The document discusses two projects aimed at mitigating gender issues: 1) A project in India addressed skewed sex ratios by mobilizing communities, curbing sex-selective abortion, and advocating for enforcement of anti-sex selection laws. It saw mixed success due to some partner organizations' limited capacities. 2) An international project examined policies through research on men's attitudes and provided strategies for engaging men in gender equality issues like health, violence, and caregiving. It offered insights but long-term impact depends on policy and social changes. The projects showed community mobilization and addressing underlying social norms are important to mitigate gender issues. They complement each other through grassroots and policy-level approaches.

1. 1
Mitigating China’s skewed sex ratio at birth
To: All China Women’s Federation;the NationalPopulation
and Family Planning Commissionof P.R. China
From: Xintong Hou

2. 2
I. The policy problem: skewed sex ratio at birth and the son preference culture
From the mid-1980s, despite huge socio-economic development and continuing
improvement in women’s status, China’s SRB started to rise, from 106 in 1979, 111 in
1990, 117 in 2001, to 121 in 2005. According to the result of 2005 National Census,
in 2005 males under the age of 20 exceeded females by more than 32 million in China,
and more than1.1 million excess births of boys occurred. And according to the 2010
Chinese census, the sex ratio at birth (SRB) has climbed during the past three decades
to an alarming 118 boys born for every 100 girls and this ratio may keep worsening in
the reproductive age group over the new two decades without regulation.
National figures conceal wide local differences with some rural areas showing ratios
as high as 140. Although sex ratios were outside the normal range for almost all age
groups in almost all provinces, the highest ratios were seen in the centre and south of
the country, in the highly populous provinces of Henan, Jiangxi, Anhui, Guangdong,
and Hainan.
These overall figures also conceal dramatic differences in SRB by birth order. The
ratio rose very steeply for second and higher order births in cities 138 (132 to 144),
towns 137 (131 to143), and rural areas 146 (143 to 149), although the numbers of
second order births in cities were low. These rises were consistent across all provinces,
except Tibet, with very high figures for second births in Anhui (190, 176 to 205) and
Jiangsu (192, 174 to 212).
Undoubtedly, the widely-distributed persistently imbalanced sex ratio at birth is a
serious gender problem that will affect China’s social-economic development since it

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will hurt both females and males with low social status, such as poor rural young men.
This is also a development problem since sex ratio imbalance is one of the challenges
to address Millennium Development Goals 3-gender equality. It is a result of
undermining women’s reproductive rights and may confront China with huge social
risks in its future development and pose severe threats to social stability and security
of China and even the world.
For women, the skewed sex ratio is itself the result of women discrimination while it
again worsens women’s status even more. By sex selective abortion, postnatal
discrimination against women becomes prenatal discrimination. The shortage of
women will lead to increasing bride trafficking, abductions, rape and kidnapping of
women and those unwanted girls who are born and remain unregistered will most
likely have less access to education and health care, leading to higher mortality risks
and fewer chances in life.
For men, as boy babies grow up, many will be unable to find wives. These low-status,
unmarried young males will suffer both physically and mentally, And if
male-preferring behaviors continue unabated, the future seems to offer only a vicious
circle: a male-centered society produces social behavior that generates a male surplus;
that, in turn, leaves scores of frustrated bare branches, whose anger and sense of
betrayal at being urged to seek fulfillment in husbandhood and fatherhood and yet not
being able to match those patriarchal expectations will prompt them to either lawless
or state-sponsored violence, which in turn will lead to more militarization, which
legitimizes and rewards male centeredness.

