The document summarizes the visit of Iranian Ambassador Mehdi Sanaei to the European University at St. Petersburg. In his talk, the ambassador discussed the history and current state of Iran-Russia relations. He identified three main dimensions of cooperation - international, regional, and bilateral. While economic ties remain relatively small, both countries see value in their strategic partnership. The ambassador also spoke about Iran's experience with international sanctions and how Russia supported Iran during that difficult period. Relations are expected to continue strengthening as both nations work to establish a multipolar world order.
Strategy on east asia the strategic choices for beijing, tokyo and moscowAlexander Decker
1. The document discusses Washington's "Returning to Asia" strategy and its potential impacts on East Asia. The strategy has two pillars: promoting the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement and redeploying US military forces in the Asia-Pacific region.
2. It analyzes the strategic choices available to China, Japan, and Russia in response to the US strategy. For China, it suggests continuing to advance trade agreements with ASEAN while remaining open to TPP, using trade leverage in territorial disputes, and being prepared to counter Japanese militarism with force if needed.
3. For all regional powers, managing tensions and conflicts will be important to prevent deterioration of the security situation in East Asia
Pakistan's economy has declined significantly since 2008 due to security concerns from its role in the War on Terror and capital flight. GDP growth has slowed and unemployment has increased. Afghanistan's economic woes include a GDP heavily reliant on international aid and the opium trade, high unemployment, and underutilized agricultural land. After US withdrawal, it is likely the Taliban will regain control of Afghanistan, and there is a possibility the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban could eventually unite.
Russia has a population of 143.4 million and its capital is Moscow. The economy relies heavily on natural resources like oil, gas, and minerals. GDP was $3.38 trillion in 2013, with GDP growth of 1.8% in early 2013. The monetary and fiscal policies have helped achieve low inflation in recent years. Foreign investment remains low due to instability and an underdeveloped banking system, though mergers and acquisitions have increased. Natural resources, especially oil and gas, dominate exports and the strategic sectors of the economy.
This document discusses Russia's growing interests in Central Asia after the 9/11 attacks. It outlines Russia's security, economic, and political interests in the region. Russia aims to counter threats from Islamic extremism emanating from Afghanistan. It also wants to restore Soviet-era trade infrastructure and influence over Central Asian energy exports to Europe. Russia uses its dominance in the energy sector and state-owned banks/companies to consolidate political and economic power in the region, especially in Kazakhstan. It also aims to have more involvement in Central Asian water resources and hydroelectric projects. Overall, the document examines how Russia is pursuing greater influence in Central Asia through diplomatic and economic means rather than military force.
This document discusses Russia's interests in Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It outlines that in the 1990s, Russia was preoccupied with internal reforms and lost influence in the region. However, after 9/11, security became a greater priority for Russia. The document discusses Russia's key interests as being security issues like terrorism, energy interests as Central Asia has significant oil and gas resources, and economic cooperation to strengthen ties.
The Russia-China partnership has developed over the past 20 years based on several factors:
1) They have a long historical relationship with few conflicts compared to Russia's relationships with other countries.
2) They have parallel experiences with imperial decline in the 19th century and revolutions in the early 20th century.
3) Currently, they share geopolitical interests in opposing US unilateralism and hegemony.
4) Economic cooperation has increased but remains asymmetrical, with Russia exporting energy and arms and China exporting manufactured goods.
5) Ideologically, they both favor state-capitalist models and defense of sovereignty over Western democracy promotion.
The document discusses U.S.-China strategic relations and tensions over Taiwan. It summarizes a Pentagon report on China's growing military capabilities and China's protests against the report. It also discusses Vice President Biden's recent visit to China to boost relations and reassure China on economic issues. However, tensions remain over Taiwan, which the U.S. is legally obligated to aid defensively, despite China's stance that Taiwan is part of China.
Russia has a long and turbulent history spanning from ancient Kievan Rus to the current Russian Federation. The country has over 100 ethnic groups and spans 11 time zones across Europe and Asia. While Russian is the official language, many other languages are spoken in the regions. Currently, Russia faces economic challenges from low oil prices and international sanctions. However, the culture remains steeped in traditions like the Russian Orthodox Church, classical literature and art, folk tales, and cuisine like borscht and pelmeni. Business customs are formal and etiquette focuses on punctuality and relationship building. Education also remains highly valued with a literacy rate of 98%.
Strategy on east asia the strategic choices for beijing, tokyo and moscowAlexander Decker
1. The document discusses Washington's "Returning to Asia" strategy and its potential impacts on East Asia. The strategy has two pillars: promoting the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement and redeploying US military forces in the Asia-Pacific region.
2. It analyzes the strategic choices available to China, Japan, and Russia in response to the US strategy. For China, it suggests continuing to advance trade agreements with ASEAN while remaining open to TPP, using trade leverage in territorial disputes, and being prepared to counter Japanese militarism with force if needed.
3. For all regional powers, managing tensions and conflicts will be important to prevent deterioration of the security situation in East Asia
Pakistan's economy has declined significantly since 2008 due to security concerns from its role in the War on Terror and capital flight. GDP growth has slowed and unemployment has increased. Afghanistan's economic woes include a GDP heavily reliant on international aid and the opium trade, high unemployment, and underutilized agricultural land. After US withdrawal, it is likely the Taliban will regain control of Afghanistan, and there is a possibility the Pakistani and Afghan Taliban could eventually unite.
Russia has a population of 143.4 million and its capital is Moscow. The economy relies heavily on natural resources like oil, gas, and minerals. GDP was $3.38 trillion in 2013, with GDP growth of 1.8% in early 2013. The monetary and fiscal policies have helped achieve low inflation in recent years. Foreign investment remains low due to instability and an underdeveloped banking system, though mergers and acquisitions have increased. Natural resources, especially oil and gas, dominate exports and the strategic sectors of the economy.
This document discusses Russia's growing interests in Central Asia after the 9/11 attacks. It outlines Russia's security, economic, and political interests in the region. Russia aims to counter threats from Islamic extremism emanating from Afghanistan. It also wants to restore Soviet-era trade infrastructure and influence over Central Asian energy exports to Europe. Russia uses its dominance in the energy sector and state-owned banks/companies to consolidate political and economic power in the region, especially in Kazakhstan. It also aims to have more involvement in Central Asian water resources and hydroelectric projects. Overall, the document examines how Russia is pursuing greater influence in Central Asia through diplomatic and economic means rather than military force.
This document discusses Russia's interests in Central Asia after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It outlines that in the 1990s, Russia was preoccupied with internal reforms and lost influence in the region. However, after 9/11, security became a greater priority for Russia. The document discusses Russia's key interests as being security issues like terrorism, energy interests as Central Asia has significant oil and gas resources, and economic cooperation to strengthen ties.
The Russia-China partnership has developed over the past 20 years based on several factors:
1) They have a long historical relationship with few conflicts compared to Russia's relationships with other countries.
2) They have parallel experiences with imperial decline in the 19th century and revolutions in the early 20th century.
3) Currently, they share geopolitical interests in opposing US unilateralism and hegemony.
4) Economic cooperation has increased but remains asymmetrical, with Russia exporting energy and arms and China exporting manufactured goods.
5) Ideologically, they both favor state-capitalist models and defense of sovereignty over Western democracy promotion.
The document discusses U.S.-China strategic relations and tensions over Taiwan. It summarizes a Pentagon report on China's growing military capabilities and China's protests against the report. It also discusses Vice President Biden's recent visit to China to boost relations and reassure China on economic issues. However, tensions remain over Taiwan, which the U.S. is legally obligated to aid defensively, despite China's stance that Taiwan is part of China.
Russia has a long and turbulent history spanning from ancient Kievan Rus to the current Russian Federation. The country has over 100 ethnic groups and spans 11 time zones across Europe and Asia. While Russian is the official language, many other languages are spoken in the regions. Currently, Russia faces economic challenges from low oil prices and international sanctions. However, the culture remains steeped in traditions like the Russian Orthodox Church, classical literature and art, folk tales, and cuisine like borscht and pelmeni. Business customs are formal and etiquette focuses on punctuality and relationship building. Education also remains highly valued with a literacy rate of 98%.
Norway plays an important role in northwest Afghanistan as part of its troop contribution and development aid programs with allies. However, Norway faces two challenges: 1) The US is shifting to a shorter-term security focus, questioning Norway's longer-term state-building goals. 2) Politics in the region are polarizing between Uzbek and Tajik ethnic groups led by powerful warlords, risking large-scale violence if tensions explode. Norway should respond by taking on a mediating role between groups in the region, but this would require close cooperation with Afghan authorities and international partners.
Russia is the largest country in the world spanning Eastern Europe and Northern Asia with a size of 17 million square kilometers. It is drained by notable rivers like the Volga, Don, Kama, and Northern Dvina, and contains the Ural Mountains which form the traditional boundary between Europe and Asia. Russia has a population of 150 million people of over 160 ethnic groups, with Moscow as its capital and Vladimir Putin as its president. The economy relies heavily on oil, natural gas, and precious metals exports.
