This document discusses research on financial resilience practices among Somali migrants in East London. It finds that 100% of survey participants supported charitable causes in the previous year, with motivations strongly linked to Islamic faith. Common practices included zakat (obligatory alms-giving), sadaqa (voluntary charity), and community fundraising. Donations were made despite high levels of poverty and unemployment. The research challenges views of this community as lacking resilience, instead finding resourcefulness and mutual aid. It calls for new conversations with literatures on responses to hardship in the global South.

1. Recentering anaemic economic
geographies of financial resilience
Al James (al.james@ncl.ac.uk)
Kavita Datta (k.datta@qmul.ac.uk)
Jane Pollard (jane.pollard@ncl.ac.uk)
Quman Akli (quman.akli@gmail.com)
2017 Annual Meeting of the American Association
of Geographers, Boston, 5-9 April 2017

2. Recession and Austerity: possibilities for
redistributive growth and recovery?
• worst impacts in already disadvantaged communities: low-
income and minority neighbourhoods (Ghosh 2010; IFS 2010)
• Many areas must fend for themselves: rising unemp, welfare
cut-backs, reduced public spending central and local govts.
• ‘Resilience’: financial means by which some communities are
able to ‘withstand pressures that might defeat others over a
period of time’ (Batty and Cole 2010: 8).
• EG debate: social sustainability and humane redistributive
quality of post-crisis growth (Lee et al. 2009; Tomaney et al. 2010;
Pike et al. 2007).
• ‘Possibilities of alternative institutions that might help create a
richer, more equitable and more diverse, economic and
financial ecology’ (French and Leyshon 2010: 2557).
• Financial resilience: to negate dependence on high interest
debt, pay day loans

3. On Economic Geographies of ‘Resilience’
• Policy interest: how some communities in aftermath of recession are: ‘harnessing
local resources and expertise to help themselves’ (Cabinet Office 2011: 4). (c.f.
anti-neoliberal critique).
• ‘Resilience’: spatial application of ideas from natural and physical sciences:
– Responsive capacities of places, communities, economies to
anticipate, prepare for, respond to and recover from a system-wide
disturbance, disruption, crisis (e.g. Foster 2007; Lang 2010; MacKinnon and
Derickson 2012)…
– …& to overcome short-term or long-term economic adversity while
others fail (Christopherson et al. 2010: 3).
• Endogenous assets and resources that enable adaptation to changing market
conditions, welfare cuts, politics of austerity? (Christopherson et al. 2010; Wolfe 2010; Martin 2011
2012).
• Major research questions: what do ‘resilient’ localities, communities,
regions look like? Institutions and everyday practices that foster
resilience? positive or negative quality? implications for policy intervention?

4. Recentering Anaemic Economic Geographies of
‘Resilience’
1. Charities sidelined (+ individuals / households who fund them)
2. Internalist conceptions of resilience: c.f. wider circuits
3. Failure to learn from resilience practices rooted in global
South: where ‘so much of what has happened is so familiar’
(Pollard 2013: 416)
• Reinforces ‘anaemic geography’ in which ‘non-West’ space is
never examined (Sparke 1994: 113); ‘as if what happens in the
West occurs independently of non-Western worlds’
(Christophers 2012: 287)
• C.f. ‘cosmopolitan financial geographies’ (Pollard and Samers
2013); practiced in multiple, not singular ways (Lee et al. 2008;
Jones and Murphy 2010).

5. Resilience of Islamic Finance and Charity
Islamic Banking and Finance
•Shari’a compliance helped maintain IBF profitability through
2008 c.f. ‘conventional’ (interest-based) banks (Hasan and
Dridi 2010)
•300+ IBF institutions worldwide: assets US$200-300 bil.
(Pollard and Samers 2007). Helping poorest of the poor??
Islamic Charity (UK)
UK’s largest Islamic charities, sustained increase in voluntary
donor income through economic downturn:
•Islamic Relief: £34m 2008, £41 m 2009
•Muslim Aid: £24m 2008, £44m 2009
Similar patterns Greater London:
•500+ Islamic charities, £69 million p.a. donations (UK Charity
Commission 2008)
•2009-10: 150 Islamic charities in London, £125 million p.a.
income (Pollard et al. 2016 in JEG)