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Theoretically, the SRB is the highest where there is a combination of strong son
preference, a small family culture and an easy access to sex-selective abortion. In
china, it has reached a consensus that the rising SRB is attributed directly to
sex-selective abortion due to accessible type-B ultrasonic devices under the
background of socio-economic transformation and demographic transition especially
rapid fertility decline. Besides, the one child policy also helps to skew the SRB of
second and higher birth order. However, the fundamental reason is the deeply-rooted
son preference culture. For one thing, old Confucian ideas embedded in traditional
practices still have profound impact. For another, the poor social security system in
rural areas and not-yet-developed way of production justify son preference culture
even from a realistic perspective. As a result, there is still a minority of people,
particularly rural people insist choosing sex-selective abortion to ensure male
offspring, and thus causing the distorted SRB.
II. Case Comparison
UNFPA & WPC Support to Community mobilization and people driven response to
prevent sex selection and arrest child sex ratio decline Project
This three year project, with idea of adopting holistic and integrated approach to
address the child sex ratio imbalance in India, was funded by UNFPA and
implemented by Women Power Connection, a national NGO that acted as a nodal
agency. Under the guidance of an advisory committee (AC) and following a
meticulous selection process, WPC also selected 32 state-level NGOs from 11 states
(See table 1 at Appendix) for implementing the project and provided them with the

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fund. The partner agencies were given 24 months, from May 2009 to April 2011 for
implementing the program.
The project had three broad objectives: ensuring reduction in demand for pre-birth sex
selection practices; curbing supply of facilities which encourage sex selective
abortions; and creating pressure groups within states for effective monitoring of
implementation of the 2004 PCPNDT Act which aims to prevent gender-based sex
selection. Interventions were taken from three sides: demand, supply and
implementation. On the demand side, people were educated and influenced in a
manner that discourages them from seeking sex-determination services, on the supply
side, interventions were designed to ensure that the medical community and service
providers do not indulge in practices that promote sex-selection; and on the
implementation side, those who make up the implementation side-the authorities and
state representatives-were sensitized so that they can discharge their duties in
effective implementation of the PCPNDT Act.
In order to achieve the goals, WPC developed a four-fold model: a) lobbying and
advocacy at the State and National levels; b) building capacity of the existing and new
groups to take up this issue; c) creating a network of civil society organizations; and d)
institutionalizing the process for sustainable interventions. It actively discussed the
sex ratio issue and the PCPNDT Act at any event organized in states to generate a
large audience. Information regarding the project and the issue was also sent
periodically through the WPC newsletter, while communication material was
distributed among the organizations 2000 members. It also conducted State level

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advocacy workshops in Bihar, Gujarat, Orissa, Maharashtra, Uttarakhand and
Haryana to enhance communication between NGOs, media and the concerned
government officials.
There are several strengths of the design of this project. First, at the very beginning of
the project, from June 2009 to August 2009, WPC project team conducted 9
orientation workshops for all the partner agencies, during which they were briefed of
the project background and shared their respective implementation plans. And since
the workshops were also attended by the concerned government officials who shared
the initiative taken up by the government in respective states, the workshops turned
out to be a good interface between the government and the implementing partners.
Second, WPC offered regular monitoring visits and on site capacity building to the
partner agencies throughout the whole project. WPC project team had undertaken
regular monitoring visits with UNFPA consultants to assess the work being done at
the ground level by the state-level NGOs. Each of the partner agencies were assessed
on their performance and were classified into three categories as strong, moderate and
weak. Twenty one partner agencies which were rated moderate and weak were further
evaluated by UNFPA officials and retrained during the project. Third, partner
agencies were given the flexibility to design their particular activities based on
different context of each state. Finally, experience sharing workshops were also
organized twice in the project life cycle which turned out to be a useful platform
where the partners collectively addressed the constraints in implementing the project
and worked out mechanisms towards accomplishing the common goal. But there were

