In the shadow of the silent majorities ••• or the

IN
THE SHADOW OF THE SILENT
MAJORITIES
••• OR
THE END OF THE SOCIAL
AND OTHER ESSAYS
FOREIGN AGENTS SERIES
Jim Fleming and Sylvere Lotringer, Series Editors
IN THE SHADOW OF THE SILENT MAJORmES
Jean Baudrillard
ONTHEUNE
Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari
DRIFTWORKS
Jean-Francois Lyotard
POPULAR DEFENSE AND ECOLOGICAL STRUGGLES
Paul Virilio
SIMULATIONS
Jean Baudri liard
THE SOCIAL FACTORY

Toni Negri and Mario Tronti
PURE WAR
Paul Virilio
JEAN BAUDRILLARD
IN
THE SHADOW OF THE SILENT
MAJORITIES
••• OR
THE END OF THE SOCIAL
AND OTHER ESSAYS
Translated by Paul Foss,
Paul Patton and John Johnston
Semiotext(e), Inc.
522 Philosophy Hall
Columbia University
New York City, New York 10027
©1983, Jean Baudrillard and Semiotext(e)
We gratefully acknowledge the assistance of
the New York State Council on the Arts.
All right reserved.

Printed in the United States of America.
Contents
In the Shadow of the Silent Majorities 1
... Or, The End of the Social 65
The Implosion of Meaning in the Media 95
Ou r Theater of Cruelty 113
The whole chaotic constellation of the social
revolves around that spongy referent, that opa-
que but equally translucent reality, that nothing-
ness: the masses. A statistical crystal ball, the
masses are "swirling with currents and flows," in
the image of matter and the natural elements. So
at least they are represented to us. They can be
"mesmerized," the social envelops them, like
static electricity; but most of the time, precisely,
they form an earth *, that is, they absorb all the
*Translator's Note: Throughout the text "la masse,"
"fa ire masse" imply a condensation of terms which
allows Baudrillard to make a number of central puns and
allusions. For not only does la masse directly refer to the
physical and philosophical sense of "substance" or "mat-
ter," it can just as easily mean "the majority" (as in "the
mass of workers") or even the electrical usage of an

"earth"; hence faire masse can simultaneously ~ean to
form a mass, to form an earth or to form a majority.
1
Jean Baudrillard
electricity of the social and political and neu-
tralise it forever. They are neither good conduc-
tors of the political, nor good conductors of the
social, nor good conductors of meaning in
general. Everything flows through them, every-
thing magnetises them, but diffuses throughout
them without leaving a trace. And, ultimately,
the appeal to the masses has always .gone
unanswered. They do not radiate; on the con-
trary, they absorb all radiation from the outlying
constellations of State, History, Culture, Mean-
ing. They are inertia, the strength of inertia, the
strength of the neutral.
In this seme, the mass is characteristic of our
modernity, as a highly implosive phenomenon, ir-
reducible for any traditional theory and practice,
even perhaps for any theory and practice at all.
According to their imaginary representa-
tion, the masses drift somewhere between passiv
ity and wild spontaneity, but always as a poten-
tial energy, a reservoir of the social and of social
energy; today a mute referent, tomorrow, when
they speak up and cease to be the "silent
majority," a protagonist of history - now, in
fact, the masses have no history to write, neither

2
In the Shadow of the Silent Majorities
past nor future, they have no virtual energies to
release, nor any desire to fulfill: their strength is
actual, in the present, and sufficient unto itself. It
consists in their silence, in their capacity to ab-
sorb and neutralise, already superior to any
power acting upon them. It is a specific inertial
strength, whose effectivity differs from that of all
those schemas of production, radiation and ex-
pansion according to which our imaginary func-
tions, even in its wish to destroy those same
schemas. An unacceptable and unintelligible
figure of implosion (is this still a "process"?) -
stumbling block to all our systems of meaning,
against which they summon all their resistance,
and screening, with a renewed outbreak of signi-
fication, with a blaze of signifiers, the central col -
lapse of meaning.
The social void is scattered with interstitial
objects and crystalline clusters which spin
around and coalesce in a cerebral chiaroscuro.
So is the mass, an in vacuo aggregation of in-
dividual particles, refuse of the social and of
media impulses: an opaque nebula whose
3