This document discusses U.S. foreign policy towards Russia from 2000-2012. It examines the significance of foreign policy and outlines the key areas of study as U.S.-Russia relations and efforts to promote democracy in Russia. The main argument is that while Russia has become more democratic since the fall of the Soviet Union, relations remain tense and U.S. policy has not significantly changed. The document then outlines Russia's principal foreign policy interests in global order, security, and economic growth as well as U.S. interests in international security, the world economy, and global order.
This document provides an analysis of how Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 impacted diplomatic relations within the Arctic Council. It argues that while Russian actions in Ukraine challenged Arctic cooperation, continued engagement is still beneficial for all member states. The document outlines the history of successful cooperation within the Arctic Council and responses from different member states to the Crimea crisis. It concludes that institutions established in the Arctic provide a foundation for maintaining productive relations between Russia and other countries, despite tensions elsewhere.
A Report of the CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program and the Russian International Affairs Council
At a time when tension between the US and Russia is higher than it has been in decades, we cannot forget that the relationship between these two countries is among the most important for global security. On any number of issues, from arms control to the Middle East, failure of the U.S. and Russia to communicate will make things much, much worse, with repercussions that will last for generations and affect the entire world. For this reason, CSIS and RIAC convened some of Russia’s and America’s top experts to think through the future of the bilateral relationship. The result is a series of papers that identify both the spheres where coordination is crucial and those where it may be possible, responding to mutual interests and potentially helping to stabilize the relationship and buffer against conflict in the future. For both, they offer concrete recommendations and a clear-eyed take on what can, and what cannot be done.
The analyses that follow examine prospects for Russia-U.S. cooperation in several crucial regions and fields: economics, energy, the Arctic, Euro-Atlantic security, the Middle East, strategic stability, cybersecurity, and countering terrorism and extremism. They offer actionable recommendations in each area, some of which can, and should be undertaken today, and some of which should be considered by policymakers in Moscow and Washington as they chart a course through dangerous and uncertain times.
The Current State of Russia-United Kingdom RelationsRussian Council
The Working Paper is prepared in the framework of the RIAC research project “A New Agenda for Russia-United Kingdom Relations”. The Working Paper analyzes the main trends in British domestic and foreign policy, current Russia-UK relations. Russian–British relations have always shown great potential. The areas of common interest pointed out in this paper allow for the practical implementation of tracks working systematically at the same time – the Track One-and-a-Half and the Track II.
This document provides an overview of a working paper on postulates regarding Russia-India relations published by the Russian International Affairs Council in 2013. It discusses the following key areas:
1. Russia and India share similar positions on creating a new polycentric world order and opposing aspects of economic globalization that negatively impact developing nations. There is potential to strengthen cooperation within the RIC group.
2. Both countries have similar views on regional issues in South Asia and neither supports internationalization of sensitive issues like Kashmir. Cooperation on Afghanistan is also discussed.
3. While India is not a member of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, both countries view nuclear proliferation as a threat and support non-prolif
1. The US Federal Reserve raised interest rates from 0.25-0.5% to 0.5-0.75% and plans additional rate hikes in 2017-2019, which will affect consumer borrowing and savings rates. Higher US rates also pose problems for China's high debt levels and capital outflows.
2. The evacuation of civilians from Aleppo was suspended amid accusations from all sides, leaving civilians at risk of killing and torture. The situation is a "synonym for hell."
3. The Philippine president said the country does not need US support and will likely repeal a military deal with the US. Meanwhile, China seized an American underwater drone in the South China Sea, raising tensions.
This document analyzes US-Russian relations regarding the Syria crisis. It provides background on Russia's foreign policy goals of maintaining influence in former Soviet states. Russia views Syria as a key ally and has provided military support to Assad since 2015, opposing calls to remove him. While both countries view ISIS as a threat, their approaches to resolving the Syrian conflict differ. As the war continues, attention is shifting to a political settlement, but tensions remain between the US and Russia over their competing interests in Syria.
The Working Paper was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as part of the “Russia–India: Toward a New Bilateral Agenda” project. The purpose of the Paper is to identify the prospects and offer recommendations for developing Russia–India relations. The publication takes the form of postulates that deal with the full spectrum of relations between the two countries and their overlapping interests in regional and global politics.
Comparative analysis of Russian foreign policy concepts (1993-2013)George Krechunyak
The document analyzes and compares the evolution of Russian foreign policy concepts from 1993 to 2013 through 4 key documents. It finds that while priorities have remained consistent around relations with the CIS and customs unions with former Soviet states, Russia's attitudes towards threats and international organizations like NATO and approach to promoting its national interests have changed significantly over time as its power and influence has grown. The most recent 2013 concept reflects Russia's view of an increasingly multipolar world and desire to play a more prominent global role.
This document provides context on past, present, and future military cooperation between Vietnam and the United States from the Vietnamese perspective. It discusses Vietnam's reasons for closer cooperation with the US, including concerns about China's rise and actions in the South China Sea. The document then outlines the development of the military relationship since 1995, starting with cooperation on recovering MIA soldiers and moving to increased exchanges, training programs, and high-level visits between the two countries. It concludes by noting Vietnam's calculations in strengthening ties with the US while avoiding provoking China.
The document discusses the ongoing conflict between Ukraine and Russia from the perspective of a dating coach who has witnessed divisions among her Russian and Ukrainian friends living abroad. When the Orange Revolution occurred in Ukraine in 2004, it divided opinions among those with ties to both countries. More recently, the events in Crimea in 2014 further divided views as the conflict escalated. However, among the author's social circle living in a western country, heated debates online eventually gave way to forgiveness and an agreement not to discuss politics in order to preserve friendships. The author believes that regular people in both countries wish for the conflict to end and prefer being allies, but propaganda has clouded opinions; however, among her Russian and Ukrainian friends living abroad, peace has been
This document provides guidelines and submission information for the IO Sphere publication. It begins with a disclaimer stating that the contents of IO Sphere are not necessarily endorsed by the U.S. government or Department of Defense. It then provides submission guidelines for articles, including acceptable file formats, recommended length of 400 words or more, and where to send submissions. It concludes by providing contact information and details on how to access IO Sphere online from .mil networks or SIPRNet.
Chinese army and u.s. forces in training and capacity gapseohugh
1) The US will continue its long-term military presence in the Pacific region and does not plan to reduce its troop levels.
2) While China has tripled its military spending since the 1990s, the US still spends over twice as much annually on defense.
3) However, China's military spending is focused in Asia while the US spends its defense funds globally.
- Emerging economies face renewed financial turbulence as their currencies have depreciated sharply against the U.S. dollar in January 2014.
- The U.S. economy registered robust GDP growth in the fourth quarter of 2013, growing at an annualized rate of 3.2%.
- The economic performance of developing countries in the last quarter of 2013 was heterogeneous, with some facing currency pressures and others seeing stronger than expected growth.
This Congressional Research Service report summarizes developments in Pakistan and U.S.-Pakistan relations in 2011, including high-profile political assassinations, the Raymond Davis affair, and the killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan. It discusses key issues like terrorism, militancy, the Afghan insurgency, nuclear proliferation, and human rights. The capture and killing of bin Laden severely damaged trust between the countries and led some in Congress to question continued U.S. assistance to Pakistan. However, the U.S. still sees a stable, democratic Pakistan opposing extremism as vital to its interests in the region.
Policy And Politics International Perspective Paper, H. John Heinz III School of Public Policy and Management, Carnegie Mellon University, Spring 2006:
The Soviet economy and society declined in the following decades until General Secretary Mikhail GORBACHEV (1985-91) introduced glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) in an effort to renovate Communism, but his initiatives unintentionally released forces that by December 1991 splintered the USSR into Russia and 14 other independent republics. Since then, Russia has struggled in its efforts to construct a democratic political system and market economy to replace the strict social, political, and economic controls of the Communist period. While some progress has been made on the economic front, recent years have seen a recentralization of power under Vladimir PUTIN and the erosion of emerging democratic institutions.
Prospects for Russian-Chinese Cooperation in Central Asia. RIAC ReportRussian Council
The Working Paper is prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as part of the “Russia’s Interests in Central Asia” project. The goal of the publication is to outline the possibilities of cooperation between Russia and China in Central Asia by analyzing the interests of the two countries in relation to the interests of the Central Asian states themselves. The Paper also discusses risks and security challenges which are on the rise in the region and may impede the implementation of economic development projects such as the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the Chinese Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) initiative.
The Working Paper covers the economic interests and presence of Russia and China in the region, and compares their resources for ensuring security. Special attention is paid to the possible cooperation between the two powers in tying together the EEU and the SREB. The authors suggest several promising formats and areas which are in the best interests of both Russia and China, and, first and foremost, in the best interests of the Central Asian states themselves.
Modern Russian–Iranian Relations: Challenges and OpportunitiesRussian Council
This working paper was prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s (RIAC) project Modern Russian–Iranian Relations. These two nations have great potential for bilateral cooperation, but that potential has not yet been fully realized. Incipient progress in negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme and a prospective easing of the sanctions against Iran open up new possibilities for fostering and strengthening ties between Russia and Iran. This working paper analyses the current state of these two countries’ trade and economic ties; potential areas of cooperation in the Caspian region, Central Asia and the Middle East; and Russia’s future role in resolving the situation with Iran’s nuclear programme. The authors outline several specific areas and recommendations for bilateral dialogue, as well as actions that could bring cooperation to a new and higher level.