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also three main weaknesses of the project: limited capacity of some partner agencies
or capacity disparity between partner agencies, limited time span and tight budget
($28,000 one-time grant for one year for each state-level NGO).
As a result, the outcomes and outputs of the project were mixed. On the one hand, the
major outcomes and outputs of the project prove the project’s future potential. For
community mobilization, at the end of the project, through various interventions,
partner organizations reached out to 5.5 lakh households from 1260 villages in 410
Gram Panchayats /69 blocks spread across 51 districts in 11 states. For building
political support, State-level advocacy workshops were organized in 7 states in the
project period, and a formal state level network on this issue has been formed in four
states: Maharashtra, Gujarat, Bihar and Uttarakhand. All the IPs conducted advocacy
workshops in their respective districts which have been an interface between
government, civil society, media, experts etc. Steering committee/core groups were
formed in each of those states where there are three or more partner NGOs, with the
objective of working towards mainstreaming the issue in other programs run by the
government. And since partner agencies were asked to mainstream the issue in their
existing project for sustaining the project outcomes beyond the project period, the
project is highly sustainable. On the other hand, there were outcome divergences both
between States and within States due to capacity disparity between partner NGOs. For
example, in Gujarat, besides collecting data on the implementation of the Act and
presenting it to the state governments, not much was done. The partner NGO Chenta
did not cover any district or block. Besides, due to fund shortage, some planned

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activities were not able to be enforced by partner agencies at state level.
ICRW the Men and Gender Equality Policy Project (MGEPP)
The Men and Gender Equality Policy Project (MGEPP) was a multi-year (2007-2011),
multi-country project coordinated by ICRW and Instituto Promundo. Participating
countries were Brazil, Chile, Croatia, India, Mexico, South Africa and Tanzania. Via
formative qualitative and quantitative research, its objective was to provide
policymakers and program planners with data and feasible strategies to achieve
large-scale change in men’s attitudes and behaviors relating to sexual and
reproductive health, gender-based violence, fatherhood, maternal and child health as
well as to raise awareness among them the need to engage men in these policy areas
to better foster gender equality.
Project activities included: a) a multi-country scan of policies for the degree to which
they seek to include men from a gender perspective, presented in the publication What
Men Have to Do with it: Public Policies to Promote Gender Equality; b) the
International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES), a quantitative household
survey carried out with men and women in seven countries in 2009-2011, initial
results of which are presented in the publication Evolving Men: Initial Results from
the International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES); c) the Men Who Care
study consisting of in-depth qualitative life history interviews with men involved in
non-traditional care giving roles in five countries, presented in the publication Men
Who Care: A Multi-Country Qualitative Study of Men in Non-Traditional Care giving
Roles; and d) advocacy efforts and dissemination of the findings from these different

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components via various formats, including a video produced by documentary
filmmaker Rahul Roy. The IMAGES and the What Men Have to Do with it policy
research were the most important components of the project.
The International Men and Gender Equality Survey (IMAGES) is a comprehensive
household questionnaire on men’s attitudes and practices--along with women’s
opinions and reports of men’s practices--on a wide variety of topics related to gender
equality. From 2009 to 2010, household surveys were administered to more than
8,000 men and 3,500 women ages 18 to 59 in Brazil, Chile, Croatia, India, Mexico
and Rwanda. These countries represent different geographic regions where advocacy
efforts relate d to engaging men in gender equality, many of those in collaboration
with civil society groups, are underway. Topics included health practices, parenting,
relationship dynamics, sexual behavior and use of violence. After the survey, a report
was published. The report provided an initial comparative analysis of a) men’s
socio-demographic status, including employment status and employment-related
stress; b) men’s self-reported attitudes and practices, along with women’s reports of
men’s behaviors on some of these practices, related to relationship dynamics,
parenting and involvement in childbirth, health practices, violence, and transactional
sex; and c) men’s reported knowledge and attitudes toward existing gender equality
policies. Findings from the IMAGES are: a) gender attitudes of men matter since
men’s attitudes about gender—whether they believe in a set of norms related to men
and women being equal—are consistently associated with their practices; b) men are
generally positive about gender equality. In all the countries, with the possible

