Recommended
More Related Content
Similar to Indigenous Internationalization and the Scandinavian Response
Similar to Indigenous Internationalization and the Scandinavian Response (20)
Recently uploaded
Recently uploaded (20)
Indigenous Internationalization and the Scandinavian Response
- 1. Within our Borders: Indigenous Internationalization and the Scandinavian Response Ellen Ahlness University of Washington S.A.S.S. Conference 2017
- 2. The Puzzle of ‘Straight-Laced’ States The Scandinavian states demonstrate high commitment to not only ratifying human rights treaties, but following through on them. The Human Rights Risk Index has consistently placed them as the best performing countries in respect to human rights. However, there is one field where theses states still experience challenges. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 3. The Puzzle of ‘Straight-Laced’ States However, they consistently underperform in ratification and compliance on indigenous treaties and agreements. • ILO Convention 169 • Land rights laws • Language recognition and accessibility • Resistance to Indigenous Internationalization Moreover, they vary in the degree of resistance they use to respond to internationalization attempts. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 4. The Puzzle of ‘Straight-Laced’ States Internationalization: Mobilization across borders with other similar groups, gaining representation or membership within a global organization or forum, either as its own entity, or represented by a broader group Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 5. The Puzzle of ‘Straight-Laced’ States Internationalization is important to the Sami. It is a way to establish legitimacy and receive a greater assurance of rights gains. Yet states do resist it, to varied degrees, and with varying tactics, which may include bureaucratic blocks and denying assembly, Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 6. The Puzzle of ‘Straight-Laced’ States What causes variation in the degree of resistance states use in response to indigenous internationalization attempts? Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017 • Bureaucratic blocks to attend global meetings • Mobilization denial while within the state • No channels of self-determination • Pigeonholing groups in advisory committees • State-sponsored military or police violence
- 7. Theory Variance in transparency between domestic state actions and the international community creates variation between states levels of indigenous internationalization resistance. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 8. Theoretical Background • Domestic policy networks are not sufficient to explain state resistance, given Scandinavian socio-cultural similarity (Katzenstein 1974) • No basis in protection of state sovereignty and material interests. Nordic states tend to be more reputation minded (Hurd 1999; Grieco 1988) • Noncompliance leads to loss of status or shaming (Reus-Smit 2004, Downes, Rocke & Barsoom 1996) • ‘Norm entrepreneurs’ base their reputations on norm compliance (Ingebritsen 2006) States will repress groups only when the threat of consequence is diminished. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 9. An Internationalization Precedent Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017 There is a historical precedent of indigenous groups seeking internationalization. The first attempt of indigenous advocacy to an international body took place in 1923, where First Nations Haudenosaunee Chief Deskaheh lobbied to the League of Nations in Geneva. He was barred entry. In the 1970s, during the Alta Dam controversy, Sami representatives travelled to New York to appeal to the UN and New York Times to appeal for help in their struggles against the Norwegian state. The Sami recognize working within the system is pragmatic; they act strategically to gain actual decision making power, the kind the state so often denies them. Moreover, they find themselves in a win-win scenario. Even if they fail to gain representation, they gain greater visibility and rhetorical support for their domestic struggles.