Jean Baudrillard
growing density absorbs all the surrounding
energy and light rays, to collapse finally under
its own weight. A black hole which engulfs the
social.
This is, therefore, exactly the reverse of a
"sociological" understanding. Sociology can
only depict the expansion of the social and its
vicissitudes. It survives only on the positive and
definitive hypothesis of the social. The reab-
sorption, the implosion of the social escapes it.
The hypothesis of the death of the social is also
that of its own death.
The term "mass" is not a concept. ~t is a
leitmotif of political demagogy, a soft, sticky,
lumpenanalytical notion. A good sociology
would attempt to surpass it with "more subtle"
categories: socio-professional ones, categories
of class, cultural status, etc. Wrong: it is by
prowling around these soft and acritical no-
tions (like "mana" once was) that one can go
further than intelligent critical sociology.
Besides, it will be noticed retrospectively that
the concepts "class," "social relations,"
"power," "status," "institution" - and "social"
itself - all those too explicit concepts which are
the glory of the legitimate sciences, have also
4

only ever been muddled notions themselves,
but notions upon which agreement has never-
theless been reached for mysterious ends: those
of preserving a certain code of analysis.
To want to specify the term "mass" is a
mistake - it is to provide meaning for that which
has none. One says: "the mass of workers." But
the mass is never that of the workers, nor of any
other social subject or object. The "peasant
masses" of old were not in fact masses: only those
form a mass who are freed from their symbolic
bondage, "released" (only to be caught in infinite
"networks") and destined to be no more than the
innumerable end points of precisely those same
theoretical models which do not succeed in in-
tegrating them and which finally only produce
them as statistical refuse. The mass is without at-
tribute, predicate, quality, reference. This is its
difinition, or its radical lack of definition. It has
no sociological "reality." It has nothing to do
with any real population, body or specific social
aggregate. Any attempt to qualify it only seeks to
transfer it back to sociology and rescue it from
5
Jean Baudrillard
this indistinctness which is not even that of
equivalence (the unlimited sum of equivalent in-
dividuals: 1 + 1 + 1 - such is the sociological
definition), but that of the neutral, that is to say

neither one nor the other (ne-uter).
There is no longer any polarity between the
one and the other in the mass. This is what causes
that vacuum and inwardly collapsing effect in all
those systems which survive on the separation
and distinction of poles (two, or many in more
complex systems). This is what makes the cir-
culation of meaning within the mass impossible:
it is instantaneously dispersed, like atoms in a
void. This is also what makes it impossible for the
mass to be alienated, since neither the one nor the
other exist there any longer.
A speechless mass for every hollow spokes-
man without a past. Admirable conjunction, be-
tween those who have nothing to say, and the
masses, who do not speak. Ominous emptines.s
of all discourse. No hysteria or potential fascism,
but simulation by precipitation of every lost
referential. Black box of every referential, of
every uncaptured meaning, of impossible his-
tory, of untraceable systems of representation,
the mass is what remains when the social has been
6
I n the Shadow of the Si lent Majorities
completely removed.
Regarding the impossibility of making
meaning circulate among the masses, the best ex-
ample is God. The masses have hardly retained