This document analyzes the ambivalent policies of Russia, China, and India towards Iran's nuclear program. While generally supporting UN resolutions against Iran's nuclear ambitions, these countries oppose harsh sanctions. Their ambivalence stems from both converging and diverging interests with Iran. Russia and China benefit economically from arms sales and oil imports from Iran. India also relies on Iranian oil and seeks to strengthen economic and strategic ties. However, these countries also want to avoid angering Western powers or destabilizing the Middle East.
The document discusses the evolving partnership between Russia and China over the past few decades. It notes that relations have strengthened significantly since the 1990s, with the two countries establishing a strategic partnership in 1996. Key aspects of their cooperation examined include growing military exercises and arms sales between the two militaries, increasing trade volumes but a need for trade to be more balanced, cooperation on energy issues including Russian energy exports to China, and alignment on opposing US unilateralism and supporting multilateralism geopolitically. The relationship demonstrates close political, economic and military ties that are expected to deepen further.
Norway plays an important role in northwest Afghanistan as part of its troop contribution and development aid programs with allies. However, Norway faces two challenges: 1) The US is shifting to a shorter-term security focus, questioning Norway's longer-term state-building goals. 2) Politics in the region are polarizing between Uzbek and Tajik ethnic groups led by powerful warlords, risking large-scale violence if tensions explode. Norway should respond by taking on a mediating role between groups in the region, but this would require close cooperation with Afghan authorities and international partners.
Russia is the largest country in the world spanning Eastern Europe and Northern Asia with a size of 17 million square kilometers. It is drained by notable rivers like the Volga, Don, Kama, and Northern Dvina, and contains the Ural Mountains which form the traditional boundary between Europe and Asia. Russia has a population of 150 million people of over 160 ethnic groups, with Moscow as its capital and Vladimir Putin as its president. The economy relies heavily on oil, natural gas, and precious metals exports.
This document discusses U.S. foreign policy towards Russia from 2000-2012. It examines the significance of foreign policy and outlines the key areas of study as U.S.-Russia relations and efforts to promote democracy in Russia. The main argument is that while Russia has become more democratic since the fall of the Soviet Union, relations remain tense and U.S. policy has not significantly changed. The document then outlines Russia's principal foreign policy interests in global order, security, and economic growth as well as U.S. interests in international security, the world economy, and global order.
This document provides an analysis of how Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 impacted diplomatic relations within the Arctic Council. It argues that while Russian actions in Ukraine challenged Arctic cooperation, continued engagement is still beneficial for all member states. The document outlines the history of successful cooperation within the Arctic Council and responses from different member states to the Crimea crisis. It concludes that institutions established in the Arctic provide a foundation for maintaining productive relations between Russia and other countries, despite tensions elsewhere.
A Report of the CSIS Russia and Eurasia Program and the Russian International Affairs Council
At a time when tension between the US and Russia is higher than it has been in decades, we cannot forget that the relationship between these two countries is among the most important for global security. On any number of issues, from arms control to the Middle East, failure of the U.S. and Russia to communicate will make things much, much worse, with repercussions that will last for generations and affect the entire world. For this reason, CSIS and RIAC convened some of Russia’s and America’s top experts to think through the future of the bilateral relationship. The result is a series of papers that identify both the spheres where coordination is crucial and those where it may be possible, responding to mutual interests and potentially helping to stabilize the relationship and buffer against conflict in the future. For both, they offer concrete recommendations and a clear-eyed take on what can, and what cannot be done.
The analyses that follow examine prospects for Russia-U.S. cooperation in several crucial regions and fields: economics, energy, the Arctic, Euro-Atlantic security, the Middle East, strategic stability, cybersecurity, and countering terrorism and extremism. They offer actionable recommendations in each area, some of which can, and should be undertaken today, and some of which should be considered by policymakers in Moscow and Washington as they chart a course through dangerous and uncertain times.
The Current State of Russia-United Kingdom RelationsRussian Council
The Working Paper is prepared in the framework of the RIAC research project “A New Agenda for Russia-United Kingdom Relations”. The Working Paper analyzes the main trends in British domestic and foreign policy, current Russia-UK relations. Russian–British relations have always shown great potential. The areas of common interest pointed out in this paper allow for the practical implementation of tracks working systematically at the same time – the Track One-and-a-Half and the Track II.
This document provides an overview of a working paper on postulates regarding Russia-India relations published by the Russian International Affairs Council in 2013. It discusses the following key areas:
1. Russia and India share similar positions on creating a new polycentric world order and opposing aspects of economic globalization that negatively impact developing nations. There is potential to strengthen cooperation within the RIC group.
2. Both countries have similar views on regional issues in South Asia and neither supports internationalization of sensitive issues like Kashmir. Cooperation on Afghanistan is also discussed.
3. While India is not a member of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, both countries view nuclear proliferation as a threat and support non-prolif
1. The US Federal Reserve raised interest rates from 0.25-0.5% to 0.5-0.75% and plans additional rate hikes in 2017-2019, which will affect consumer borrowing and savings rates. Higher US rates also pose problems for China's high debt levels and capital outflows.
2. The evacuation of civilians from Aleppo was suspended amid accusations from all sides, leaving civilians at risk of killing and torture. The situation is a "synonym for hell."
3. The Philippine president said the country does not need US support and will likely repeal a military deal with the US. Meanwhile, China seized an American underwater drone in the South China Sea, raising tensions.
This document analyzes US-Russian relations regarding the Syria crisis. It provides background on Russia's foreign policy goals of maintaining influence in former Soviet states. Russia views Syria as a key ally and has provided military support to Assad since 2015, opposing calls to remove him. While both countries view ISIS as a threat, their approaches to resolving the Syrian conflict differ. As the war continues, attention is shifting to a political settlement, but tensions remain between the US and Russia over their competing interests in Syria.
The Working Paper was prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as part of the “Russia–India: Toward a New Bilateral Agenda” project. The purpose of the Paper is to identify the prospects and offer recommendations for developing Russia–India relations. The publication takes the form of postulates that deal with the full spectrum of relations between the two countries and their overlapping interests in regional and global politics.
Comparative analysis of Russian foreign policy concepts (1993-2013)George Krechunyak
The document analyzes and compares the evolution of Russian foreign policy concepts from 1993 to 2013 through 4 key documents. It finds that while priorities have remained consistent around relations with the CIS and customs unions with former Soviet states, Russia's attitudes towards threats and international organizations like NATO and approach to promoting its national interests have changed significantly over time as its power and influence has grown. The most recent 2013 concept reflects Russia's view of an increasingly multipolar world and desire to play a more prominent global role.
This document provides context on past, present, and future military cooperation between Vietnam and the United States from the Vietnamese perspective. It discusses Vietnam's reasons for closer cooperation with the US, including concerns about China's rise and actions in the South China Sea. The document then outlines the development of the military relationship since 1995, starting with cooperation on recovering MIA soldiers and moving to increased exchanges, training programs, and high-level visits between the two countries. It concludes by noting Vietnam's calculations in strengthening ties with the US while avoiding provoking China.
The document discusses the ongoing conflict between Ukraine and Russia from the perspective of a dating coach who has witnessed divisions among her Russian and Ukrainian friends living abroad. When the Orange Revolution occurred in Ukraine in 2004, it divided opinions among those with ties to both countries. More recently, the events in Crimea in 2014 further divided views as the conflict escalated. However, among the author's social circle living in a western country, heated debates online eventually gave way to forgiveness and an agreement not to discuss politics in order to preserve friendships. The author believes that regular people in both countries wish for the conflict to end and prefer being allies, but propaganda has clouded opinions; however, among her Russian and Ukrainian friends living abroad, peace has been
This document provides guidelines and submission information for the IO Sphere publication. It begins with a disclaimer stating that the contents of IO Sphere are not necessarily endorsed by the U.S. government or Department of Defense. It then provides submission guidelines for articles, including acceptable file formats, recommended length of 400 words or more, and where to send submissions. It concludes by providing contact information and details on how to access IO Sphere online from .mil networks or SIPRNet.
Chinese army and u.s. forces in training and capacity gapseohugh
1) The US will continue its long-term military presence in the Pacific region and does not plan to reduce its troop levels.
2) While China has tripled its military spending since the 1990s, the US still spends over twice as much annually on defense.
3) However, China's military spending is focused in Asia while the US spends its defense funds globally.
- Emerging economies face renewed financial turbulence as their currencies have depreciated sharply against the U.S. dollar in January 2014.
- The U.S. economy registered robust GDP growth in the fourth quarter of 2013, growing at an annualized rate of 3.2%.
- The economic performance of developing countries in the last quarter of 2013 was heterogeneous, with some facing currency pressures and others seeing stronger than expected growth.
This Congressional Research Service report summarizes developments in Pakistan and U.S.-Pakistan relations in 2011, including high-profile political assassinations, the Raymond Davis affair, and the killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan. It discusses key issues like terrorism, militancy, the Afghan insurgency, nuclear proliferation, and human rights. The capture and killing of bin Laden severely damaged trust between the countries and led some in Congress to question continued U.S. assistance to Pakistan. However, the U.S. still sees a stable, democratic Pakistan opposing extremism as vital to its interests in the region.