- 10. Testable Hypotheses H1: States experiencing external, violent threats are more likely to block indigenous group internationalization attempts. H2: States are more likely to block internationalization attempts of an indigenous group that transcends their national border than internationalization attempts of an indigenous group residing within their territory. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 11. State Cases • Norway: Sami • Sweden: Sami • Finland: Sami • (Russia: Nenet) • (Canada: First Nations Tribes) Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 12. H1 Research Design Cases represent varying levels of WWII involvement • Neutrality (Sweden) • Occupation (Norway) • Domestic Conflict (Finland) Content: firsthand accounts, historical treaties, historical books, state policy and lawmaking, and regional media during and post-WWII. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 13. H2 Research Design Process tracing between Russian Sami and Nenet populations to compare membership gains in international organizations and transboundary mobilization. Groups chosen in consideration of Russia’s strict classification system. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 14. Filling in the Gaps • Addresses transparency in compliance • Addresses when rather than why states choose not to comply with agreements • Addresses lack of indigenous literature on developed, status-conscientious states. • Draws comparisons between ethnic groups, NGOs, and indigenous groups. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 15. H1 Theory While institutions increase monitoring capabilities, war raises the difficulty of collecting reliable information. State and institution actors may withdraw from a region to ensure their safety. War makes population control easier, even among democratic states (Coyne & Hall 2014; Davenport 2007). Mobilization still desired during war (Krain 2000; Coyne & Hal 2014). Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 16. H1 Results: Norway Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017 Some Sami-issue linkages existed in politics in the 1920s, however, wartime brought a wave of concern. Minorities were considered a risk to Norwegian security. The Sami were coerced into cooperation with the Germans as guides, however many voluntary became involved in the Norwegian resistance. Internal division became the foundation for later Sami mobilization. It seems that the voluntary resistance activity was key to post WWII rights gains.
- 17. H1 Results: Sweden Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017 Pre-WWII assimilation practices were very similar to Norway and rooted in findings from Uppsala’s Racial Biology Institute. During the war, there were herding crises and lack of state resources. Many Sami had to leave their traditional livelihoods, which disqualified them from indigenous status and made mobilization near impossible. Sweden’s neutrality resulted in heavy Ally and Axis observation. While there was little mobilization, there was also a lack of Sate resistance.
- 18. H1 Results: Finland Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017 Two major pre-war institutions were formed, primarily made up of non-Sami academics. During the winter war, Sami faced forced conscription, which resulted in a halt in rights gains and a rejection of Sami unity. Sami lost many traditional lands, primarily from the scorched earth policy enacted by the Germans. Postwar, there were moderate political gains, as they had self-determination over their relocation.
- 19. H1 Results: Evaluation States that experienced greatest wartime treat implemented the most coercive tactics in controlling indigenous populations (conscription and conflict participation). Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 20. H2 Theory Perceptions of national self-determination are complicated when a group spans several states. Monitoring institutions may unintentionally focus on the rights gains of the group within one particular state, creating a skewed picture of rights acquisition. Norm acceptance can vary so deeply that activists have difficulties establishing a common platform and strategy (Dahl, 2012). Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 21. H2 Results: Sami vs. Nenet Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017 Both the Nenet and Sami are under the jurisdiction of their regional governments. They have similar livelihoods, and are both recognized under the same indigenous class through Russian law. The Nenet, despite heavy tensions with Russia in the late 1990s, has jointed the international groups RAIPON and the Association of World Reindeer Herders. Yet they have also been blocked from three world indigenous conferences by the Russian government. While Russia has responded to Nenet internationalization with bureaucratic blockages, and even shut them down temporarily in 2013, the Nenet have gained membership in several forums. Alternatively, the Sami Parliament formed in 2008, but since it is not recognized by the state, it cannot join international organizations. As the Sami do not have a recognized representative organ, they have been effectively limited in their participation with transnational NGOs.