6. Household practices of giving that support Islamic charity?
Case Study: Somali Community, East London
•Islam major defining element of Somali ID and culture
•Nation of emigrants: escalation of civil conflict in Somalia from
late 1980s, increased involuntary migration
•One of largest / longest established Somali populations (95 000 -
250 000 people) in Europe
•89% of Somalis in UK live in London
•One of most deprived UK migrant communities (IPPR 2007; ELA
2010; Chouhan et al. 2011):
• Significant unemployment
• Inter-generational transmission of poverty
• High concentration in rented and social housing
• Significant benefit dependency (Datta 2012).
•Popular discourse of marginalised Somali migrants c.f. more
nuanced, diverse set of resilience practices, rooted in faith
and mutual aid

7. Researching Migrants and their Money
• Household survey: 60 Somali households
• In-depth interviews: 20 Somali individuals
• Case study: Tower Hamlets, ‘the mother of the Somali
community in London’ (East London Alliance 2010)
• Recruited via gatekeeper organisations: Somali
migrant/welfare organisations (Ocean Somali Community
Association (OSCA), Karin Housing Association, the
Somali Day Centre, Somali Integration Team (SIT))
• 98% participants first generation Somali migrants;
majority (73%) living in the UK for over 10 years
• Sample consistent with previous research om Somalis in
London (Datta 2012; Hammond et al. 2011)
• Survey & interviews in Somali; translated into English
• Additional interviews with intermediaries (e.g. Director of
East London Mosque, Imam of Al-Huda mosque)

8. •100% participants supported charitable causes in previous 12 mo (N=60, 2012)
• 38% targeting Somalis (48% recipients in UK)
• 42% targeting Muslims (72% recipients in UK)
• 25% targeting non-Muslims (93% recipients in UK)
• half: economic downturn no change charitable donations
• only 3 participants give less frequently due to economic downturn
•Range: £5-1200 per month (also 10-20 hours per month of volunteer time).
•Giving despite significant deprivation: 57% unemployed; 63% in benefit recipient households
(job seekers allowance, incapacity benefit, pension support, income support); and 48% of
households with dependent children under 16yrs.
•Employed cohort (43%) typically in low paid jobs: e.g. cleaning, care, community activism.
•Over half lived in social housing let by the local council.
•97% participants: significant role of Islamic faith in shaping donations
Everyday practices of Somali charitable giving
through the economic downturn

9. Practice Description /Qur’an foundation Survey
prevalence
Illustrative quotes
n %
Zakat Obligatory alms giving, incumbent on all
believing Muslims who have financial
means to give.
Zakat specifically targets disadvantaged
and poorest, legitimizing personal gain by
reserving part of it for community benefit.
35 61 ‘God will ask me in the hereafter what we have done for
poor people. We are Muslims and have to show each
other mercy and support each other’ (Somali female,
moved to UK 2004, over 50 yrs old)
Sadaqa Voluntary act of giving charity, more than
the obligatory Zakat. Can take money and
non-money forms and be given at any
time. Used for longer-term projects rather
than as response to immediate short-term
need.
56 98 ‘I want blessings from God, work towards going to
heaven, and God has told us to pay sadaqa. It will
cleanse you. It is an order from God, those who don’t
pay don’t get any rewards in this life and the hereafter’
(Somali male, moved to UK 1990, 41-50 yrs old).
Qadhanna/
Baho
Terms often used interchangeably; apply
to Somali community specifically
Community fund-raising for charitable
purposes.
Often on a clan/kinship group basis, but
recipients do not necessarily belong to
same clan/kinship group.
45 79 ‘There are people who have no status in this country
and they are refugees and they are struggling. We give
these people shelter, travel, health, we have to pay this.
There are also people who are sick and haven’t got
anyone and need help from the community and maybe
not eligible for social services. It is our responsibility to
help, the community has to. Your tribe’. (Somali male,
moved to UK 1992, 41-50 yrs old).
Motivations for Somali charitable giving (faith & non-faith)

10. Mobilising Diverse Assets for Mutual Aid;
Building Capacities for Financial Resilience
•Typical donations < £100 per mo (except 2 at £1000 & £1200 / mo)
•40% fund from (low) wages, 50% from state welfare benefits (drain on
scarce familial resources) .
•Resourcefulness to free up cash: e.g. informal trading govt food
vouchers in exchange for cash with other Somalis in supermarkets.
•Beyond cash donations: volunteering time in welfare projects that
transfer knowledge expertise to poor and needy, donating clothes, giving
gold.
• Main causes: education (62%), health (60%), help the needy
(52%), poverty alleviation (18%), disaster relief (80%).
• Interviews: definitions of those ‘in need’ of charity / ‘deserving
poor’ geographically reconfigured in aftermath of recession /
austerity (greater UK focus).
• Building networks of mutual aid, asset redistribution, and
support rooted in shared identity – reduces need for
vulnerable households to turn to high interest debt.
• Reproduction of Somali community, survival in absence of
welfare, investments in short term coping and longer term
infrastructures.

