An Exploratory Study into the 'Roadie' Subcultre of Consumption

“AN EXPLORATORY STUDY OF THE ‘ROADIE’
SUBCULTURE OF CONSUMPTION”
A dissertation submitted to the University of Manchester for the
degree of Master of Science in the Faculty of Humanities
YEAR OF SUBMISSION
2012
Emily Goldhill
MANCHESTER BUSINESS SCHOOL

ABSTRACT
This paper presents an exploratory study into the subculture of consumption built up
around the physical activity of road-cycling. The research aimed to discover how
members of the subculture construct meanings through being out on the road on their
bikes, as well as how connections are formed with other consumers who share their
passion. Until now there has been no literature that is specifically focused on whether
a subculture of consumption exists around those who cycle road-bikes. The researcher
used a postmodern conceptual framework in order to uncover and evaluate the
motivations behind the ‘Roadie’ community.
Subcultures of consumption are dynamic, evolving and distinctive, and therefore a
highly qualitative approach was adopted to ensure that complex and intricate
phenomena, such as stories, feelings and emotions, could be uncovered. This would
be impossible to achieve through quantitative research methods. Methodological
triangulation was employed with both netnography and qualitative interviews being
conducted in order to gain an understanding of individuals’ narratives.
The findings showed that the literature regarding subcultures of consumption has
considerable relevance in explaining how consumers behave and form connections
based on a mutual enjoyment of an activity, product or brand. In particular, the
findings showed that the postmodern literature on self-transformation is important in
explaining the motivations of members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture and the narrative of
transformation is significant from a marketing perspective. The netnographic process
and qualitative interviews revealed the subcultural members considerable desire to
achieve a sense of escape. These findings prompted a discussion, which introduced
new literature discussing the use of rhythm as a means of facilitating escape and the
concept that physical challenges provide a mechanism for release from daily routines.
Key Words – Postmodern, Consumer, Marketing, Subculture, Road-Cycling,
Escapism, Self-Transformation, Rituals

CONTENTS
Declaration i
Copyright Statement ii
Consent for Extended Word Limit iii
The Author iv
Acknowledgments v
List of Figures vi
List of Tables vi
Abbreviations vi
1.0. Introduction 1 - 2
2.0. Literature Review 3 – 20
2.1. Modernism and Postmodernism 3
2.1.1. Hyperreality 5
2.1.2. Fragmentation 5
2.1.3. Reversal of Production and Consumption 6
2.1.4. Decentring of the Subject 7
2.1.5. Juxtaposition of Opposites 7
2.1.6. The Consumer and Marketing in Postmodernity 8
2.2. Subculture of Consumption 9
2.2.1. Subculture of Consumption, Consumer Tribes 11
And Neo-tribes
2.3. Hierarchies of Commitment and Authenticity 12
2.4. Aspirants and Barriers to Entry 14
2.5. Subcultural Rituals and Traditions 16
2.6. Escapism – Personal Freedom 17
2.7. Transformation of the Self 18
2.8. Marketing and Subcultures of Consumption 19
3.0. Research Direction 21
3.1. Research Gap 21
3.2. Research Question 21
3.3. Research Objectives 21

4.0. Methodology 22 - 39
4.1. Interpretive Research Approach 22
4.2. Qualitative Research Approach 22
4.3. Ethnography 23
4.3.1. Ethnographic Considerations 24
4.4. Methodological Triangulation 25
4.5. Stage 1 Data Collection: Netnography 25
4.5.1. Site Identification and Selection 26
4.5.2. Archival Data 27
4.5.3. Netnography Sample Size 28
4.5.4. Netnographic Data Presentation 29
4.5.5. Netnographic Considerations 29
4.5.6. Ethical Considerations in Netnography 30
4.6. Stage 2 Data Collection: Qualitative Interviews: 31
4.6.1. Selection of Interviewees 32
4.6.2. Interview Characteristics 33
4.6.3. Ethical Considerations in Qualitative Interviewing 34
4.7. Trustworthiness 36
4.8. Data Analysis 37
5.0. Research Findings 40 - 50
5.1. Sense of Community 40
5.2. Self-Transformation 41
5.3. Rituals and Traditions 43
5.4. Escapism 44
5.5. Barriers to Entry 45
5.6. Hierarchies 46
5.7. Social Class 47
5.8. Gender 48
5.9. Acceptance/Acknowledgement of Marketing 49
5.10. Existence of a Subculture of Consumption 50
6.0. Discussion 51 - 66
6.1. Becoming a ‘Cyclist’ 51
6.2. Appearance is Everything 53
6.3. The Self-Challenge 56