Policy And Politics International Perspective Paper, H. John Heinz III School of Public Policy and Management, Carnegie Mellon University, Spring 2006:
The Soviet economy and society declined in the following decades until General Secretary Mikhail GORBACHEV (1985-91) introduced glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) in an effort to renovate Communism, but his initiatives unintentionally released forces that by December 1991 splintered the USSR into Russia and 14 other independent republics. Since then, Russia has struggled in its efforts to construct a democratic political system and market economy to replace the strict social, political, and economic controls of the Communist period. While some progress has been made on the economic front, recent years have seen a recentralization of power under Vladimir PUTIN and the erosion of emerging democratic institutions.
Prospects for Russian-Chinese Cooperation in Central Asia. RIAC ReportRussian Council
The Working Paper is prepared by the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) as part of the “Russia’s Interests in Central Asia” project. The goal of the publication is to outline the possibilities of cooperation between Russia and China in Central Asia by analyzing the interests of the two countries in relation to the interests of the Central Asian states themselves. The Paper also discusses risks and security challenges which are on the rise in the region and may impede the implementation of economic development projects such as the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) and the Chinese Silk Road Economic Belt (SREB) initiative.
The Working Paper covers the economic interests and presence of Russia and China in the region, and compares their resources for ensuring security. Special attention is paid to the possible cooperation between the two powers in tying together the EEU and the SREB. The authors suggest several promising formats and areas which are in the best interests of both Russia and China, and, first and foremost, in the best interests of the Central Asian states themselves.
Modern Russian–Iranian Relations: Challenges and OpportunitiesRussian Council
This working paper was prepared as part of the Russian International Affairs Council’s (RIAC) project Modern Russian–Iranian Relations. These two nations have great potential for bilateral cooperation, but that potential has not yet been fully realized. Incipient progress in negotiations on Iran’s nuclear programme and a prospective easing of the sanctions against Iran open up new possibilities for fostering and strengthening ties between Russia and Iran. This working paper analyses the current state of these two countries’ trade and economic ties; potential areas of cooperation in the Caspian region, Central Asia and the Middle East; and Russia’s future role in resolving the situation with Iran’s nuclear programme. The authors outline several specific areas and recommendations for bilateral dialogue, as well as actions that could bring cooperation to a new and higher level.
This document analyzes the ambivalent policies of Russia, China, and India towards Iran's nuclear program. While generally supporting UN resolutions against Iran's nuclear ambitions, these countries oppose harsh sanctions. Their ambivalence stems from both converging and diverging interests with Iran. Russia and China benefit economically from arms sales and oil imports from Iran. India also relies on Iranian oil and seeks to strengthen economic and strategic ties. However, these countries also want to avoid angering Western powers or destabilizing the Middle East.
The document discusses the evolving partnership between Russia and China over the past few decades. It notes that relations have strengthened significantly since the 1990s, with the two countries establishing a strategic partnership in 1996. Key aspects of their cooperation examined include growing military exercises and arms sales between the two militaries, increasing trade volumes but a need for trade to be more balanced, cooperation on energy issues including Russian energy exports to China, and alignment on opposing US unilateralism and supporting multilateralism geopolitically. The relationship demonstrates close political, economic and military ties that are expected to deepen further.
Current state of Russia’s relations with Japan and prospects for their develo...Russian Council
The report presents the results of a comprehensive analysis of contemporary Russian-
Japanese relations made by a team of Russian Japanologists within a framework of the
Russian International Affairs Council’s research program. Political, trade and economic,
scientific, technological and cultural cooperation and also the approaches to the resolution
of “the northern territories’ problem” are among the key issues considered by the authors.
70th Anniversary of Russia-India Relations: New Horizons of Privileged Partne...Russian Council
In 2017, Russia and India celebrate the 70th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Over the years, the two states have steadily developed mutually beneficial ties. Their cooperation has achieved the level of special and privileged strategic partnership. Regular contacts between the two leaders have become an established practice. On June 1–2, 2017, Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi is visiting Russia. On May 30, 2017, President of Russia Vladimir Putin’s article “Russia and India: 70 years together” was published in the Times of India. In the article the Russian President stated that the enormous potential of cooperation between the two great powers will be further explored for the benefit of the peoples of India and Russia and the international community in general.
However, in order to make full use of the collaboration potential, ties between Russia and India should be taken to a qualitatively new level. Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC) and the Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF) have drafted a joint report in order to open up a new discussion on the prospects of Russia-India relations and the steps required to develop them further. The authors express hope that ideas and recommendations expressed in the paper will provide the necessary expert support for state level contacts and will be helpful in foreign policy decision-making by the two governments.
Perspectives and challenges for building Greater EuropeRussian Council
The Working Paper includes analytical papers on building the concept of Greater Europe. The papers are prepared by RIAC and partner organizations in the framework of a research project “A Cooperative Greater Europe by 2030”. The Working Paper analyzes the concept of Greater Europe, its structural principles, and mechanisms of cooperation among the countries involved.
1. The document discusses the relationship between Saudi Arabia and the United States following the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) nuclear agreement with Iran in 2015.
2. It outlines several factors that have caused divergence in the relationship between Saudi Arabia and Iran over the past several decades, including differences in political ideology, foreign policy goals, positions on oil production and prices, and roles in conflicts in Yemen and Syria.
3. The research aims to investigate how Obama's policies toward Saudi Arabia may have changed as a result of the JCPOA, which reduced Iran's international isolation and improved prospects for renewed U.S.-Iran relations. It hypothesizes that the U.S. continues
Russia and Europe: Somewhat Different, Somewhat the Same?Russian Council
There are more issues that divide Russia and the EU than that unite them. Although both sides support the fundamentals of the current world-order (especially when confronted with a challenge like IS), Russia believes that the current arrangement does not grant equality and is asymmetrically patterned after the West. While civil societies on both sides believe that sanctions should be ended and relations strengthened, and while both have incurred losses as a result of restrictive measures, they diverge on the conditions of relaunching economic relations, on the feasibility of technical cooperation in the absence of political convergence, and on what EU – Eurasian Economic Union (EEU) cooperation could look like. While the EU and Russia feel the need to cooperate on a settlement in Ukraine, on stabilisation in the Middle East, on the fi ght against terrorism, they diverge over what should be done, over whether human rights / democracy or security / stability should prevail, and over how international organisations should be used.
In this context two parallel tracks should be promoted. The fi rst one is ad hoc cooperation on burning common threats (the settlement in Ukraine and the fi ght against IS and terrorism), or economic issues of immediate mutual benefi t (aviation, the space, medicine, and gas). Various international fora as well as bilateral EU-Russia arrangements should be open for this cooperation. At the same time, sustainable long-term cooperation depends on conceptual discussions over the future set-up, which would guarantee that the preferences of both sides are taken into consideration and neither feels discriminated or betrayed. Mutual understanding is essential for these discussions, it can be cultivated through wider civil society dialogue, more balanced media coverage, the preservation of existing economic links and expert discussions. Only this conceptual settlement will reverse the current ‘divide-unite’ split in favour of more unity.
Russia and the Visegrad Group: The Ukrainian ChallengeRussian Council
The Eastern Partnership policy that triggered the Ukrainian crisis has provided ample opportunity to reflect on Russia–EU relations, alongside with evaluating cooperation between Russia and the Visegrad Group countries (also called the Visegrad Four or V4). The Visegrad Four have taken on responsibility for the eastward enlargement of the European Union having become its members.
Damage Assessment: EU-Russia relations in crisisRussian Council
The document discusses the impact of tensions between the EU and Russia on countries in their shared neighborhood. It argues that the tensions have polarized regional politics and reinforced rigid approaches by both sides. Countries in the region are now prioritizing maintaining power by playing the EU and Russia off each other, rather than pursuing needed political and economic reforms. While economic competition between the EU and Russia increased tensions, it was domestic political issues in Ukraine, like corruption, that ultimately led to revolution and conflict. The crisis has made both sides view the region in black-and-white terms, which does not reflect reality and hinders reform.
Possibilities of a Strategic Relationship Between Russia and Saudi ArabiaRussian Council
Russia’s foreign policy in the Middle East is a multidimensional endeavour, which calls for something akin to strategic relations to be built with inf uential regional actors. Pursuing a partnership with Saudi Arabia
is a comprehensive task for the Russian Federation.
Saudi Arabia is a leading country in the Cooperation Council for the Arab States of the Gulf (GCC) and, like Russia, it is a serious player on the global oil market. Changes in the region and around the world, as well as the declaration by Saudi Arabia in April 2016 of its socioeconomic transformation in the “Vision for Saudi Arabia until the year 2030” open up new opportunities for the two countries.
The Russia-China partnership has developed significantly over the past 20 years. Some key events include normalizing relations in 1989, establishing a strategic partnership in 1996, and increasing economic and military cooperation through organizations like the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. While not a formal alliance, Russia and China have many overlapping interests and have generally had few conflicts throughout history. As their power continues to rise internationally, their cooperation could become an increasingly important factor in Eurasian and global politics.