11. Recentering anaemic econ geogs of resilience
1. Mutual aid in London emerges from prior experiences in global South of
conflict, famine, familial separation, economic crisis, poverty, informal
assistance.
– Transfer of resources (e.g. food, petty cash) between households, essential for
survival of poor refugee families as non-citizens in countries of exile
– Deeply entrenched commitment in Dadaab Somali refugee camp Kenya for assisting
destitute neighbours, sharing wealth / income with needy – rearticulated in UK context
2. Complex repeat onward migrations further challenge internalist
conceptions of resilience practices
– e.g. Somali to UK, via Ethiopia, Sudan, Libya; and via India, to Bangladesh, to UK;
also via Dubai, Kenya, Kuwait, Netherlands, Norway, UAE.
– ‘We [Somalis] have learned about charity from the countries where we live and how
they give to charity. You will find here that there are people who don’t even know you,
but they give you charity’’ (Somali female, moved UK 2007, 18-30 yrs old)
3. New conversations with ‘resilience’ literatures by another name (Devt)
– Resourcefulness, survival, livelihood strategies, urban livelihoods, coping
mechanisms, mutual aid, durability, refugee camp economies, civil society, and
mutual support networks (e.g. Kibreab 1993; McIlwaine 1998; Horst 2006; Rigg 2007; Little 2008; Jinnah
2010; Omata 2013)
– Gives faith more prominent role in economic resilience c.f. EconGeog

12. Concluding Comments
• Makes visible subaltern economic agents and
practices in ‘global city’ epicentre of high finance.
• Challenges long-standing policy discourses of
London’s Somali migrant community as less than
resilient, part of a ‘troubled and troublesome Muslim
minority’ (Phillips 2009).
• Resilience capacity building activities supported in UK
AND overseas through economic downturn: health,
education, poverty alleviation, female empowerment,
youth development, building / maintaining buildings
for worship and giving.
• New analytical possibilities for geographers to
'theorise back' on economic resilience from within EG
'heartland core' (and beyond)
• Diverse economic resilience practices rooted in the
global South – resilience literatures by another name.

14. Conceptualising ‘Resilience’
• Academic and policy interest: how some communities in post-recessionary period can
– ‘withstand pressures that might defeat others over a period of time’ (Batty and Cole 2010: 8)
– ‘flourishing despite extraordinarily tough experiences and envts’ (Buchardt & Huerta 2009: 59)
– ‘harnessing local resources and expertise to help themselves’ (Cabinet Office 2011: 4).
• From natural and physical sciences (ecolog systems’ capacities to adapt and thrive
under adverse conditions) to spatial application in social sciences and public policy
(see Dawley et al. 2010, Martin and Sunley 2014):
– Responsive capacities of places, communities and economies to anticipate,
prepare for, respond to and recover from a system-wide disturbance,
disruption or crisis (e.g. Foster 2007; Lang 2010; MacKinnon and Derickson
2012)…
– …and to overcome short-term or long-term economic adversity to maintain a
high quality of life for residents while others fail (Christopherson et al. 2010:
3).
• From earlier focus on innate characteristics of individuals, towards spatial settings
they inhabit (Batty and Cole 2010).