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exception of men in India, men did not see gender equality as a “zero-sum game”
where gains for women mean losses for men; c) education is an important factor
contributing to men’s more gender-equitable attitudes and practices; d) childhood
experiences matter, affirming the need to engage men in gender-equitable practices in
the lives of children; and e) there is a need to move beyond a superficial
understanding of gender equality toward addressing the structural but changeable
factors that underpin it.
The What Men Have to Do with It policy research-- currently under way in Brazil,
Cambodia, Chile, China, Croatia, India, Mexico, South Africa and Tanzania, with
additional countries still joining--provides insights on how to achieve large-scale
impact in promoting more cooperative and equitable relations between women and
men, reducing gender inequities and calling attention to men’s gender-related
vulnerabilities. The research suggests the need for comprehensive gender equality
policies, including: a) education policies, including early childhood education; b)
public security policies, encompassing the armed forces and the police and
incarceration policies; c) human rights policies that guarantee legal protection and
equality for women and men, including specific groups of vulnerable men; d) health
policies that implement adequate prevention targeting women and men based on
gender-specific needs and realities; e) HIV/AIDS and sexual and reproductive health
and rights policies that incorporate gender into program development and reflect an
understanding of how power dynamics, stigma and economic marginalization leave
women and men vulnerable; f) integrated gender-based violence policies that include

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primary prevention targeting men and boys; g) livelihoods and poverty alleviation
policies that recognize the roles of men and women, that recognize varied family
configurations; and h) maternal and child health policies and paternity leave policies
that engage men as fathers and caregivers. By examining the country case studies, the
research also suggests some strategies to advancing current policies: a) work with the
women’s movement is fundamental to working with men; b) gender equality and the
inclusion of men in such policies must be framed as a public good with benefits for all;
c) specific issues and events present opportunities for dialogue on engaging men in
gender equality; d) civil society plays an essential role in ensuring implementation;
and e) engage with youth in support of new attitudes for a new generation
Since the objective of the project is to provide evidence base for the necessity to
engage men as well as provide policy makers with feasible strategies to advance
current public policies, it is difficult to assess it though conventional outcome/output
evaluation approach. Neither is it possible to simply label it as successful or failed.
However, it is fair to conclude that the IMAGES and the What Men Have to Do with
it research do offer some insightful findings and strategies for engaging men in gender
equality issues. Over time, the project has the potential to create transformative
change in the laws and policies that govern relationships between men and women.
Comparison and lessons learnt
The first project targeted the particular imbalanced sex ratio issue. The only country it
concerned was India. In order to address the sex ratio problem, the project focused on
the direct reason—gender-based sex selective abortion and tried to reduce it by

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community mobilization, building social network with the civil society, ensuring
effective implementation of existed legal act and building more political support
through advocacy. It combined both bottom-up and top-down approaches and took
into account all the demand, supply and implementation sides of the sex selection. In
general, it was a successful and sustainable project with several great designs. The
only limitations of the project were fund shortage, short time span and limited
capacity of some local partner NGOs. The second project concerned more broad
gender issues and with a focus on more fundamental reason for gender
inequality—social norms, mindset and attitudes. It was unique since it tried to provide
policy makers and program planners both evidence base and strategies for engaging
men in gender inequality. And instead of separating men from women and
conceptualizing men as the problem, the involvement of men suggested by the project
also give men the change to address their own gender-related vulnerabilities. Many
findings and strategies suggested by the survey and research report were consistent
with those of the first project.
So the two projects could complement each other by focusing on both short-term,
direct reason and long-term, fundamental reason for the imbalanced sex ratio problem.
And they all suggest a combination of top-down and bottom-up approaches. The
lessons could be learnt from the two projects are: a) qualitative and quantitative
research and effective dissemination of research findings is necessary; b) legal action
by itself is not effective in addressing sex selection that are embedded in cultural
beliefs and are influenced by social and economic factors. To become effective, it

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must be an integral part of a broad and integrated campaign; c) there is a need for
coalition-building among all national and international stakeholders; d) sustain
political will and support through advocacy and sensitization workshop at both
national and provincial level is vital; e) there is a need to treat gender as relational,
acknowledge the vulnerabilities of both men and women, and to make men more
visible within gender mainstreaming policies; f) technical assistances are also crucial
for the success of interventions; g) education and childhood experience could play a
vital role to make young generation more gender-equitable.
III. Policy Recommendations
First, All China Women’s Federation and the National Population and Family
Planning Commission should work with National Statistic Bureau to conduct
further qualitative and quantitative research on the socio-cultural and economic
roots of the sex selection and determinants may change it to support
interventions against the practice.
Second, the NPAFPC should continue and extend its “care for girl” campaign to
enhance public awareness of gender equality. Social and family pressures to
produce a son are immense. However, a sustained campaign and interventions focused
on bringing about behavioral and social change could substantially alter the situation.
First Launched in Beijing in 2004, the “care for girl” campaign has become a national
campaign aiming at promoting equality between girls and boys among parents-to-be
and creating a favorable environment for girls' personal development. It uses public

