Epirus: 4000 years of greek history and civilization, history written on wrong premises ii
1. “Epirus: 4000 years of Greek History and Civilization”, history written on
wrong premises II
By Kristo Frasheri
Epirus during and after Roman domination
A turning point in the history of Epirus was marked by the tragedy that the area
underwent at the time of Roman occupation in 167 B.C., described by the Polybius
(200-118 BC), contemporaneous with the events, whose text has been lost… But
information from two other authors, one roman, Titus Livi (59 BC-17AD), the
other Greek, Strabo (64-63 BC-c. AD 25 has survived… Of interest here is the
impact of this occupation on the population of Epirus. In connection with this
occupation, Strabo indicated, “with certainty, Polybius indicates that Paulus
(Lucius Aemilius), after defeating and destroying the Macedonians and Perseus,
ravaged 70 Epirioten cities (most of them Molossian) and enslaved 150000
people.” According to the known practice of the time these people ended up in
Aegean slave markets
If we were to assume Strabo’s detail is correct, then we have to also assume that
Epirus had a substantial loss of its population. Historiograhy has not dwelt with the
possible ethnicity of this population, and, as important, is the question of who were
the constituent elements in the repopulation of Epirus. The Academy of Athens
monography dedicated to Epirus ignores these questions, due to the view of its
authors that Epirus was inhabited only by the Greeks. But as long as the presence
of Illyrians in Epirus cannot be disputed, and especially, as was indicated, in a
reality in which the Illyrians constituted the majority population, a review of
available data on this subject is appropriate.
It is realistic to assume that the loss in the population was eventually made up
through the settlement of people from isolated mountain villages, and settlers from
the Italic Peninsula. Roman settlers would have preferred cities; inhabitants of
remote villages were attracted to the lowlands, and also cities.
The presence of Roman settlers in Butrint, for example, is documented as of the I
century B.C. In one of the letters that the great orator, Ciceron (106-43 BC) sent to
L. Plaucit (Caesar’s time) it is related that a Roman latifundist named Atticum,
who lived in the proximity of Butrint, complained that his property was distributed
to the Roman soldiers. (Ciceronis Epistolae, Romanorum scriptorium corpus
2. italicum currant Hectore Romagnolo. La Santa (Milano) 1927-1928). Ad Atticum
16,1.
This would indicate that changes in the population make-up also occurred in old
Hellenic colonies, the main ones being Butrint and Finiq, both located in Chaonia.
The new population make-up of the colonies after the Roman occupation is
reflected in the inscriptions discovered in Butrint. These inscriptions for a time
continued to be in Greek, but on time increasingly started appearing in Latin. And
if all the names discovered in these inscriptions were to be categorized on the bases
of onomastics, they would pertain partly to the Hellenic onomastics, partly to the
Latin onomastics and to a considerable degree to the Illyrian onomastics.
It is well known that after the Roman occupation, Epirus was put under its
administrative control. At about 146 B.C. its territory was included in a separate
administrative unit, in the province of Epirus, whose borders corresponded to those
of historic Epirus, with Nicopolis as its provincial center. The area north of historic
Epirus, which was undoubtfully inhabited by Illyrians, was made part of Second
Macedonia, with Durres as its capital. During the III century, as the Empire went
through an administrative reorganization, two provinces with the name of Epirus
appear, one named Epirus Vetus, with Nicopolis as its center, and the other named
Epirus Nova, with Durres as its center. Fourth century Roman historian, Rufus
Festus, relating to the reforms of Emperor Aurelius (270-276), of Illyrian origin,
wrote that Epirus Vetus and Epirus Nova with five other provinces (Macedonia,
Thessaly, Ahea, Prevalia, and Crete) were part of Diocese of Macedonia. (Rufus
Fest, Brevarium rerum gestarum populi Romani, Book VIII) There also exists the
view that the two Epiriotan provinces, Epirus Vetus and Epirus Nova, were created
by the Emperor Diocletian (244-313 AD), successor to Aurelius, both of Illyrian
origin, at the end of the III century, or beginning of IV century. In the
administrative system of Roman Empire referred to in Notitia Dignitatum, is
expressly mentioned that Diocese of Macedonia ( which was part of Illyricum
Prefecture) consisted of seven provinces: Ahea, Macedonia Prima, Crete, Thessaly,
Epirus Vetus, Epirus Nova, and Macedonia Solitaris. (Notitia Dignitatum, I) Then
there is Zosimi, the V century Byzantine author, who indicated that Constantine
the Great’s four part division of empire, one of the parts consisted of Macedonia,
Thessaly, Hellada with islands around, and provinces of Epirus. (Zoisimi, Historia
Nova, Book II, 33) The VI century Byzantine writer, Joan Malala indicates that
Emperor Theodosius split Epirus Nova from Epirus Vetus and made them both
provinces. (Joan Malala, Hronografia, p. 347, 11-13). About both entities also
spoke the VII-VIII century Roman geographer the so-called the Anonymous of
Rovena (Rivena’s Anonimous, Cosmographia, IV, 8).