This report presents the results of analytical monitoring performed by leading Russian and Chinese experts on the key processes in Russian-Chinese relations in 2013–2014. They analyzed the strategic format of interaction between the two countries in the international arena and their relations in the fields of trade, investment (interbank), energy (hydrocarbons), transport, educational, scientific, and cultural areas. They considered the available resources and possibilities of enhancing the Russian-Chinese strategic partnership, as well as the difficulties and challenges they face in the modern day. The experts elaborate their conclusions, recommendations, and development scenarios for bilateral relations in future.
You are required to post 1 thread of at least 400 words and 2 rep.docxbudbarber38650
You are required to post 1 thread of at least 400 words and 2 replies of at least 200 words each. For each thread, you must support your assertions with at least 4 different resources citing them in current APA format. For your 2 replies, you must incorporate a minimum of 2 different resources citing them in current APA format. You may use the textbook, scholarly journals, the Bible, and governmental websites.
Reply:
Post a substantive written response to 2 other classmates' threads. Your response must identify specific weakness(es) as well as note the strengths of the post. By identifying a weakness (content based, not a spelling/grammatical aspect), you display the critical thinking skills required in a graduate course. Refrain from making statements like “I really couldn’t find a weakness to your thread but the assignment required it . . . ’’+ an insubstantial critique, as this is your chance to help your peer write stronger in their future threads. You should put as much time into your reply phase as you do your thread. The strongest scores on that portion are reserved for those replies that incorporate specific evidence rather than making opinion-based statements. Please maintain the proper tone in your critique by addressing the issues instead of attacking the person.
First student- Loui
Economic trade is vital to all countries. What one country has or produces, another country wants, and vice versa. Local economies, as well as national economies benefit when products and services can cross boarders. But what happens when a larger country attempts to dominate smaller member countries in a regional trade agreement? A prime example to that question is Russia; who uses its size and economic power in the region to bully smaller countries in the region to get its way to vital resources such as gas.
The Russian Belarus Union
Belarus and Russia have been economic companions since the fall of the USSR. According to Lynch (2010): “Belarus and Russia have the closest integration of any of the CIS states” (p.192). Belarus has become dependent on Russia, and in many cases must comply with Russian demands. In an article discussing Russia’s hunger for energy, Blank (2011) discusses how Russia has become a big player in energy imports from the nations that surround it, and into Europe, and Arab nations. Blank discusses how Russia is now bullying Belarus to comply with Russian demands.
Among many of the demands placed on Belarus, Blank (2011) states: “…Moscow has waged a gas war against Belarus…” (p.175), demanding “…Belarus to acknowledge Russia's hegemony in the CIS and accept Russia's terms for entry into the CIS customs union and Eurasian Economic Space…” (p.175). Being that Belarus is dependent on Russia, Belarus has no choice but to comply.
CIS
Russia uses energy to dominate over most of the smaller countries within the CIS; Ukraine is no different from any of the other smaller CIS members. Over the recent years Russia has bullied Ukraine, a.
Second International Conference “Russia and China: Taking on a New Quality of...Russian Council
On May 30-31, 2016 Russian International Affairs Council held the Second International Conference titled “Russia and China: Taking on a New Quality of Bilateral Relations”. Senior officials, academics, experts on various aspects of bilateral relations, as well as representatives of businesses and media from both Russia and China took part in the Conference. The plenary and expert sessions of the Conference discussed priority areas of Russia–China bilateral and multilateral cooperation. Particular attention was given to coordinating Russia and China’s efforts channeled into developing global governance institutions and ensuring security in Northeast Asia, to the prospects for interaction within the Russia – India – China triangle, to the issues of infrastructure and economic cooperation in Eurasia, to the impact both internal and external factors have on the quality and volume of the Russia-China trade, to the prospects for implementing bilateral projects in education and culture, in the media sphere, and to the joint search for solutions to the current environmental problems.
Cooperation and Conflict in the Arctic.Oliver Mõru
The document provides an overview of key Arctic actors and their strategies regarding the region. It discusses the strategies and interests of major Arctic states like the US, Canada, Russia and Norway, as well as some non-Arctic states. It outlines some of the main conflicting issues in the Arctic around territorial claims, resource exploitation, and military presence. It also discusses regional organizations and cooperation frameworks in the Arctic.
Russia's interests in the context of Asia-Pacific region security and develop...Russian Council
The report contains main conclusions and recommendations made upon the outcomes of the First Asia-Pacific Forum held on November 28-29, 2011 by Russian International Affairs Council jointly with Russian APEC Studies Center.
The document summarizes the intern's activities during a 7-week internship at the ASEAN-Korea Center. During the internship, the intern conducted research on topics related to ASEAN countries' relations with Korea and each other, the ASEAN Economic Community, and attended meetings. The intern helped prepare for and support the 8th Annual ASEAN-Korea Council Director Meeting and presented their research findings to ASEAN students.
This document discusses how the interim nuclear agreement between Iran and Western powers affects Russian influence in the Middle East. It argues that while the agreement provides some short-term benefits to Russia's image, a permanent resolution to the nuclear issue and broader rapprochement between Iran and the West could undermine Russia's strategic position. Specifically, easing sanctions would open Iran up to significant Western economic engagement and investment that would be difficult for Russian companies to match. Therefore, a continuation of the current diplomatic process without a full resolution is most advantageous for Russia's regional influence and interests.
International Cooperation in Environment Protection, Preservation, and Ratio...Russian Council
Materials of the International scientific symposium held in Moscow on September 4, 2012: Working paper.
Russian International Affairs Council pays special attention to the Arctic.
Council is convinced that there are no problems in the Arctic that cannot be solved on the basis of cooperation, common sense and solid foundation of international law. In order to promote realization of Russian interests in the Arctic by establishing effective international interaction in this region RIAC initiated the project titled “Roadmap for International Cooperation in the Arctic”. The International scientific symposium “International Cooperation in Environment Protection, Preservation, and Rational Management of Biological Resources in the Arctic Ocean” was organized in the framework of this project. This Working Paper includes texts of presentations at the symposium held in Moscow on September 4, 2012.
International Cooperation in Environment Protection, Preservation, and Ratio...
ENERPO-2-11
1. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
1
Week in Review
- Pierre Jouvellier, Bogdan Polishchuk
Energy News Blog
9
11
Mehdi Sanaei, Iranian Ambassador to
Russia, Visits EUSP
–Zachary Waller, Gevorg Avetikyan
Associate Director and professor in the IMARES
program, Gevorg Avetikyan and ENERPO Student
Zach Waller recount the visit of Iranian Ambassador
Mehdi Sanaei and provide historical context. Read
More
2
10
Prodigal Son
Gabon vies for OPEC membership. Read More
TAPI Developing
How far to go? Read More
Offshore Zohr
Eni to begin development. Read More
LNG for Shipping
New fuel possibilities for all types of ship. Read
More
Indonesia Expands
Gas expansion in archipelago. Read More
Processing
Rosneft’s new plans in Siberia. Read More
Iran to supply South Asia. Read More
No Shows
Private players not a part. Read More
LNG Options
Iran considers. Read More
Sub-Sea Plans
Louis Skyner’s Seminar Series for
ENERPO
–Aaron Wood
ENERPO was visited by legal and finance expert
Louis Skyner for a series of lectures on finance, law,
and investment in energy projects. ENERPO Student
Aaron Wood reviews the four day seminar. Read
More
7
Privatization
Russian companies search for cash. Read More
Russian Foreign Policy: More Change
to Come? – Fyodor Lukyanov of Russia
in Global Affairs visits EUSP
–Soojeong Shin, Gevorg Avetikyan
Associate Director and professor in the IMARES
program, Gevorg Avetikyan and ENERPO Student
provide analysis and insight on a visit by foreign
policy analyst Fyodor Lukyanov. Read More
5
2. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
2
Mehdi Sanaei, Iranian Ambassador to Russia,
Visits EUSP
–Zachary Waller, Gevorg Avetikyan
On April 8th, Mehdi Sanaei, Ambassador of the Islamic
Republic of Iran to the Russian Federation, visited the
European University at St. Petersburg to speak with students,
faculty, and other members of the EUSP community.
Ambassador Sanaei covered a wide range of topics in his
conversation at EUSP, paying specific attention to Iran’s
relations with Russia and the Soviet Union.
Relations between Iran and Russia have existed for centuries
before the USSR – the two countries share a record of war and
peace, contradiction and partnership.
Generally relations between Russia and Iran in the second half
of the 20th century up until the current period can be divided
into three large stages: WWII and the Islamic Revolution in
Iran; the beginning of the 1980s and the collapse of the USSR;
and the modern stage of relations with Russia.
Throughout this period, Iran had several reasons to mistrust
the USSR. Iranian monarchy nevertheless had relations with
the USSR – Mohammad Reza Shah has even paid two official
visits to the USSR and the relations were generally better in
the 1960s-late 1970s.
The Iranian revolution changed the landscape at the end of
the 1970s. The Iran-Iraq war (1980-1988) became a new
challenge, and Iranians did not appreciate the fact that not
only the US, but also the USSR were selling arms to Iraq. Thus,
Iran chose to adhere to their own principle, put shortly as
“Neither East, Nor West - Islamic Republic!”
The third stage of bilateral relations starts with the Soviet
collapse. Throughout the past couple of decades, Iran has had
different presidents (conservatives, reformers, moderates).
Ambassador Sanaei identified three dimensions of Iran-Russia
relations at this latest stage of their relations.