anything but the image of him, never the Idea.
They have never been affected by the Idea of
God, which has remained a matter for the clergy,
nor by anguish over sin and personal salvation.
What they have retained is the enchantment of
saints and martyrs; the last judgment; the Dance
of Death; sorcery; the ceremony and spectacle of
the Church; the immanence of ritual - the con-
trast to the transcendence of the Idea. They were
and have remained pagans, in their way, never
haunted by the Supreme Authority, but surviv-
ing on the small change of images, superstition
and the devil. Degraded practices with regard to
the spiritual wager of faith? Indeed. It is their par-
ticular way, through the banality of rituals and
profane simulacra, of refusing the categorical im-
perative of morality and faith, the sublime im-
perative of meaning, which they have always re-
7
Jean Baudrillard
jected. It isn't that they have not been able to at-
tain the higher enlightenment of religion: they
have ignored it. They don't refuse to die for a
faith, for a cause, for an idol. What they refuse is
trans<;endence; the uncertainty, the difference,
the waiting, the asceticism which constitute the
sublime exaction of religion. For the masses, the
Kingdom of God has always been already here
on earth, in the pagan immanence of images, in
the spectacle of it presented by the Church. Fan-
tastic distortion of the religious prin£:iple. The

masses have absorbed religion by their sorcerous
and spectacular manner of practising it.
All the great schemas of reason have suf-
fered the same fate. They have only traced their
trajectory, they have only followed the thread of
their history along the thin edge of the social
stratum bearing meaning (and in particular of the
stratum bearing social meaning), and on the
whole they have only penetrated into the masses
at the cost of their misappropriation, of their
radical distortion. So it was with Historical
Reason,. Political Reason, Cultural Reason,
Revolutionary Reason - so even with the very
Reason of the Social, the most interesting since
this seems inherent to the masses, and appears to
8
have produced them throughout its evolution.
Are the masses the "mirror of the social"? No,
they don't reflect the social, nor are they reflected
in the social - it is the mirror of the social which
shatters to pieces on them.
Even this image is not right, since it still
evokes the idea of a hard substance, of an opaque
resistance. Rather, the masses function as a
gigantic black hole which inexorably inflects,
bends and distorts all energy and light radiation
approaching it: an implosive sphere, in which the
curvature of spaces accelerates, in which all

dimensions curve back on themselves and "in-
volve" to the point of annihilation, leaving in
their stead only a sphere of potential engulfment.
The Abyss of Meaning
So it is with information.
Whatever its political, pedagogical, cultural
content, the plan is always to get some meaning
across, to keep the masses within reason; an im-
perative to produce meaning that takes the form
of the constantly repeated imperative to moralise
9
Jean Baudrillard
information: to better inform, to better socialise,
to raise the cultural level of the masses, etc.
Nonsense: the masses scandalously resist this im-
perative of rational communication. They are
given meaning: they want spectacle. No effort
has been able to convert them to the seriousness
of the content, nor even to the seriousness of the
code. Messages are given to them, they only want
some sign, they idolise the play of signs and
stereotypes, they idolise any content so long as it
resolves itself into a spectacular sequence. What
they reject is the "dialectic" of meaning. Nor is
anything served by alleging that they are
mystified. This is always a hypocritical hypoth-
esis which protects the intellectual complaisance
of the producers of meaning: the masses spon-

taneously aspire to the natural light of reason.
This in order to evade the reverse hypothesis,
namely that it is in complete "freedom". that the
masses oppose their refusal of meaning and their
will to spectacle to the ultimatum of meaning.
They distrust, as with death, this transparency
and this'political will. They scent the simplifying
terror which is behind the ideal hegemony of
meaning, and they react in their own way, by
reducing all articulate discourse to a single irra-
10
tional and baseless dimension, where signs lose
their meaning and peter out in fascination: the
spectacular.
Once again, it is not a question of mystifica-
tion: it is a question of their own exigencies, of an
explicit and positive counter-strategy - the task
of absorbing and annihilating culture, know-
ledge, power, the social. An immemorial task,
but one which assumes its full scope today. A
deep antagonism which forces the inversion of
received scenarios: it is no longer meaning which
would be the ideal line of force in our societies,
that which eludes it being only waste intended for
reabsorption some time or other - on the con-
trary, it is meaning which is only an ambiguous
and inconsequential accident, an effect due to
ideal convergence of a perspective space at any
given moment (History, Power, etc.) and which,