3. To be noted from above is the consistency in identification of the two provinces
with the same name, that is Epirus. This practice reflects an historic tradition, and
would relate to both provinces’ similar ethnic reality, that is being Illyrian areas
with Greek colonies. If we accept this characterization, our next question would be
which of these identities was predominant in the two provinces, the Illyrian or the
Greek? Being that the Illyrian ethnic character of the Epirus Nova is not
disputable, it would be in line to accept also the conclusion that Epirus Vetus,
which has been continuously described as having been populated by barbarians,
had the same Illyrian ethnic identity.
E. Chrysos, the author of the chapters dedicated to the history of Epirus during the
Byzantine era included in “Epirus: 4000 years…” holds the opposite view, that
Epirus had a Greek ethnic identity. As support for his view, he refers to the
Byzantine chronologist Procopius of Caesarea (A.D. c500-A.D.c560), who in
passing had indicated “on the other side of the gulf are Hellenes named Epiriots up
to the city of Epidamus situated by the seashore”. (Proc. De Bello Gothico, V 15,
25). But, it should be pointed out that he is the only one, out of 50 or more Greek,
Roman and Byzantine authors that refers to the Epiriots as Hellenes. In addition,
the passage is geographically vague, for, it appears that his reference is limited to
the seacoast area, not the interior, where at one time Greek colonies had flourished.
Procopius of Caesarea is more concise with some other information of interest. In
his work “Buildings of Justanian” he lists the names of castles that Emperor
Justanian (527-565) had built or rebuilt in Epirus Vetus and Epirus Nova which
point to the non-Greek character of the two Epiriotic provinces. It is easily
observable that among the 37 castle names in Epirus Vetus and 58 castle names in
Epirus Nova that existed in the VI century the number of castles with Hellenic or
Roman toponyms is meager compared to toponyms thought to belong to the local
language, that is Illyrian or pre-Illyrian.
Chrysos attempt to use data he does not understand to prove Hellenism in Epirus is
seen in other “proof” he presents. He refers to the name the city of Bylis (today
Ballsh in Mallakaser). It appears that he is not familiar with the view in
historiography which indicates that the name Bylis has the Illyrian word
balle=forehead/head as root. (Slavic and Greek names of the place are literal
translations of the Illyrian/Albanian word: Glavnic (from gllava=head) and
Kefalini (from Qefali=head).
4. Similarly, Chrysos diverts in his attempt to explain the origin of the name of
currently border area Dropull. Some historians think that the source of the toponym
“Dropull” is the name of city of Hadrianopolis (city established by Roman
Emperor Hadrian). But there is another more convincing thesis which sees the
source of the toponym to be the name of River Drino…Eqerem Cabej wrote that
Illyrian name Drin, Drinos in Greek, Drim in Slavic, is an Illyrian toponym…The
name of the area Dropull, at one time Drinopull, in Greek, has its source in the
River Drin, not from Hadrianopolis.