The International Dimension. Russia and Iran take similar
positions in terms of world politics. Both nations stand for a
multipolar world as opposed to creating a unipolar system of
international relations. Both nations are against the
application of double standards. “They tell Russia
thatUkraine’s people should choose their own president, but
we think the same should be in Syria. It should be the Syrians
to Ukraine’s people should choose their own president, but we
think the same should be in Syria. It should be the Syrians to
decide, not the USA, Qatar, Saudi Arabia or Turkey,” – said
Ambassador Sanaei. If the Arab Spring is possible in Egypt, it
could be possible in Yemen and Bahrain as well.
The Regional dimension. One of the brightest examples of
Russian-Iranian cooperation is overcoming the crisis in
Tajikistan in the 1990s. The Central Asian republic was torn
apart by the civil and it was joint efforts of Russia and Iran
that helped to stabilize the situation. Russia and Iran have
also co-operated to solve the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Just
recently, the foreign ministers of Iran, Russia and Azerbaijan
met to discuss the conflict. Russia and Iran have cooperated in
the Caspian Sea region as well. There is active ongoing
cooperation in the Middle East, and serious coordination in
Syria.
Bilateral dimension. Ambassador Sanaei started with pointing
out that all possible elements of bilateral relations that could
exist between two states (such as politics, economics, culture,
academia) do exist and work between Iran and Russia.
Therefore, “the Iranian Ambassador to Russia is a very busy
man”. There is one negative thing, however: despite the
strategic nature of these relations, the volume of trade is not
large. Efforts have been taken to improve this; there are many
joint consultations and the presidents have met seven times
during the past two years. However, the turnover in bilateral
trade is still below US$ 2 bln.
Energy News Blog
Ambassador Sanaei in the Golden Hall at EUSPb
3. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
3
For students in the ENERPO program, there was one more
topic that really struck a chord: sanctions.
On June 28, 2012, the United States of America imposed
sanctions on Iran in a bid to dissuade the Islamic Republic
from pursuing its nuclear program. This sanctions regime
targeted Iran’s central bank, punishing any bank, company or
government doing business with it. Additionally, the American
sanctions regime targeted the Iranian energy sector
specifically, promising to punish anyone helping to grow it.
Just a few days later, on July 1, 2012, the European Union
placed an oil embargo against Iran. This, coupled with the
United States’ sanctions, caused Iranian oil output to plummet.
While many of the sanctions on Iran were recently lifted, the
topic was a hot one at Ambassador Sanaei’s visit, as the
Russian Federation was placed under sanctions by the United
States and European Union in March of 2014 in response to
Russia’s annexation of Crimea.
For Ambassador Sanaei, sanctions are a terrible thing not to be
wished upon any country. He specifically cited the Iranian
experience, claiming the sanctions hurt the lowest in Iranian
society, as many poor Iranians were unable to afford the
medicines they needed to survive when the country was first
placed under sanctions.
However, Ambassador Sanaei also pointed out there can be
positive outcomes of sanctions. For example, as a result of the
lack of access to medicine, Iran created a strong
pharmaceutical industry that now exports large amounts of
drugs. Additionally, before sanctions were imposed against
Iran, 80% of the state budget was dependent on oil and gas.
After the sanctions were finally removed, only 40% of the
budget was dependent on oil and gas.
Ambassador Sanaei was also quick to point out the help
Russia offered Iran while the country was under sanctions. He
pointed out that when things were particularly bad in Iran,
Russia was there trying to stabilize the situation. Additionally,
Russia played a large part in helping to broker the nuclear
deal that ultimately saw the sanctions lifted.
As for the current sanctions against Russia, the ambassador
said he did not believe they were all that serious, with the
exception being the sanctions related to access to the
financial system (which he said are always painful). He said
that Iran used to tell Russia there was nothing to be afraid of
with sanctions, but noted Russian-Iranian trade was down
70% (by volume) as a result.
Sanctions look to be an important part of the Russia-Iran
relationship. During the time of sanctions against Iran, it was
Rosatom that helped Iran build its nuclear plants. Additionally,
it was Russia that worked hard to get the sanctions lifted and
get Iran back into the world system (just in time for Russia
itself to be sanctioned).
Even though Russia is now under sanctions, Ambassador
Sanaei noted that the Russian Federation is continuing to help
Iran develop, with Russia announcing it will put $5 billion into
various projects in Iran.
This is positive news for Iran, especially if some of that money
goes to support Iran’s small natural gas industry. Unlike
Russia, who exports huge amounts of natural gas, Iran has
some of the world’s largest natural gas reserves but is
responsible for less than 1% of the world’s natural gas trade.
This is due to several factors, such as lack of LNG export
terminals, lack of sufficient pipelines for export, a dearth of
suitable neighbors through which to build pipelines, and the
lower quality of Iranian gas, which means it needs to be
treated before being exported. However, even with all of those
going against Iranian gas, there is one overarching point
bearing the most responsibility: energy. With sanctions
specifically targeting the energy sector, Iran simply could not
develop its natural gas capabilities to anywhere near the level
it could (and likely would) have otherwise.
Overall, Ambassador Sanaei provided a comprehensive view of
Russian-Iranian relations and opened the eyes of many
students who had never before heard such a perspective. So
where are relations headed for the future? As countries with
similar world outlooks (both desiring multipolar worlds and a
decreased role of the United States) and similar experiences
under sanctions (almost bonding them together), Iran and
Russia look set to continue bettering relations.
Gevorg Avetikyan introduces the Ambassador
4. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
4
The lecture was followed by a Q&A session.
Olga Dragan: What are the reasons why relations between
Russia and Iran do not expand?
Mehdi Sanaei: Chief reason is that both countries are
primarily exporting energy resources. Both are struggling
with dependence on energy export revenues. Iran has
progressed significantly. 80% of its budget used to be
dependent on oil and gas exports, but in the 2015 budget
that share was decreased to below 40%. In terms of
agriculture, for example, Russia exports what Iran needs to
import (grain, corn etc), and Iran exports things Russia needs
(fruits, for example). We are solving the issue to make it
possible for Iran to also export meat, dairy (milk etc) and
other products to Russia.
Alfrid Bustanov: There are about 20 million Muslims in
Russia. Is that a factor of bilateral relations, or do you take
Russia as a country where only Russians (meaning the ethnic
Russian/Orthodox) live?
Mehdi Sanaei: When we speak of factors affecting our
relations, we do take into consideration that there are
Muslims here. We are an Islamic country; we pay attention to
Muslims wherever they are. Putin is very constructive in his
approach to Muslims and that positively affects our
relations. Russian Muslims have traditional ties with Iran,
especially those in the Caucasus, Central Asia, Tatarstan,
Bashkortostan.
Aaron Wood: After lifting of sanctions Iran will try to regain its
share in the hydrocarbons market in Europe, how can this
affect Russia-Iran relations?
Mehdi Sanaei: When we study Iran-Russia relations, we talk
about negative effects of third sides. We believe bilateral
relations should be originally developed, not affected by third
sides. We hope Russia-Iran relations will develop on a side, on
their own.
Pierre Jouvellier: There are reports of a $7 bln weapons sale
deal, can you comment more about cooperation in the defense
sector?
Mehdi Sanaei: Relations are varied. For example, Iran supplies
Russia with fruits, dried fruits, raisin, nuts, carpets,
construction materials. Iranian cars (Iran Khodro) for
middle-class Russians used to be exported. Iran also exports
pharmaceuticals. Iran imports some agricultural products
from Russia.
Russia has traditionally been active in two spheres:
construction of power stations and railroads. In the past years,
we have signed contracts for nuclear power plant
construction, the modernization of Iran’s railroad system.
We’re working on the realization of a $5 bln credit fund by
Russia to support Iranian-Russian projects.
Alexander Kamprad: Russia is critical about the way Germany
treats the migrant crisis. What would your comment be?
Mehdi Sanaei: Iran has had migrants from Afghanistan and
Iraq. Millions of them, especially from Afghanistan. There were
no mass migrations from Syria though. For some reason
everyone wants to go to Europe, not even the Arabic-speaking
Persian Gulf states, only Europe.
The Ambassador answers questions in the Golden Hall
5. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
5
Russian Foreign Policy: More Change to Come? –
Fyodor Lukyanov of Russia in Global Affairs visits
EUSP
–Soojeong Shin, Gevorg Avetikyan
Fyodor Lukyanov, Editor-in-Chief of Russia in Global Affairs,
Chairman of the Presidium of the Council on Foreign and
Defense Policy, and Research Director of the Valdai
International Discussion Club, visited European University at
Saint Petersburg on April 5th.
The seminar focused on Russian Foreign Policy with a
question mark: “More change to come?” The topics that
received attention included protectionism, western foreign
policy, and myths about ‘Russian methods’ in foreign policy.
Mr. Lukyanov began speaking on myths of Russian policy
being anti-Western. Russia has been perceived in at least two
ways. One description of Russia is that of a spontaneous,
unpredictable, and independent player where decisions are
made by one person. These characteristics led the West to
understand Russia as a non-peaceful and undemocratic actor.
Another way of depicting Russia is saying that it is driven only
by its national interests. But unlike the US notion of national
interest, in Russia the term has never been really defined. It
still seems to adhere to a behavior mostly resembling reaction
to impulses rather than a strategy.“I don’t want to say it is bad
or stupid, though”, - says Lukyanov.