15. Charity Declared Charitable Activities Income and disbursements Spaces of
operation
Association of
Senior Muslim
Citizens
Efforts towards relief of poverty and improving quality of
life of the elderly residents by: home and hospital visits;
hospital family liaison; seminars talks and social get
togethers to minimise social isolation; to improve health
awareness
Financial Year End 31 Mar 2010:
income £5 922
spending £2 727
Harrow
Bow Muslim
Community Centre
Providing help and assistance to the local Muslim
community to overcome their disadvantages and improve
their condition of life.
Financial Year End 31 Mar 2010:
income £78 731
spending £22 296
Bow, East
London
Hefazothe
Islam UK
To advance Islamic religion, education and training; to
relieve poverty, suffering and distress; and to protect and
promote public health.
Financial Year End 31 Mar 2010:
income £257 362
spending £304 774
Tower
Hamlets and
Bangladesh
Memon
Association UK
Provision of welfare services to the poor and needy.
Provision of facilities to help the elderly. To uphold and
preserve the religion of Islam in accordance with the
Sunni school of thought. To assist financially and / or
otherwise such members of the Memon community and
others in general who are poor and needy.
Financial Year End 31 Dec 2009:
income £142 691
spending £77 970
Lambeth
Muslim Student
Charity
To relieve need among Muslim students in the UK
through provision of hostels, recreation and leisure
facilities in the interests of social welfare
Financial Year End 30 Sept 2008:
income £58 809
spending £56 153
London and
UK
Somali Community
Advancement
Organisation
To help elders, women and children from the Somali
community to integrate better into society and economy
by identifying their needs and providing appropriate
solutions: helping academically, enhancing skills,
empowering the community, increasing its competency
for better social and integration.
Financial Year End 31 Mar 2010
income £26 057
spending £19 176
London
UK Islamic Mission Raising funds for all human sufferings, human needs,
education purposes, and to provide centres for worship.
Financial Year End 31 March 2010:
income £2 919 429
spending £2 030 615
UK

16. Practice Description /Qur’an foundation Survey
prevalence
Illustrative quotes
n %
Zakat Obligatory alms giving, one of the obligations
(pillars) incumbent on all believing Muslims who
have financial means to give.
Determined by possession of nisab (minimum
wealth before zakat is payable).
Zakat specifically targets disadvantaged and
poorest, legitimizing personal gain by reserving
part of it for community benefit.
35 61 ‘The way that Islam looks at everything you have, 2.5% you share.
You always look at people poorer than you in order to appreciate
what you have. There is no difference between you and the poor
person or the sick person. It is just you are lucky, you have to
share it’. (Somali female moved to UK 1987, over 50 yrs old).
‘God will ask me in the hereafter what we have done for poor
people. We are Muslims and have to show each other mercy and
support each other’ (Somali female, moved to UK 2004, over 50
yrs old)
Sadaqa Voluntary act of giving charity, given by those who
want to contribute more than the obligatory Zakat.
Can take money and non-money forms and be
given at any time. Used for longer-term projects
rather than as response to immediate short-term
need.
56 98 ‘I want blessings from God, work towards going to heaven, and
God has told us to pay sadaqa. It will cleanse you. It is an order
from God, those who don’t pay don’t get any rewards in this life
and the hereafter’ (Somali male, moved to UK 1990, 41-50 yrs
old).
Waqf Islamic charitable perpetuities / benevolent funds:
title of an owned asset is locked up from
disposition, with income benefits dedicated for
welfare of a specific group (e.g. poor, elderly,
widows, orphans, travellers) or general societal
well-being (e.g. healthcare, education, shelter,
employment, development). Waqf benefits not
usually specific to Muslims alone.
12 21
‘There is a hadith that says if you pay charity you will live long, and
another that says if you like to get something in your life you
should want the same thing for your Muslim brother or sister’
(Somali female, moved to UK 2001, 31-40 yrs old).
Qadhanna/
Baho
Terms often used interchangeably; apply to the
Somali community specifically; refer to
community fund-raising for charitable purposes.
Often done on a clan basis, but recipients do not
necessarily belong to the same clan.
45 79 ‘There are people who have no status in this country and they are
refugees and they are struggling. We give these people shelter,
travel, health, we have to pay this. There are also people who are
sick and haven’t got anyone and need help from the community.
There are also old people who are housebound and maybe not
eligible for social services. It is our responsibility to help, the
community has to. Your tribe’. (Somali male, moved to UK 1992,
41-50 yrs old).
Diverse everyday practices of Somali charitable giving (faith & non-faith)

17. Evidencing the Rapid Growth of IBF
Virtually unknown 35 years ago: significant trend in
global finance over the last 15 years
Currently over 300 Islamic banks and financial
institutions worldwide, with estimated assets of
between US$200 and $300 billion
Estimates suggest a further $1.1 trillion in Islamic
global funds (Henry and Wilson 2004; Sandhu 2005;
Ibrahim 2006)
Many countries (e.g. Bahrain, Brunei, Iran, Malaysia,
Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Sudan) have
‘Islamicized’ their banking systems to one degree
or another
‘Interest-based’ banks throughout Muslim-dominated
countries are now considering converting to Islamic
banks in order to expand their client base (Pollard
and Samers 2007)

18. Islamic Banking and Finance: Bucking the
Economic Downturn
Recent evidence points to the ways in which the Shariah compliant business models adopted by Islamic Banks
helped contain the adverse impact on profitability through 2008 relative to conventional banks (Hasan and Dridi
2010 – see table below), extending a long-term general trend documented by earlier studies over a 30 year
timeframe (see e.g. Iqbal and Moylneux 2005).