6.4. Form of Addiction 59
6.5. Movement as a Release 61
6.6. Escape into Consumerism 64
7.0. Marketing Implications 67 - 69
8.0. Research Limitations 70 - 71
9.0. Direction for Future Research 72 - 73
10.0. Conclusion 74
11.0. Bibliography 75 - 84
12.0. Appendices 85 - 110
12.1. Appendix 1 – A Summary of What Euro-Cycling means 85
and the Euro Rules
12.2. Appendix 2– Photo of infamous cyclist Mario Cipollini 86
12.3. Appendix 3 – ‘On Rule Number 9: Love the Work’ online 87
Thread excerpt
12.4. Appendix 4 – ‘How to Wear a Cycling Cap’ online thread 90
excerpt
12.5. Appendix 5 – ‘Post Tour Blues’ online thread excerpt 93
12.6. Appendix 6– Interviewee Profiles 96
12.7. Appendix 7- Excerpt from Alex’s Interview 97
12.8. Appendix 8 – Excerpt from Ryan’s Interview 98
12.9. Appendix 9 – Excerpt from Charlie’s Interview 100
12.10. Appendix 10 – Excerpt from Patrick’s Interview 102
12.11. Appendix 11 – Excerpt from Michael’s Interview 104
12.12. Appendix 12 – Copy of the Participant Consent Form 107
Total Word Count: 22, 252 (excluding bibliography and appendices)

i
DECLARATION
No portion of the work referred to in this dissertation has been submitted in support of
an application for another degree of qualification of this or any other university or
other institute of learning.

ii
COPYRIGHT STATEMENT
Copyright in text of this dissertation rests with the author. Copies (by any process)
either in full, or in extracts, may be made only in accordance with instructions given
by the author. Details may be obtained from you Programme Administrator. This
page must form part of any such copies made. Further copies (by any process) of
copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the
permission (in writing) of the author.
The ownership of any intellectual property rights which may be described in this
dissertation is vested in the University of Manchester, subject to any prior agreement
to the contrary, and may not be made available for use by third parties without written
permission of the University, which will prescribe the terms and conditions of any
such agreement.
Further information on the conditions under which disclosures and exploitation may
take place is available from the Academic Dean of Manchester Business School.

iii
CONSENT FOR EXTENDED WORD LIMIT
Below is a screen shot of an email that acknowledges and consents for the
extension of the word limit to over 20, 000 words.

iv
THE AUTHOR
The author’s research experience is documented below in chronological
order:
• BA Honors – Politics, awarded from the University of Manchester
Undergraduate Dissertation titled,
How Might Media Effects Operate?; are Readers Aware of Pres Bias
During British Election Campaigns?
• MSc Marketing – the University of Manchester and Manchester
Business School
Masters Dissertation titled,
An Exploratory Study of the ‘Roadie’ Subculture of Consumption

v
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
There are several people who must be acknowledged in respect of this dissertation.
1. Primarily my supervisor, Dr. Terry Newholm, must be thanked. He has
provided me with a great amount of support, shared his knowledgeable
insights into the field of consumer behaviour and shown endless amounts of
enthusiasm.
2. Secondly, a special thank you goes to David Liddicoat who first introduced
me to the world of road-cycling and provided the inspiration for the research.
Without David’s continued interest and advice it would have been very
difficult to achieve this dissertation.
3. Finally, a huge thank you goes out to my colleagues, in particular those in my
dissertation group. Over the course of the past twelve months they have been a
great support – being there when things have been hard and providing me with
laughs that have helped make the whole process very enjoyable.

vi
LIST OF FIGURES
Figure 1 – Model of Community Member Roles 14
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1 – Characteristics of Modern and Postmodern Periods 3-4
ABBREVIATIONS
ROADIES – someone who specifically uses a road-bike in order to participate in the
activity of cycling
NB – Spelling mistakes may be found in some of the postings from members of
the subculture of consumption. The researcher has left these incorrect on
purpose, the reasons as to why can be found in Section 4.5. This is not a mistake
on the part of the researcher.

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1.0. INTRODUCTION:
The sport of cycling offers a wide array of options to consumers. One can opt into the
cycling world of ‘the mountain biker’, ‘the urban cyclist’, or the ‘contraption caption’
(Weiss, 2010). However, this proposed dissertation is interested in the inclusive
subculture of consumption surrounding ‘the roadie’ cyclists (Weiss, 2010).
Road-racer cycling has a long history steeped in tradition, and is the most popular
competitive discipline of cycling (Weiss, 2010). Consumers globally are being made
increasingly aware of road-racing’s presence in the sporting world. For example, each
year there is live coverage of all the European road-cycling tours and this year the
success of British cyclist Bradley Wiggins in the Tour de France, has further
publicised the sport in the UK. Further still, the sport has gained increased media
attention during the build up to the 2012 London Olympics, with the British road-
racer Mark Cavendish appearing in numerous interviews and endorsements.
Therefore, it could be argued that road-racer cycling is managing to increasingly
capture the imaginations of many British consumers.
Furthermore “after decades of decline, cycling is booming” (The Economist Online,
2012). This reflects the current economic situation which has led to increased
transport prices and decreased incomes, as well as the London mayor, Boris
Johnson’s attempt to have cycling in London quintupled from 2001 levels by 2026
(The Economist Online, 2012). As a result of this social and economic climate that is
pushing more consumers towards cycling, there appears to be a need to develop an
understanding of how those who partake in the activity of road-cycling consume and
therefore, what the implications for marketers are.
The increased coverage of the sporting activity and the current economic situation
have fuelled the growth of the cycle accessories and clothing market and it is now
estimated that this market is work £853 million a year (Dawson, 2012). This has led
to the emergence of several new British brands, most notably ‘Rapha’ who although
only established in 2004 have successfully managed to post sales growth of 80%
(Dawson, 2012). This growth has come out of ‘Rapha’s’ ability to charge high prices
for clothing. According to their website their softshell jacket retails for £240 (Rapha,