moreover, has only ever really concerned a tiny
fraction and superficial layer of our "societies."
And this is true of individuals also: we are only
episodic conductors of meaning, for in the main,
and profoundly, we form a mass, living most of
the time in panic or haphazardly, above and
beyond any meaning.
Now, with this inverse hypothesis, every-
11
Jean Baudrillard
thing changes.
Take one example from a thousand concern-
ing this contempt for meaning, the folklore of
silent passivities.
On the night of Klaus Croissant's extradi-
tion, the TV transmitted a football match in
which France played to qualify for the world cup.
Some hundreds of people demonstrated outside
la Sante, a few barristers ran to and fro in the
night; twenty million people spent their evening
glued to the screen. An explosion of popular joy
when France won. Consternation and indigna-
tion of the illuminati over this scandalous indif-
ference. La Monde: "9 pm. At that time the Ger-
man barrister had already been taken out of la
Sante. A few minutes later, Rocheteau scored the
first goal." Melodrama of indignation. 1 Not a
single query about the mystery of this indif-

ference. One same reason is always invoked: the
manipulation of the masses by power, their
mystification by football. In any case, this indif-
ference ought not to be, hence it has nothing to
12
tell us. In other words, the "silent majority" is
even stripped of its indifference, it has no right
even that this be recognised and imputed to it,
even this apathy must have been imposed on it by
power.
What contempt behind this interpretation!
Mystif·ied, the masses are not allowed their own
behavior. Occasionally, they are conceded a
revolutionary spontaneity by which they glimpse
the "rationality of their own desire," that yes, but
God protect us from' their silence and their iner-
tia. It is exactly this indifference, however, that
demands to be analysed in its positive brutality,
instead of being dismissed as white magic, or as a
magic alienation which always turns the multi-
tudes away from their revolutionary vocation.
Moreover, how does it succeed in turning
them away? Can one ask questions about the
strange fact that, after several revolutions and a
century or two of political apprenticeship, in
spite of the newspapers, the trade unions, the par-
ties, the intellectuals and all the energy put into
educating and mobilising the people, there are

still (and it will be exactly the same in ten or twen-
ty years) a thousand persons who stand up and
twenty million who remain "passive" - and not
13
Jean Baudrillard
only passive, but who, in all good faith and with
glee and without even asking themselves why,
frankly prefer a football match to a human and
political drama? It is curious that this proven fact
has never succeeded in making political analysis
shift ground, but on the contrary reinforces it in
its vision of an omnipotent, manipulatory
power, and a mass prostrate in an unintelligible
coma. Now none of this is true, and both the
above are a deception: power manipulates
nothing, the masses are neither mislead nor
mystified. Power is only too happy to make foot-
ball bear a facile responsibility, even to take upon
itself the diabolical responsibility for stupefying
the masses. This comforts it in its illusion of being
power, and leads away from the much more
dangerous fact that this indifference of the masses
is their true, their only practice, that there is no
other ideal of them to imagine, nothing in this to
deplore, but everything to analyse as the brute
fact of a collective retaliation and of a refusal to
participate in the recommended ideals, however
enlightened.
14

What is at stake in the masses lies elsewhere.
We might as well take note and recognise that
any hope of revolution, the whole promise of the
social and of social change has only been able to
function up till now thanks to this dodging of the
issue, this fantastic denial. We might as well
begin again, as Freud did in the psychic order,2
from this remainder, from this blind sediment,
from this waste or refuse of meaning, from this
un analysed and perhaps unanaly.sable fact (there
is a good reason why such a Copernican Revolu-
tion has never been undertaken in the political
universe: it is the whole political order that is in
danger of paying the price).
Rise and Fall of the Political
The political and the social seem inseparable
to us, twin constellations, since at least the French
Revolution, under the sign (determinant or not)
of the economic. But for us today, this un-
doubtedly is only true of their simultaneous
decline.
15
Jean Baudrillard
When the political emerged during the
Renaissance from the religious and ecclesiastic