The main point that Mr. Lukyanov has made was that being
non-Western (or managing internal affairs in own way) is not
isolationist or anti-Western. The argument also can be found
through his articles such as ‘Putin wants peaceful coexistence
with the west’, ‘The What-Not-To-Do-List’, and ‘The BRICS may
be non-Western but they are not anti-Western’ from Global
Affairs.
In an attempt to sketch the general evolution of Russia’s FP
and relations with US/Europe throughout the past several
years, Lukyanov said that whether a joke or not, there is an
existing opinion that even Russia’s integration with NATO was
on the agenda years ago. The same goes with integration with
Europe (but not EU membership). He then offered to compare
two speeches Putin delivered in Berlin (2001) and Munich
(2007).“Putin said the same things but with different tones”. If
the first speech was a constructive demonstration of
challenges to overcome, the second speech spoke of these
very same challenges as the reason for mutual
incomprehension.
Russia and BRICS: new reality in international institutions?
In these articles, Mr. Lukyanov mentions that Russia as a part
of BRICS. While no members of BRICS are seriously defying
the West, it does not want to produce an impression that they
are against the West as they have obviously very close tie, but
rather the existence of the group indicates that the West is
losing its monopoly in the world. BRICS is developing and
increasing their financial influence and presence, but it does
not mean to replace current institutions like the World Bank or
IMF, but rather to create an alternative as well as additional
opportunities.
Will lifting the sanctions bring Russia back to cooperation
with the West?
Lukyanov also backs his argument quoting President Vladimir
Putin. Putin agreed that sanctions worsened relations with the
West, but it indicates that Russia must look for new opportuni-
ties and use the current circumstances to its advantage.
Putin’s cease on usual accusations and recriminations against
the United States reveals that it is no need of convincing the
United States. The failed deal is not a problem for Russia, but
the serious problem is when a country like the U.S. is trying to
impose its own model on practically to the entire world. This
will fail sooner or later, like what the Soviet Union imposed to
Eastern Europe in the past. The Crimean decision is irrevers-
ible from the Kremlin side, Lukyanov argues. Another import-
ant issue is that the former relations with the West do not
seem restorable regardless of whether sanctions are lifted or
not. The partnership is no longer significantly important, in
the way it was seen from the cooperation in the 1990s.
Mr. Lukyanov presents in the Golden Hall at EUSPb
6. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
6
What Russia is looking for is not pressure or defiance to the
West but peaceful coexistence, which does not mean of a rap-
prochement, but recognition of the fact that none of the play-
ers holds the upper hand. It requires cooperation to the extent
possible, with minimized risks – even if risk minimization
leads to limited interaction in some areas.
The presentation was followed by Q&A session
.
Velko Vujacic: What would be your comments on Russia’s with-
drawal from Syria?
Fyodor Lukyanov: I was pleased with the news about Russia’s
withdrawal from Syria. Russia’s point in Syria was: the only
vehicle of solution is a state that functions, whether demo-
cratic or not. The West’s approach was more about destroying
the existing without building a new/alternative state. Basical-
ly, the operation was done brilliantly. But it was also a mes-
sage to Assad, which was getting very euphoric and unready
for negotiations.
Ivan Kurilla: Sounds like Ukraine, Georgia are mere objects
and not subjects/actors. Do you think Russia looks at Central
Asian, South Caucasus and other former Soviet states as inde-
pendent actors or are they only perceived as objects of great
power games?
Fyodor: It’s no secret that Russia does not view Ukraine,
Georgia as independent states. Partly because they don’t view
themselves as such. When the whole discussion is “who will
take us” it does not contribute to changing this attitude. So far
Russia has been pretty skillful in applying hard power. We do
not need allies maybe, but we should probably try not to
alienate as fast and as many countries as we do now at least
for the sake of trading with them since we need it.
Russia = anti-Western?
In the end of the seminar, throughout answering numerous
questions, Lukyanov emphasized again that Russia is not
necessary anti-Western, but understand that the best model
for one country does not work for all countries. Russia is a part
of BRICS, and continues making a number of economic and
political agreements with other nations such as with Japan
and China. When conflict occurs, it does not mean that two
sides want to end relations, but rather they want to work
within a manageable framework. It is regarded more
important especially today due to increasing incidents
involving military participations and sanctions.
Answering questions in the Golden Hall
7. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
7
Louis Skyner’s Seminar Series for ENERPO
–Aaron Wood
ENERPO Students at EUSP engaged in a series of seminars last
week, from April 11th to 14th, with Dr. Louis Skyner, a senior
associate at the renowned London firm of Clifford &Chance.
Dr. Skyner has worked for several years in energy law, and at
Clifford & Chance, he specializes in banking and finance in
energy and recourse projects. Before coming to Clifford &
Chance, Dr. Skyner served as legal counsel to the Norwegian
state company, Statoil, on their upstream development
projects with Russian companies. Dr. Skyner spoke at length
over a series of four lectures with ENERPO students and
fielded questions for discussion.
The four-day seminar series covered the role of governments
and investors in upstream development and allocated profits
from developed reserves; risk and reward sharing through the
development of project sharing agreements, joint operating
agreements and joint ventures; methods of project finance
and lender issues; and the oil price slide including the impact
and consequences of sanctions. Dr. Skyner introduced students
with various backgrounds and interests in energy markets and
policy and provided a detailed but approachable explanation
of core legal and financial concepts and struggles in the
energy industry.
Among these was the complicated relationship between
private investors and governments as they both seek to fulfill
their personal objectives and simultaneously strive to find an
agreement that is suitable to bring necessary partners into the
fold. In general, investors want to develop reserves and
hopefully gain access to downstream markets. A diverse and
international asset base for investors is only possible and
importantly, profitable, in a stable legal and political
environment.
This stable environment is provided through the energy law of
a nation in which the private company is operating and is
geared to offer a beneficial environment to operating
companies such as, but not limited to, the elimination of
import and export duties on extraction equipment,
establishment of clear fiscal terms and tax regimes, set license
duties, clarifying the right of producers to export, as well as
the right to seek a redress of grievances in a platform of
international arbitrage.
While in theory, this relationship can sound straightforward, it
is clear that in practice it has often been far from forthright. As
highlighted by Dr. Skyner in his presentation, the Russian
experience shows that the selective interpretation and
application of user rights has resulted in an environment in
which many companies do not feel safe making investments
and in which certain rights are not guaranteed to be offered to
parties without ties to government. So called “liberalization”
in LNG export markets in Russia have not resulted in allowing
any companies to export LNG, save for those with large shares
owned by the government, or those closely tied with the
regulatory organs responsible for energy policy in Russia.
Another important part of cooperation between private
companies and governments is the so-called “government
take”, i.e. the share which the host country believes it has the
right to receive for allowing foreign companies to develop
and/or export resources from their land. During periods of
high oil price, when resource rich countries can easily balance
their state budgets via rents, taxes, and license fees they
receive, the current glut in oil has put a strain on state budgets
of oil producing countries world-wide.
Kazakhstan is currently filing a claim for US$ 1.6 bln against
two companies, BG Group and ENI, in a dispute over the
pricing formula dictating who receives the lion’s share of
profits from a project in the Karachaganak gas condensate
field. Some experts believe that such disputes are likely to
become all the more common as the price glut continues. In
Kazakhstan specifically, this current case further strains
relations between the government and independent
companies when last year, KazMunayGaz refused to pay the
dividend amount recommended by its independent directors.
It has also scrapped any plans to pay out dividends this year as
well.
Governments with social obligations to fulfill via the
collection of resource rents are hard put to provide theservices
and benefits they purport to provide for the populace.
Dr. Skyner lectures to students at EUSP
8. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
8
This has also led to more tax increases. As is well known,
Russian recently increased its tax regime on the oil industry
contrary to the wishes of majors in the industry, who argue
that an increased tax regime will hinder efforts for research
and exploration in order to keep production high. The
necessary balancing act for resource rich countries who are
highly dependent on resource revenues will prove to be a
point of conflict in the foreseeable future while oil prices
remain low, and no agreement can be reached to hinder
production and hopefully boost the oil price and ergo, state
revenues. Cases of dispute and arbitration can be expected to
become more common as players vie for a bigger portion of a
pie ever-decreasing in size.
The concrete base for the Troll A platform is cast in Vats By
Swinsto101 - Own work, CC BY-SA 3.0,
9. The Week in Review
ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
9
The Week in Review
The End of Collusions: Doha Summit Failed
On April 17, 2916, Qatar’s capital Doha was home to new round of negotiations on oil suppliers and
actions that suppliers could take to affect the oil price. Participants weren’t even ready to announce their
preparedness to freeze production volumes, let alone any cuts. The problem is that one of the most
important actors in current international oil market,a major supplier,was absent from the talks and is not
likely to play cartel games: this player is thousands and thousands of American oil producing companies.
Mikhail Krutikhin. The End of the Era of Collusion. Why Summit in Doha has Failed. Carnegie Russia,April 18, 2016.
Christopher Harder. No Agreement on Oil Freeze at Doha Meeting. The Wall Street Journal Blog. April 18, 2016.