- 22. H2 Results: Evaluation Human rights institutions and global institutions skewed to Nordic-focused assessments and declarations. Transboundary indigenous strategy seems to focus on establishing Nordic Sami rights with the hope that the rights will be expanded to Sami in Russia. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 23. Initial Implications H1 and H1 find support in initial research. Habitually norm-compliant states still resist indigenous attempts at internationalization. Internationalization and resistance lessons are widely applicable. Connects to minority mobilization and transboundary movements. Challenges assumptions about conventional domestic issues and who is a global actor Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 24. Considerations While the lessons of indigenous internationalization and membership in global communities are transferrable, further research must be done on transparency and repression among developing states to understand determinants of state behavior This work attempts to address and fit within a greater puzzle of international relations: why are we now seeing a proliferation of nonstate actors attempt to establish themselves on the global level? Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 25. Conclusion Through examination of obscuring events—war and transboundary populations—I find that variation in transparency between the state and international community is a key factor in understanding when states are most likely to resist indigenous internationalization. When events occur that obscure information collection on state behavior, states become more likely to engage in noncompliance. Holds interesting implications for the Scandinavian states, given their reputations and records in norm compliance. Introduction Theory Research Design H1 Results H2 Results Conclusion Ellen Ahlness (UW) Within our Borders May 12, 2017
- 26. Bibliography Abramovich-Gomon, A. (1999). The Nenet’s song: A microcosm of a vanishing culture. Brookfield: Ashgate Ayoub, P. (2016). When states come out: Europe’s sexual minorities and the politics of visibility. New York: Cambridge University Press. Berg-Nordlie, M. Saglie, J.). Perfecting tyranny: Foreign interv& Sullivan, A. (Eds.). (2015). Indigenous politics: Institutions, representation, mobilization. Colchester: ECPR Press. Coyne, C, and Hall, A. (2014ention as experimentation in state control. Independent Institute, 19(2), 165-89. Dahl, J. (2012). The indigenous space and marginalized people in the United Nations. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US. Davenport, C. (2007). State repression and civil order. Annual Review of Political Science, 10(1): 1-23. Downs, G. Rocke, D. & Barsoom, P. (1996). Is the good news about compliance good news about cooperation? International Organization 50(3), 379-406. Golonev, A. & Osherenko, G. (1999). Siberian survival: The Nenets and their story. Ithica: Cornell University Press. Hurd, I. (1999). Legitimacy and authority in international politics. International Organization, 53(2), 379-408. Ingebritsen, C. (2006). Scandinavia in world politics. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers Inc. Katzenstein, P. 1974. “From many one and from one many: Political unification and cultural cohesion in Europe since 1815.” Cornell University: Western Societies Program. Kinnunen, T. & Kivimäki, V. (Eds.). (2012). Finland in world war II: history, memory, interpretation. Boston: Brill Publishing. Krain, M. (2000). Repression and accommodation in post-revolutionary states. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Reus-Smit, C. (2004). Politics of international law. In The politics of international law. (14-43). New York: Cambridge University Press
- 27. Photo Credits The Puzzle of Straight Laced States (1): Human Rights Risk Index, 2016 The Puzzle of Straight Laced States (2) Sametinget.no The Puzzle of Straight Laced States (3): International Indian Treaty Council The Puzzle of Straight Laced States (4): Mardolo campaign, credit to Statkraft.com Theory: (left to right) credits to Warrior Publications, Survival International. An Internationalization Precedent: credit to Haudenosaunee Tribe, United Nations, and Arctic Council State Cases: credit to geography.com H1 Research Design: credit to Mitchell Berg, Shot in the Dark. H2 Research Design: credit to Jeremy Nicholl Filling in the Gaps: United Nations H1 Results: Norway: The American Warrior H1 Results: Sweden: Liberal Arts Instructional Technology Services, UTexas H1 Results: Finland: Liberal Arts Instructional Technology Services, UTexas H2 Results: The Sami vs Nent: credit to NordNorge.com; Survival International H2 Results: Evaluation: Egil Olli of the Sami Parliament, credit to Getty images Initial Implications:: credit to Camilla Andersen, The Ground Truth Conclusion: (left to right) Sami Halabi; Sami Pride, Radio Canada International; Sverges Radio Bibliography: (top to bottom): credit to Camilla Anderson, The Ground Truth; Radio Canada Internaitonal; Transition Europe
Editor's Notes
- Hello everyone, my name is Ellen Ahlness. I am from the University of Washington, a student in the political science department. I’m here to talk about my current research, which looks at Sami attempts to join global organizations, and the Scandinavian response.
