of both
the countries because it will kill the Indian dream of becoming
Asian Economic Leader. With the help of America who is
indirectly in opposition Pak-China Friendship, India has tried to
gain with mutual contract on Chabar Port, Iran in Competition. But
this Indian strategy seems failing with naïve Trump’s
administration requirement form Indian government. Indian since
2013, year of CPEC contract, has claimed that Route passing
through Kashmir is Indian area but Pakistan has denied it. Both
the countries have remained involved in many military and
nonmilitary un-conventional wars. Recently India blamed
Pakistan for Pulvama attacks in disputed area of Kashmir, in Feb
2019 and Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan’s speech has
completely denied it and invited Indian extremist government for
investigative exchange but Narainder Modi’s establishment
conducted surgical strikes on Pakistan which has worsened the
CA
CB
CC
CD
CE
CF
CG
CH
CH
CA
CB
CC
CD
CE
CF
CG
CH
CH
CHINA PAKISTA
N
INTERDEPEND
ENT
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peace situation of the region. Pakistan continuously offering peace
solution as per United Nations resolution on disputed Kashmir but
Indian military actions have silently denied to the sit-table
arguments. After the Pulvama IAF strike lead to capture of Indian
Mix21 Pilot Abhinandan. Imran Khan, being a person of peace
gesture released the war criminal to Indian authorities. This blame
game from India was to weaken the CPEC project and to
diplomatic killing of Pakistan’s International Relations but this
power politics had no effect on Pak-China relationship and CPEC.
U.S.A on the other hand has trade ties with India for covering
Asian market and to remain the no. 1 economy of the world had
pushed India to access Indian market many contracts of mutual
trades were signed. America trying to sustain its economical
power has allied Indian regime on many fronts but Indian
Government’s failure to give American access to Indian market
has lead this partnership in perishing moments.
U.S. President Donald Trump looked set to open a new front in his
trade wars on Monday with a plan to end preferential trade
treatment for India that allows duty-free entry for up to $5.6
billion worth of its exports to the United States. United States
policy of partnering India and making power politics of
interdependencies with Indian government has not played well and
the presumed threat to Pak-China relationship has been decreased
by high end nodes and interdependencies
8.2 Sino-U.S.A International Politics and Diplomacy
An important pillar of China's national development and
global diplomacy, the “Belt and Road Initiative” has received
more attention from the US strategic community. Since 2018, the
debates and policy debates around the “Belt and Road” in the
United States have heated up significantly, and the US
administrative and legislative branches have gained greater
consensus on balancing the “Belt and Road”. The US strategic
community generally believes that the impact of China's continued
promotion of the “Belt and Road” construction cannot be
underestimated. It not only has the potential to change the geo-
economic and geopolitical balance of Eurasia, but also in many
fields such as technical standards, military security, and
international development. It poses a real challenge to the United
States and even undermines the foundation of the global
hegemony that the United States established after the Second
World War. The Trump administration began to enrich and refine
the “free and open Indo-Pak strategy” (hereinafter referred to as
the India-Pacific strategy), promote the negative arguments such
as the “debt trap” of China’s manufacturing; reform the
international financing mechanism and many other Ways,
constantly increase the balance of the "Belt and Road". It can be
said that the game around the “Belt and Road” focuses on the
rising competitive factors in Sino-US relations and the overall
trends and main features of the US implementation of competitive
strategies toward China.
Since the Trump administration took office, it has adhered to
the "US priority" line, continuously adjusted the US internal and
external policies, and adopted a grand strategy characterized by
"repressive retrenchment", focusing on improving the economic
competitiveness and military strength of the United States. Reduce
the cost of taking on international leadership responsibilities.
However, the United States is not trying to abandon its global
leadership. Instead, it is trying to use unilateralism and bilateral
pressure as a means to deeply reshape the US alliance system and
current rules, thus strengthening the suppression and regulation of
the US "opponents."
On the one hand, economic globalization is in a low tide,
populism is booming in Western countries, the transatlantic
alliance is showing signs of rift, the return of geopolitical conflicts,
and the deterioration of the contradictions of ethnic groups. It
shows that after the Second World War, the United States led the
establishment and after the Cold War to the non-Western the
"liberal international order", which is gradually expanding in the
world, is in deepening crisis. The US national security strategy has
seen a major shift in its core goal of responding to the competition
of big countries, and regards China as a more threatening force
than countries such as Russia. In December 2017, the Trump
administration issued documents such as the National Security
Strategy report and the National Defense Strategy report,
criticizing China's internal and external policies, and clearly
positioning China as a “revisionist country” and a US “strategic
competition”. ", and will increase the competition for China to the
height of "geopolitical competition between the free world order
and the repressive world order." These reports highlight the reality
of the strategic competition between the two countries, which
largely reflect the consensus of the US strategic community and
marks the United States' attempt to concentrate on responding to
the "China Challenge."
IX. 9.0 CONCLUSION
China and Pakistan are determined to complete the CPEC
project at all costs. It will bring economic prosperity and stability
to both states as well as to the region. It would only be a
quantitative expansion in the domain of economy. CPEC is likely
to expand in due course to provide interconnectivity with
Afghanistan, Iran, the CARs and others. CPEC is indeed a long
project. Geographically, China is more vulnerable as it is
dependent on Pakistan‘s geography having geo-strategic
importance. It is for the first time in their bilateral relationship that
a huge amount of investment is being provided by China for a
number of projects with the help of different government and
private companies, banks and business communities.
Private Pakistani companies have already started having
some direct interactions with their Chinese counterparts. As far as
societal level interactions are concerned, they might also start to
have their presence felt, but it would take a long time. The main
reason for that is strong language and cultural differences.
Viewing the costs, Pakistan is more vulnerable3, as country has
suffered negatively due to War on Terror and political instability.
But it is hoped that CPEC will enhance the annual bilateral trade
volume and make it less imbalanced in future. Last but not least is
the fact that China and Pakistan have entered into their
interdependent relationship which may evolve into complex
interdependence in future.
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AUTHORS
First Author – Noman Qadeer, School of management Sciences
& MBA, North China University of Water Resource and Electric
Power, Zhengzhou, 450002, Henan, China
noumankiyani@hotmail.com