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meetings to inform people about how dire the situation is, explaining how the gender
imbalance could adversely affect their own family in the future. Besides, parents with
daughters are given certain forms of financial assistance like low-interest loans, social
security payments and special consideration for land allocation. Since it has only
operated on a national level since 2006, it’s difficult to tell its impact. But the fact that
the SRB has decreased from 120.56 in 2008 to 117.78 in 2011 may be a positive sign.
So the In the NPAFPC should continue the campaign and in the future, more modern
communication technology, such as commissioning videos and TV spots and creating
web site could be adopted to reach larger and more diverse audiences.
Third, ACWF and the NPAFPC should take the initiative to build coalition of
main stakeholders, including government officials, academicians, health workers,
the media, international donors and NGOs. The coalition should engage in
information-sharing and networking to develop strategies for combating sex-selective
abortions as well as provide support for related activities and advocacy. Most
importantly, the coalition should form a national advocacy strategy to make sure that
advocacy and behavior change interventions, undertaken by different stakeholders, are
synergistic, coordinated and non-contradictory. The advocacy strategy should present
short-, medium-, and long-term goals to address the issue from a perspective of
gender equality.
Fourth, ACWFshould work with local partner NGOs to ensure law enforcement
through community mobilization. China has outlawed the practice of sex
identification of fetuses and sex-selective abortions since 1995. However, there is

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always a gap between the law and its enforcement. As a semi-official national NGO,
ACWF should work with local partner NGOs to ensure the law enforcement.
Selection of local partner NGOs should be cautious and based on various criteria,
including the child sex ratio of the area for which the program was proposed and
experience of the organization in working on issues concerning health/gender. Partner
NGOs should be given the flexibility to design specific intervention activities based
on local context. In general, activities could include: forming village or
community-level monitoring group, forming women’s coalition group, sensitizing
police, doctors and local government officials.
Fifth, ACWF and NPAFPC should work with the Ministry of Education to
mainstream gender equality into school education. According to the IMAGES,
using the education system, particularly secondary education, can be an important
locus for doing even more with girls and boys to promote gender equality. So school
curriculums should be examined for stereotypical views about boys and girls. And
since childhood experiences matter, preschool should recruit more men to work in
childcare, remove gender stereotypes from early childhood educational materials and
toys. Parents should also be sensitized on gender equality. For example, fathers should
be encouraged to involve in child care and domestic work.
Sixth, the two agencies should bring about and sustain commitment of top-level
leadership to embed the constructive engagement of men into public policy,
through the passage and enforcement of laws, the funding of policy priorities, and
through working with key stakeholders to lead to society-level change in gender

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norms. To be specific, such change could be achieved through: a) long-term
investment in reaching boys and young men in their formative years; b) far more
attention to scale-up and to bringing about structural and policy changes necessary to
promote change on a large scale; c) policy initiatives in which gender equality is
established as a new social norm; and d) research that assesses the impact of legal and
policy changes on men’s behaviors and norms.
Finally, the two agencies should also provide technical assistance to ensure the
success of interventions. Such technical assistance include adequate fund, before and
during intervention capacity building for unqualified partners based on regular
monitoring and evaluation, and consulting services.
My recommendations do not include reform the one child policy because although it
does skew the SRB for the second and higher order birth, it is not the fundamental
reason for sex selection. As my analysis has attributed the skewed sex ratio at birth
mainly to the son preference culture, the focus of my recommendations is therefore
moving the gender biased son preference culture by changing women, men, girls’ and
boys’ attitudes and behaviors that may reinforce it. Admittedly, it will take a long time
to achieve this and ACWF and the NPAFPC should implement both short-term and
long-term, bottom-up and top-down interventions by engaging national and
international stakeholders as well as women and men all together.