spheres, to win reknown with Machiavelli, it was
at first only a pure game of signs, a pure strategy
which was not burdened with any social or his-
torical "truth," but, on the contrary, played on
the absence of truth (as did later the worldly
strategy of the Jesuits on the absence of God). To
begin with, the political space belonged to the
same order as that of Renaissance mechanical
theatre, or of perspective space in painting,
which were invented at the same time. Its form
was that of a game, not of a system of representa-
tion - semiurgy and strategy, not ideology - its
function was one of virtuosity, not of truth
(hence the game, subtle and a corollary to this, of
Balthazar Gracian in Homme de Cour). The
cynicism and immorality of Machiavellian poli-
tics lay there: not as the vulgar understanding has
it in the unscrupulous usage of means, but in the
offhand disregard for ends. Now, as Nietzsche
well knew, it is in this disregard for a social,
psychological, historical truth, in this exercise of
simulacra as such, that the maximum of political
energy is found, where the political is a game and
is not yet given a reason.
16
It is since the eighteenth century, and par-
ticularly since the Revolution, that the political
has taken a decisive turn. It took upon itself a
social· reference, the social invested it. At the
same time, it entered into representation, its per-

formance became dominated by representative
mechanisms (theatre pursued a parallel fate: it
became a representative theatre - likewise for
perspective space: machinery at the start, it
became the place where a truth of space and of
representation was inscribed). The political scene
became that of the evocation of a fundamental
signified: the people, the will of the people, etc. It
no longer worked on signs alone, but on mean-
ing; henceforth summoned to best signify the real
it expressed, summoned to become transparent,
to moralise itself and to respond to the social ideal
of good representation. For a long time, never-
theless, a balance carne into play between the
proper sphere of the political and the forces
reflected in it: the social, the historical, the
economic. Undoubtedly this balance corres-
ponds to the golden age of bourgeois represen-
17
Jean 8audrillard
tative systems (constitutionality: eighteenth-
century England, the United States of America,
the France of bourgeois revolutions, the Europe
of 1848).
It is with marxist thought, in its successive
developments, that the end of the political and of
its particular energy was inaugurated. Here
began the absolute hegemony of the social and
the economic, and the compulsion, on the part of
the political, to become the legislative, institu-

tional, executive mirror of the social. The auton-
omy of the political was inversely proportional to
the growing hegemony of the social.
Liberal thought always thrives on a kind of
nostalgic dialectic between the two, but socialist
thought, revolutionary thought openly postu-
lates a dissolution of the political at some point in
history, in the final transparency of the social.
The social won. But, at this point of general-
isation, of saturation, where it is no more than
the zero degree of the political, at this point of ab-
solute reference, of omnipresence and diffraction
in all the interstices of physical and mental space,
what becomes of the social itself? It is the sign of
its end: the energy of the social is reversed, its
18
specificity is lost, its historIcal quality and its
ideality vanish in favour of a configuration where
not only the political. becomes volatilised, but
where the social itself no longer has any name.
Anonymous. THE MASS. THE MASSES.
The Silent Majority
The dwindling of the political from a pure
strategic arrangement to a system of represen-
tation, then to the present scenario of neo-
figuration, where the system continues under

the same manifold signs but where these no
longer represent anything and no longer have
their "equivalent" in a "reality" or a real social
substance: there is no longer any political in-
vestiture because there is no longer even any
social referent of the classical kind (a people, a
class, a proletariat, objective conditions) to
lend force to effective political signs. Quite
simply, there is no longer any social signified
to give force to a political signifier.
The only referent which still functions is
that of the silent majority. All contemporary
19
Jean Baudrillard
systems function on this nebulous entity, on
this floating substance whose existence is no
longer social, but statistical, and whose only
mode of appearance is that of the survey. A
simulation on the horizon of the social, or
rather on whose horizon the social has already
disappeared.
That the silent majority (or the masses) is an
imaginary referent does not mean they don't ex-
ist. It means that their representation is no longer
possible. The masses are no longer a referent
because they no longer belong to the order of
representation. They don't express them~elves,
they are surveyed. They don't reflect upon
themselves, they are tested. The referendum (and