- The beginnings of this work I’ll be talking about came from reviewing compliance literature on international agreements. The Scandinavian states demonstrate high commitment to not only ratifying human rights treaties, but following through on them. The Human Rights Risk Index has consistently placed them as the best performing countries in respect to human rights. However, there is one field where theses states still experience challenges.
- The Scandinavian states, while performing well in most conventional measures of human rights, underperform in granting indigenous rights. This is a field that challenges both the global north and south. Norway did not ratify the ILO Convention 169 for many years after its release, and Sweden and Finland have still not ratified it. All three Sami-inhabited states: Norway, Sweden, and Finland, struggle in indigenous language recognition and land rights. I do want to focus on the last point: the Scandinavian states resist indigenous internationalization, which is a form of recognition-seeking. This is important, but what really interests me is how they vary in their resistance to Sami gains.
- Internationalization is the process by which a group attempts to establish its position as a global actor. They may do this through mobilization, or gaining representation in a global forum. The Sami are actors in the Arctic Council and are represented in the United Nations through the working group on indigenous peoples, the picture here depicting the first meeting on the declaration on indigenous peoples. The Sami also engage in transboundry mobilization through the Sami Parliamentary Council.
- Internationalization is important to the Sami. It is a way to establish legitimacy and receive a greater assurance of rights gains. Yet states do resist it, to varied degrees, and with varying tactics, which may include bureaucratic blocks and denying assembly, They also include allowing only advisory channels, not channels of self-determination (such as the Sami Parliaments), which limits what the Sami may advise on (usually emphasizing linguistic or cultural rights, not land issues or political autonomy). Sates may also use violence, the most famous case being the Alta Dam controversy, where Norway experienced its largest domestic police deployment in history.
- Internationalization is important to the Sami. It is a way to establish legitimacy and receive a greater assurance of rights gains. Yet states do resist it, to varied degrees, and with varying tactics, which may include bureaucratic blocks and denying assembly, They also include allowing only advisory channels, not channels of self-determination (such as the Sami Parliaments), which limits what the Sami may advise on (usually emphasizing linguistic or cultural rights, not land issues or political autonomy). Sates may also use violence, the most famous case being the Alta Dam controversy, where Norway experienced its largest domestic police deployment in history.
- Variance in transparency between domestic actions and the international community creates variation between states levels of indigenous internationalization resistance. In other words, conditions can happen that make state repression more obscured from the global community
- To briefly explain some of the theory that goes into this, I draw from compliance and reputation literature. Katzenstein suggests that domestic policy networks explain variation in behavior, however, this does not seem sufficient in Scandinavia, given the socio-cultural similarity. Instead, there must be external conditions that explain the difference of state action. Variance also goes beyond material interests, as the Nordic states, are more reputation minded. However, this does make us suspect they are wary about when they break international agreements, since it leads to a loss of social status or shaming. Ultimately, states try to mask noncompliant behavior by conducting it only when there is less chance of being caught or facing the consequences.
- There is a historical precedent of indigenous groups seeking internationalization. The first attempt of indigenous advocacy to an international body took place in 1923, where First Nations Hau-de-no-sau-nee Chief Des-ka-heh lobbied to the League of Nations in Geneva. He was barred entry. In the 1970s, during the Alta Dam controversy, Sami representatives travelled to New York to appeal to the UN and New York Times to appeal for help in their struggles against the Norwegian state. The Sami recognize working within the system is pragmatic. On the Arctic Council, Sami Council VP Olav Mathias Eira explains why international participation is sought: “participant status is much better than observer status… to say ‘no,’ we have almost the same power as the United States. The Sami act strategically to gain actual decision making power, the kind the state so often denies them. Moreover, they find themselves in a win-win scenario. Even if they fail to gain representation, they gain greater visibility and rhetorical support for their domestic struggles.