It is also to be noted that the name Drinos was in use prior to the time of Emperor
Hadrian. In an inscription in Butrint appears as the name of a clan, probably the
name of inhabitants of Drinos Valley. (K. Boxhori , Dh. Budina, Studime
Historike, 2, 1966, p. 189)…
Chrysos’ abuse of data is also is noted in his explanation of the origin of the
original name Euroia, known later as Shen Donati, and currently as Paramythia,
which he let’s be understood that it has a Greek meaning. He indicates that
according to a legend, Donati, the first bishop of Eurea, canonized a saint, had
killed a dragon in Chamaigephyrai where a water spring had sprong, and Chrystos
writes that ‘euroia’ may be translated as ‘abundant flow’. He seems to not have
done enough research to find out that toponym Euroia>Uroia>Uje-roia>Uje I
rrjedhshem>uje I bollshem-abubdant water, thus indicating the name Euroia has an
Illyrian/Albanian meaning.
Greek historians have used church history in an attempt to prove the Hellenism of
the two Epirus regions. According to them, Christianity in both provinces came
from the east, actually meaning Greek Christianity. This assertion has absolutely
no backing. The first apostle who spread Christianity in both areas was St. Paul,
who doubtless was connected to Rome… Not only in Epirus Nova, but also in
Epirus Vetus, the church until the VI century was continuously connected with
Rome…. Christian bishops kept their ties to Rome even after 395 when both
provinces became part of Byzantine Empire. The undisputable proof of the spread
and consolidation of Christianity with Albanian areas came from the west, is the
adaption of rites and liturgy, which is still in use not only by the Albanian Catholic
church, but also the Albanian Orthodox church. As has been argued by linguists,
the terminology of both churches is the same due to its Latin origin. Such are the
terms as kryc=crux, shenjt=sanctus, meshe=missam, kishe=ecclesia,
pagezim=baptistum, kungim=comunionem, bekim=benedictionem,
mallkim=maledictionem, krezhme=crisma, pendim=penitentiam, lavdi=laudem,
kembane=campanum, shpirt=spiritus, qiri=cera, ferr=infernus, paradis=paradis,
5. mrekulli=miraculum, agjinim=jenunare, I krishtere=cristianus, Kershndella=Cristi
Natalia, rushaje=rosarium. These terms entered Albanian language in the late
antiquity when the southern Albanian areas were oriented towards Rome. The
common church beginning under the western umbrella is also is seen in identical
preservation of names of early saints, such as, Shen Pjetri, Shen Pali, Shen Ndreu,
Shen Mitri, Shen Gjoni, Shen Gjergji, Shen Gjini, Shen Mehilli, Shen Mertiri,
Shen Elliu, etc.
Church affiliation with Rome of not only of Epirus Nova, but also Epirus Vetus is
shown by the united stands of their bishoprics in church councils prior to the
church shcism and… here we will mention only their stand at the Council of
Ephesus in 431. Even though this council was hel with partaking of bishoprics
from Byzentine Empire, Bishop from from Nicopolid, Donati, and the bishop from
Dodona, Theodori stood with Epirus Nova Illyrian bishops, Eukarus, bishop of
Durres and Filix, the bishop of Apollonia and Bylis, who together with the bishop
from Shkoder, Senecioni, and Diokle, Kostanci, opposed their submission to
Byzantine authority. Authoritative church historians have pointed out that the
schism at Ephesus had an ethnic character, for the fact that bishops from Greek
territories accepted the platform of Emperor from Constanople, and those that who
objected, including the bishops from Epirus Vetus and Epirus Nova, represented
non-Greek populations. The disaffection of two provinces of Epirus with
Constantinople was so strong that Emperor Justinian in 535 created a separate
Archdiocese for Illyrian churches affiliated with Rome.
At the beginning of VI century, as indicated by Hieroklis Synecdemus the southern
Illyrian territories continued to be divided administratively into Epirus Vetus,
Epirus Nova, Dardania, and Prevalitania (Hieroclis Synecdemus, 651, 653, 655,
656). Few decades later, during Emperor Justanian’s rein, Prevalitania was united
with Epirus Nova, with Durres as its center.
The practice of inclusion of Illyrian populated areas within “Epirus” is a
reaffirmation of area’s Illyrian ethnic compactness. This reality was noted much
later in time by George Akropolites (1217-1282), who confirmed the unity of two
provinces of Epirus and wrote:
The Epiriotes are not Romans; ‘they are the western race’, the inhabitants of the
western parts’. (Translated by Ruth Macrides, Oxford University Press, 2007, p.
95)