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References
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Preference and Sex-Selective Abortion in China and Other Asian Countries, Briefing
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Wei Xing Zhu., Li Lu., Therese Hesketh (2009). China’s Excess Males, Sex Selective
Abortion, and One Child Policy: Analysis of Data from 2005 National Intercensus
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Appendix
Table 1 List of Partners under WPC-UNFPA Project 2008-2011
SI
No.
State Partner
Organizations
District covered Block covered
1. Bihar 1. Adithi Vaihsali,
Muzzafarpur
and Motihari
Bhagwanpur ,Kurhani,
Banjariya
2.Gramin Evam
Nagar Vikas
Mandal
Patna Daniawan,
Phulwarisharif
3. Jan Jagran
Sansthan
Gaya, Nalanda
and Jehanabad
Asthawan, Manpur
and Modanganj
4. Jayprabha Gram
Vikas Mandal
Rohtas and
Bhojpur
Rohats,Tilothu,
Sasaram, Shahpur
and Bitiya
5. NIRDESH East Champaran Motihari & Bankatwa
2. New Delhi 6. Prayatn South West
and South
Ohkla, Vasant Vihar
and Najafgargh
7. Action India South, North,
Northeast,
East District,
Southwest,
Northwest,
South
3. Gujarat 8. Chetna
9. Swati Surendranagar
and Patan
Halvad, Dhrangadhra
10. The Young
Citizens Charitable
Trust of India
Mehsana Mehsana, Vishnagar
and Unhja
4. Haryana 11. Centre for
Social Research
Kurukshetra and
Ambala
Ambala Cantt and
Thaneswar
12. Haryana Nav
Yuvak Kala
Sangam
Rohtak Lakhan Majra,
Meham and
Rohtak
13. PRIA Sonipat
5. Himachal
Pradesh
14. SUTRA Una,Mandi,Kang
ra, Solan and
Sirmor
Una, Gagret, Darang,
Chontda, Bejnath,
Nalkhanda and
Panwata Sahib
6. Maharashtra 15. Vikas Sahyog
Pratishthan
Satara and
Ratnagiri
Chiplun, Ratnagiri,
Koregaon and
Karad

21. 21
16. Yerala Project
Society
Sangli Miraj, Walwa and
Palus
7. Orissa 17. Orissa Institute
of Medical
Research and
Health Services
Cuttack Nischintakoli
18. Sansristi Nayagarh Nayagarh
2GPs :Badapandusara
and Sinduria
19. VHAI Jagatsinghpur Kujanga
20. Centre for
Action Research
Khorda Tangi
8. Punjab 21. ARPAN Roopnagar Anandpur Sahib and
Tehsil Nangal
22. Voluntary
Health Association,
Punjab
Fatehgargh and
Patiala
Sirhind, Khera and
Rajpura
23. Ekatra Tarn Taran Tarn Taran
9. Rajasthan 24. CECODECON Jaipur, Tonk Chaksu,Niwai
25. EcatBodhgram Naguar Kachuman
26. Jatan Sansthan Rajasamand Rajasamand and
Railmagra
27. Society for
Uplift Rural
Economy
28. Vihaan Jaisalmer,
Hanumangarh,
Ganganagar,
Alwar and
Jhunjhunu
Jaisalmer and Sam,
Hanumangarh,
Ganganagar,
Kotkasim and
Surajgarh
10. Uttar
Pradesh
29. Bhartiya
Association for
Rural Development
30. Shramik Bharti Kanpur Nagar Bidhnu
31. Tarun Chetana
Sansthan
Pratapgarh PATTI
11. Uttarakhand 32. Rural Litigation
and Entitlement
Kendra
Dehradun,
Haridwar
Vikasnagar, Kalsi,
Laksar and
Bahadrabad