- Having gone over why indigenous groups seek internationalization, I propose two hypotheses, each examining a condition where domestic behavior would be obscured from the global community. First, H1: States experiencing external, violent threats are more likely to block indigenous group internationalization attempts. For H2: States are more likely to block internationalization attempts of an indigenous group that transcends their national border than the attempts of an group residing within their territory.
- I emphasize developed, Arctic nations as my cases (moving away from indigenous focus on developing states) To note, my complete work will also address Canada and Russia as comparisons (since initial research indicates they fall on the opposite far ends of the repression spectrum), but here I will emphasize three Scandinavian states: Norway, Sweden, and Finland.
- Varying levels of involvement in WWII should lead us to expect variation in indigenous repression. This result would be even more significant given the similar economic, sociocultural, historical, and linguistic backgrounds. I conduct content analysis to understand attitudes, actual threat, perceived threat, and rhetoric of policymakers and indigenous peoples during and post WWII.
- For the second hypothesis, I process trace group achievements, both from Nenet and Sami populations from 1995-2017, and compare the resistance they face in joining international groups. I use government and Sami declarations to understand first-person motivations.
- The hypotheses were chosen to address gaps in normative, and indigenous literature. I examine when, rather than why, states don’t comply with agreements. Additionally, it addresses the lack of indigenous literature on the global north, challenging the perception that indigenous groups in developed states do not face challenges. We especially hold this perception when we think of the rights-positive Scandinavian states. Finally, it draws comparisons between the Sami and other domestic groups that act in the Scandinavian states: NGOs and ethnic minorities.
- To note: the results that I address so far are preliminary, based on research I have conducted so far. While the proliferation of media and NGOs makes it difficult to hide instances of noncompliance, war increases the difficulty of collecting reliable information on domestic behavior. Governments also adapt organizational qualities that make population control more efficient.
- States that experienced greatest wartime threat implemented the most coercive tactics, such as conscription and denial of unity. A state’s threat level is tied to its domestic transparency; as the threat grows, so does the obscuring effect on domestic actions. Scandinavian scholars overwhelmingly recognize the end of WWII as a shift toward mobilizing indigenous identity and a move away from state assimilation policies. Proliferated human rights norms also created conditions favorable to transparency.
- Addressing my second hypothesis, It is easier for monitoring agencies to identify state noncompliance directed at a domestic indigenous group than it is for them to monitor policy discrepancies among several states sharing an indigenous group (ex: Sami in Russia and Finland). This recognizes that state policy can vary widely. Rights observers may focus on the gains on one state’s group, rather than collecting a comprehensive picture of rights variance.
- Ultimately, human rights reports draw from Nordic-based assessments and declarations. Russian Sami representation remains consistently lower than both Nenet and Nordic Sami groups. Academics and the media focus on the achievements of the Nordic Sami, and are largely unaware of the achievements gaps, or believe achievements will ‘transfer’ across the border.
- There is strong evidence to support the belief that both war and transboundary conditions create obscurity that increase state repression. This research addresses the fact that even traditionally ‘straight laced states’ still struggle in some human rights, given favorable conditions. It addresses a more comprehensive view of human rights, and makes us think about who are becoming global participants beyond states. Scandinavia has more actors than just Denmark, Sweden, Finland, and Norway. Additionally, it makes us think about minority mobilization, social movements, and NGO proliferation, drawing links among these domestic movements.
- Further research must be done on transparency and repression to answer connected questions, primarily: What events cause the international community to support national self-determination? Additionally, why are we now seeing the Sami trying to establish themselves on the global level? Is it a modern phenomenon? Or are we are more attuned to nonstate actors with the increased legitimacy of national movements?
- To conclude, once again, I find transparency between the state and the international community is a determinant in evaluating when states are most likely to resist indigenous rights gains. This is important, as even normally rights-adherent states still encounters situations where their domestic politics are obscured. Moreover, understanding transparency’s effects on the Sami opens dialogue to understand and prevent repercussions against the group. Thank you very much for your time and consideration. I look forward to answering any questions.