19. Different types of Islamic giving (Islamic Relief 2012, Hammond et al.,
2010)
• Charity is one of five pillars of Islam, five different terms used in the Qu’ran in relation to charity.
Of these most significant in context of this research are:
• Zakat which means ‘purity’ or ‘to purify’. Zakat is an obligation upon all believing Muslims who
have the financial means to give. Capacity to give is determined by the possession of nisab (the
minimum amount of wealth that one must have before zakat is payable). Items from which wealth
can be derived include: cattle, crops, gold, silver, and merchandise for business. Zakat must be paid
on cash deposits held in bank accounts. Many people pay Zakat during Ramadan both to remember
it, and also because the reward for good deeds done in blessed month is believed to be multiplied.
Zakat cannot be used to build mosques, to bury the deceased, or to clear the debt of the deceased.
Used to help those in need and the poorest.
• Sadaqah is a voluntary act of giving charity, and is given by those who want to contribute more
than the obligatory Zakat. It can take many forms (and is not simply restricted to money) and can
be given at any time. It is used for more long term projects rather than responding to immediate
need.
• Waqf refers to Islamic charitable perpetuities. It has been influential in providing the sustainable
development of many societies, and until 18th century, it operated in a fully independent and self-
sustaining way in managing many projects of social and economic importance. A charitable Waqf is
established when its income is dedicated for the welfare of a specific group of individuals or a
project. They include the poor, old, widows, orphans, travellers or anyone or any project that is
beneficial to the well being of the society in general. Waqf has directly helped the underprivileged
groups of the society in the area of education, healthcare, shelter, employment and other
necessary works of socio economic development activities.
• Qadhaan and Baho are sometimes used inter-changeably. Apply to the Somali community
specifically and refers to community fund raising for charitable purposes. Often done on clan basis
although recipients do not necessarily belong to the same clan.

20. Diverse everyday practices of resilient charitable giving
‘Charity is the third pillar of Islam. Everywhere salah
[prayer] is mentioned in the Quran, it is followed by
charity. Also, not only does charity increase your
reward, but it also washes your sins away like salah. It
protects you from any harm that might come your way
and also it is your protection in the hereafter. There is a
hadith in Bukhari that says charity never, never reduces
your wealth. This is something guaranteed as Allah will
return it to you’ (Somali female, moved to UK 1990,
aged 18-30).
Indeed, Singer (2008) has argued that without
charitable acts of giving, Islamic faith is incomplete.

21. Somali Charitable Networks: Clan and Media
• Collective basis of migrant giving:
– Individual (19%), Collective (18%) and Both (63%) – collective more effective
– Collective giving organised around family/friends, clan membership, women
only groups including hagbads, media, mosques
• Role of gender relations in structuring giving:
– Gendering of charitable giving and philanthropy (see also Sargeant 1999;
Piper and Schnepf 2008)
– ‘Feminine attributes’ (compassion, caring) and ‘women’s causes’ (orphans)
– Women take the lead, also canvassing of Somali women in fund raising
activities – e.g. ELM
– Men and women support different causes : “Women are... the main drivers…I
don’t think men give a lot to charity, or at least it is more selective, i.e. their
fellow clan men, a school in their area of origin. It is always somehow linked
with politics, or politicised clan, a competition with other villages.” (Somali
female, 31-40 yrs old, migrated to UK 2002).
• Role of media in shaping charitable giving and networks: raising awareness,
increased donation appeals during Ramadan and Eid when people more likely to
give. “The media has played a big role. Since Universal TV, Somali Channel etc have
started, there have been a lot of causes fundraised for whether it is a mosque, a
sick person, a hospital, all kinds of charities. This [TV appeals] motivates the
community to give.” (Somali female, aged 31-40, [survey participant 57])
• Role of mosques contested “[Mosques] have made people believe that the only
charitable acts are religious causes. ..they have created a hierarchy. It is almost if
you feed someone, you are focusing on this life not the hereafter and you get less
blessings for it. However, anything to do with religious causes is like working
towards your life in the hereafter.” (Somali female, 31-40 yrs old, migrated to UK
2002).