the media are a constant referendum of directed
questions and answers) has been substituted for
the political referent. Now polls, tests, the
referendum, media are devices which no longer
belong to a dimension of representations, but to
one of simulation. They no longer have a referent
in view, but a model. Here, revolution in relation
to the devices of classical sociality (of which elec-
tions, institutions, the instances of representa-
tion, and even of repression, still form a part) is
complete: in all this, social meaning still flows
20
between one pole and another, in a dialectical
structure which allows for a political stake and
contradictions.
Everything changes with the device of simu-
lation. In the couple "silent majority / survey" for
example, there is no longer any pole nor any dif-
ferential term, hence no electricity of the social
either: it is short-circuited by the confusing of
poles, in a total circularity of signalling (exactly
as is the case with molecular communication and
with the substance it informs in DNA and the
genetic code). This is the ideal form of simula-
tion: collapse of poles, orbital circulation of
models (this is also the matrix of every implosive
process).
Bombarded with stimuli, messages and

tests, the masses are simply an opaque, blind
stratum, like those clusters of stellar gas known
only through analysis of their light spectrum -
radiation spectrum equivalent to statistics and
surveys - but precisely: it can no longer be a
question of expression or representation, but
only of the simulation of an ever inexpressible
and unexpressed social. This is the meaning of
21
Jean Baudrillard
their silence. But this silence is paradoxical - it
isn't a silence which does not speak, it is a silence
which refuses to be spoken for in its name. And in
this sense, far from being a form of alienation, it
is an absolute weapon.
No one can be said to represent the silent ma-
jority, and that is its revenge. The masses are no
longer an authority to which one might refer as
one formerly referred to class or to the people.
Withdrawn into their silence, they are no longer
(a) subject (especially not to - or of - history),
hence they can no longer be spoken for, articu-
lated, represented, nor pass through the political
"mirror stage" and the cycle of imaginary iden-
tifications. One sees what strength results from
this: no longer being (a) subject, they can no
longer be alienated - neither in their own
language (they have none), nor in any other which
would pretend to speak for them. The end of
revolutionary convictions. For these have always

speculated on the possibility of the masses, or the
proletariat, denying themselves as such. But the
mass is not a place of negativity or explosion, it is a
place of absorption and implosion.
Inaccessible to schemas of liberation, revolu-
tion and historicity; this is its mode of defense, its
22
particular mode of retaliation. Model of simula-
tion and imaginary referent for use by a phantom
political class which now no longer knows what
kind of "power" it wields over it, the mass is at the
same time the death, the end of this political proc-
ess thought to rule over it. And into it is engulfed
the political as will and representation.
The strategy of power has long seemed
founded on the apathy of the masses. The more
passive they were, the more secure it was. But this
logic is only characteristic of the bureaucratic and
centralist phase of power. And it is this which to-
day turns against it: the inertia it has fostered be-
comes the sign of its own death. That is why it
seeks to reverse its strategies: from passivity to
participation, from silence to speech. But it is too
late. The threshold of the "critical mass," that of
the involution of the social through inertia, is
exceeded. 3
Everywhere the masses are encouraged to

speak, they are urged to live socially, electorally,
organisationally, sexually, in participation, in
festival, in free speech, etc. The spectre must be
exorcised, it must pronounce its name. Nothing
shows more dramatically that the only genuine
problem today is the silence of the mass, the
23
Jean Baudrillard
silence of the silent majority.
All reserves are exhausted in maintaining
this mass in controlled emulsion and in prevent-
ing it from falling back into its panic-inducing in-
ertia and its silence. No longer being under the
reign of will or representation, it falls under the
province of diagnosis, or divination pure and
simple - whence the universal reign of informa-
tion and statistics: we must ausculate it, sound it
out, unearth some oracle from within it. Whence
the mania for seduction, solicitude and all the
solicitation surrounding it. Whence prediction by
resonance, the effects of forecasting and of an il-
lusory mass outlook: "The French people think
... The majority of Germans disapprove ... All
England thrilled to the birth of the Prince ... etc."
- a mirror held out for an ever blind, ever absent
recognition.
Whence that bombardment of signs which
the mass is thought to re-echo. It is interrogated
by converging waves, by light or linguistic