Iranian Natural Gas, What About a Floating Liquefaction Plant?
Since the US sanctions against investments in energy projects have been lifted, Iran is seeking to send its
natural gas to Europe.The Iranian Oil Company is currently holding negotiations with a Norwegian com-
pany in order to build a floating liquefied natural gas facility.Such a project necessitates huge investment
but has several environmental and economic advantages in addition to cover all the aspects of conven-
tional liquefaction plants. FLNG facilities avoid the expensive construction of large pipelines and other
onshore infrastructures, decreasing dependence on fixed infrastructures. The aim of the project is to be
able to supply Europe and Far East with LNG by 2018.For the moment,Iran has signed an agreement with
Oman to pipe a 28 MMcm per day and about 30% of these daily deliveries will be turn into LNG to supply
Europe through the Qalhat LNG terminal. If this project becomes a reality, the world largest gas reserve
could therefore compete with other players on the international gas market, not forgetting that the coun-
try has also several other ongoing projects
.
Tasnim News Agency Team, 2016. Iran, Norway Planning Joint FLNG Project, Tasnim News Agency, 7 April.
Rakesh Upadhyay, 2016. Will Iran Manage To Construct A floating LNG Facility, Oil Price, 11 April.
The Iran-Pakistan Pipeline is Facing New Issues. Sub-Sea Plans.
The recent partial lifting of international sanctions against Tehran was supposed to give new hope for the
construction of the Iran-Pakistan pipeline. Although the Islamic Republic of Iran has large and sufficient
gas reserves, it does not have enough production and it needs to drill more wells in the South Pars gas
field. Moreover, the infrastructures in the Pakistanis section are not ready for several reasons. Besides, If
Iran plans to meet the pipeline’s capacity of 21.24 MMcm/d, it would have to ramp up development at
South Pars. Pakistanis demand for natural gas is about 227 MMcm/d and even if Pakistan can produce
half of its demand, the country needs this pipeline to be built in order to cover the remaining half of its
demand. Importantly, Iran, which regularly encounters shortages in natural gas supplies, has to cover its
own domestic gas demand.This means that in case of shortage, the country would not be able to provide
natural gas to Pakistan. Through this project, Iran plans to supply other potential gas clients such as
Bangladesh by extending the project to the South Asian nation, and India by building a sub-sea pipeline.
BBC Team, 2016. Iran seeks to revive Pakistan gas pipeline, BBC, 14 April.
Garima Chitkara, 2016. Iran-Pakistan pipeline faces headwinds, Interfax Energy, 12 April.
10. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
22nd of April 2016
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OPEC: Another Former Member Wants to Rejoin
The African nation of Gabon wants to rejoin OPEC after more than two decades. Gabon left OPEC in 1995
after the exporter group refused their request for lower annual contributions in face of their low
production levels. Gabon produces a rather low 200,000 bpd, but has expanded its exploration efforst in
the last year. Were it to rejoin, Gabon would replace Ecuador as the lowest producing member, which
currently is putting out 530,000 bpd. This would be the second former member in a year to seek a return
to the oil exporters' group just as it is taking the first steps in years to prop up prices.
Lawler, Alex."Another Former OPEC Member, Gabon, Wants to Rejoin Oil Group." NEWS | | Rigzone. N.p., 15 Apr. 2016.
The TAPI Pipeline Has Found New Financial Supports and is Gaining Ground
The Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas pipeline has recently seen progress after years of delay.
This multi-billion dollar project has recently attracted the Islamic Development Bank. Moreover, the four
TAPI countries agreed to invest US$ 200 million in the next stage of the project. Firstly, the Turkmen side
has completed the first kilometer of the 214km pipeline in the region and the 27.4 Tcm Galkynysh gas
field will supply it. Moreover, drilling new well to a depth of 4,800 m has started in this field and seven
more have been planned which will allow Turkmenistan to increase the volume from this gas field to 95
bcm/y by 2020. The rest of the 1,814 km pipeline will pass through Afghanistan (774km), Pakistan
(826km), and will reach a capacity of 90 MMcm per day for 30 years. The TAPI pipeline is planned to be
operational in 2019.
Natural Gas Asia Team, 2016. Islamic Development Bank Keen to Participate in TAPI Project, Natural Gas Asia, 16 April.
NaturalGasAsia Team, 2016. Caspian Overview: Ashgabad outlines TAPI plans, Natural Gas Asia, 15 April.
Rosneft Stake Worth About Nearly US$ 10 billion to be Privatized
Russian Finance Minister Anton Siluanov said in an interview with CNBC, that the government's current
estimate of the value of the 19.5% stake in oil producer Rosneft that it plans to privatize is around 650
billion roubles ($9.9 bln). Russia is in desperate need of capital, and is offering privatization schemes to
incentivize investment in many state companies with significant assets. Whether this short-term
capitalization plan will succeed or not is still a question, as are the potential consequences.
Reuters."Russian Finmin: Rosneft Stake to Be Privatized Worth About $9.9B." NEWS | | Rigzone. N.p., 15 Apr. 2016.
Egypt: Zohr Field Developed by Eni to Start by End-2017
Italy's Eni is focused on starting production at its giant offshore Zohr gas field in Egypt by end of 2017,
the company's Chief Executive Officer Claudio Descalzi reported. Eni has a long history of offering
competitive terms to North African countries to develop their oil reserves. This represents a world-wide
trend of movement to expansion of gas supply. Setting up a field in Egypt will ensure energy security for
Italy in the near future. In the meantime, Egypt is turning from exporter to importer of LNG, so additional
upstream activities might be useful for the country to regain its position in international gas markets.
http://www.rigzone.com/news/oil_gas/a/144036/Eni_Focused_on_Starting_up_its_Egypt_Gas_Field_Zohr_by_End2017
11. ENERPO Newsletter Volume 2 Issue 11
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The Interests for LNG Bunkering Are Ramping Up with New LNG Powered Vessels
Since the idea of possible LNG bunkering for non-LNG vessels has emerged, maritime companies are
trying to take advantage on this new fuel. Maersk Maritime Technology has recently joined the Society for
Gas as Marine Fuel in order to enhance its participation for the development of LNG bunkers. Recently,
Woodside Energy Ltd, an Australian O&G company, has signed a five-year charter contract with the
Norwegian company Siem Offshore in order to have its first LNG-powered marine support vessel in 2017.
Indeed, Australia will become one of the most important players in the international gas market with
several giant projects such as Gladstone and Ichthys. Therefore, as one of the new world’s top exporters
of natural gas and by choosing dual-fuel propelled vessels, Australia will save money on bunkering by
running its fleet on boil-off gas instead of marine diesel-oil bunkers. Moreover, the use of natural gas
boil-off will contribute to the environment, generating less sulfur and CO2 emissions and will promote
energy efficiency with the expansion of LNG-fuelling in Western Australia.
LNG Journal Team, 2016. Woodside brings in first LNG-fueled vessel to Asia-Pacific from Norway on charter, LNG journal, 12 April.
Mark Smedley, 2016. Woodside Charters First Dual-Fuel LNG Vessel, Natural Gas Asia, 12 April.
Ship&Bunker News Team, 2016.Agreement Inked for First LNG-Bunker Powered MSV in Australia, Ship&Bunker, 12 April.
Ship&Bunker News Team, 2016. Maersk Ups Interest in LNG Bunkers, Ship&Bunker, 15 April.
Indonesia Is Looking Toward Natural Gas by Building a New Gas Pipeline for 2019
Indonesia is looking into options for electrification of its archipelago by using natural gas as an energy
source. The country, which is a large natural gas producer, has already built a floating storage and
regasification unit (FSRU) managed by The Perusahaan Gas Negara (PNG). Although this LNG facility is
going to be optimized to pipe for 1.1 MMcm per day for West Java and South Sumatra, it is not sufficient
to meet the archipelago’s demand, which is mostly provided by coal-fired plants due to low prices of coal.
Therefore, PNG aims to build a 1,680 km pipeline in order to increase the supply solution in Indonesia. It
is not the only gas project initiated in Indonesia. Indeed, last February; the French Total SA, which is the
first IOC implanted in Indonesia since 1968, has signed long-term LNG sale and purchase agreements
with Pertamina for over a period of 15 years beginning in 2020.
Natural Gas Asia Team, 2016. PGN Aims to Build, 1,680 km of Gas Pipeline in Indonesia by 2019, 11 April.
Admin, 2016. Perusahaan Gas Negara to build 1,680 km of gas pipeline by 2019, The insider stories, 12 April.
Rosneft’s New Plans in East Siberia
Vankorneft, a Rosneft subsidiary, is planning to build a new gas processing plant and pipeline at its
Tagulskoye oil and gas field, part of the Vankor cluster of fields in eastern Siberia. Russia continues its
strategy of developing its gas sector. Eastern Siberia has less reserves than Western Siberia, but it is part
of a comprehensive strategy to increase Russia’s gas supplies.A gas processing plant is an important part
of marketing resources from East Siberia: they are generally characterized by a lower percentage of
methane and thus needs processing.
Brelsford, Robert."Rosneft Plans New Gas Processing Plant at Tagulskoye." Oil and Gas Journal. N.p., 14 Apr. 2016.
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Volume 2 Issue 10
15th of April 2016