stimuli, exactly like distant stars or nuclei …
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submission:
Beginning the following Monday morning after the
deadline, your submission will be graded and the grades posted
in Titanium. The instructor may make comments that are
highlight commendations, errors, or omissions about your
research. The comments can be found by returning to your
original submission document where you will find a light blue
word cloud icon.
You will be able to view the comments by hovering your
computer cursor over the icon which will open and display the
instructor’s comments.
WEB EXERCISE DIRECTIONS
CHOOSE ONE OF THE FOLLOWING WEB EXERCISES: #1
OR #2
DIRECTIONS:
References (all websites you visited) are required and to be
cited under the References section of your responseand
formatted in the APA style. You can find out how to cite your
references in APA style by going to Course Documents in
Titanium and view the file, APA CITATION STYLES, under
WEB EXERCISE GUIDELINES. You should do an internet
search using whatever reliable service you find (Wikipedia,
Google, Yahoo, etc.). Use complete sentences that are
grammatically correct and no outlines or bullet points.
WEB EXERCISE #1
1. Part A: Who were the top 5 countries and give the $$ volume
that the United States exported to in 2016?
Part B: Which countries were the top 5 and give the $$
volume that the United States imported from in 2016?

2. Visit the 3 websites of 3 of the following MNCs:
ACUMEN AFFILIATED COMPUTER SERVICES
AITKEN SPENCE
ADIDAS ADITI TECHNOLOGIES
ALSTOM
AIRBUS ADVANCED MIRCO SERVICES
AKZO NOBEL
ALTRIA GROUP ALLIANCE GLOBAL GROUP INC.
AIRFRANCE-KLM
ALFA LAVAL AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL GROUP
ALCATEL-LUCENT
3. Explain in a minimum of 5 sentences for each of the 3
MNCs, the importance the company appears to place on
international business? Be specific giving financial evidence
when possible (for example, what are annual sales and what %
are foreign or list the countries they do business with). (One
paragraph for each MNC with a minimum of 5 sentences for
each paragraph = 15 sentences minimum for answer #3).
4. In a minimum of 5 sentences for each MNC, list the foreign
currencies that each MNC has volatility exposure for each of
the 3 MNCs you researched in question 2 above? (One
paragraph for each MNC with a minimum of 5 sentences for
each paragraph = 15 sentences minimum for answer #4).
TOTAL MINIMUM SENTENCE COUNT FOR EXERCISE #1 =
30 sentences in addition to the U.S. export and import lists for
2016.
WEB EXERCISE #2
1. Visit the website of the Ex-Im Bank. List any 3 programs
Ex-Im programs the Bank provides. Explain how each program
works in a 5 sentences paragraph for each program (3
paragraphs each with a minimum of 5 sentences each = 15
sentences).

2. Choose 3 major international banks from the list below and
visit the websites.
BANCO SANTANDER (Spain) COMMONWEALTH BANK
(Australia)
BANCO BRADESCO (Brazil) UBS, SWITZERLAND
ROYAL BANK (Canada) MITSUBISHI UFJ FINANCIAL
(Japan)
BANK OF CHINA SUMITOMO MITSUI
FINANCIAL (Japan)
List 3 international trade financing services that each of the
three banks provide and explain each of the three services for
each of the three banks in at least 5 sentences for each service."
(3 paragraphs each bank with a minimum of 5 sentences in each
of 9 paragraphs = 45 sentences).
TOTAL MINIMUM SENTENCE COUNT FOR EXERCISE #2 =
60 sentences

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