2
2012). As more British brands, such as ‘Shutt Velo Rapide’, ‘Dromarti’ and
‘Vulpine’ look to join the expanding road-cycling market and charge expensive
prices it is essential for marketers to understand how those who consume the products
think and interact.
Road-racer cyclists are particularly pertinent for a dissertation on subcultures of
consumption because their behaviours resemble “a distinctive subgroup of society
that self-selects on the basis of a shared commitment to a particular product class,
brand or consumption activity” (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995, p. 43).
Furthermore, this dissertation is unique, as there appears to be no academic literature
concentrating on the consumption habits of members of a road-racer cycling
community. Primarily, the dissertation aims to provide a valuable insight into an
increasingly popular consumer activity, what this means for marketers, and make a
substantial contribution to the existing postmodern literature exploring the nature of
subcultures of consumption.

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2.0. LITERATURE REVIEW:
2.1. Modernism and Postmodernism:
Modernism was the dominant cultural theory from the nineteenth to the mid twentieth
century. It is based on the use of rational and logical processes to access knowledge.
Cova (1996) sees modernity as the belief that cultural relationships are secondary and
instrumental to the individual, who existed first. Individuals sought to differentiate
themselves from others and strive for personal freedom (Cova, 1996). Personal
freedom is achieved when one becomes liberated from repressive social bonds, such
as class structure (Cova, 1996). Cooper, McLoughlin and Keating (2005) believe how
individuals consume products helps them to differentiate and create a self-identity,
therefore individuals consume as an end in itself.
Towards the later half of the twentieth century theorists starting arguing that a new
cultural perspective had emerged, that of postmodernism (Ross, 1988; Firat, 1991;
van Raaij, 1993; Brown, 1997). Postmodernism is the recognition of the “complex
conjuncture of cultural conditions [that have arisen from the] post-war restructuring
of capitalism in the West and in the multinational global economy” (Ross, 1988, p. x
cited in Firat and Venkatesh, 1993, p. 227). In order to conceptualise the differences
between the two theories, the table below provides a summary of the main points of
parity:
Modernism
Circa 1450 – 1960
Postmodernism
Circa 1960 – present
Production Industrial Revolution
Factory
Mass Produced
Centralised
Information Revolution
Office
Segmented Production
Decentralised
Society Capitalist
Owning class of bourgeoisie
Global
Para-class of Cognitariat
Time Linear Fast Changing
Fragmented

4
Orientation Nationalist
Rationalisation of business
Exclusive
Global/Local
Multinational
Pluralist, eclectic
Inclusive
Culture Bourgeois
Mass-Culture
Reigning Style
Taste Culture
Many Genres
(Table 1: Characteristics of the Modern and Postmodern Periods (adapted from
Jencks, 1987 as cited in van Raaij, 1993, p. 543)
It is clear that key differences exist between the two theories and the resulting
implications for the behaviour of society are. Therefore, the transition from
modernism to postmodernism is relevant to the dissertation research, because, as Firat
and Schultz II (1993) suggest, postmodernism affects the way consumers behave and
this has forced some aspects of traditional marketing to be modified. Firat and
Schultz II, explicitly state that “some of the most central tenets and/or principles of
marketing – e.g.: the marketing concept [needs to] be re-thought and modified
extensively” (1993, p. 228).
The renowned postmodern academic, Firat (1991) argues that there are five
distinguishing features of postmodernism:
i. Hyperreality;
ii. Fragmentation;
iii. Reversal of production and consumption;
iv. Decentring of the subject; and
v. Juxtaposition of opposites
In order to understand how postmodernism affects consumer behaviour and therefore,
marketing, each of these traits will now be considered individually.

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2.1.1. Hyperreality:
Firat and Venkatesh (1993) view hyperreality as the most articulated concept within
postmodernity and it is concerned with the lack of distinction between what is real
and what is fictitious (van Raaij, 1993). Baudrillard defines the concept of
hyperreality as “the transformation of a simulation or hype into something that is
taken by the audience as real” (1975, p. 6) and therefore, marketers and advertisers
act as the instigators of hyperreality.
In order to explain hyperreality clearly, van Raaij (1993) used the example of
toothpaste, which is a product that is primarily concerned with the everyday reality of
brushing one’s teeth. However, due to the array of toothpaste products on the market
and the attractive advertising that accompanies the product, consumers may decide to
brush their teeth in order to appear more attractive, sexier, happier and to have whiter
teeth. As van Raaij says, “these new meanings signify a new reality” (1993, p. 555),
which when bought into by consumers becomes a hyperreality.
Postmodernists are concerned with this hyperreality, which extends beyond the
economic and social realities that concerned modernists. This approach is especially
pertinent today as there is so much advertising noise for the consumers to work
through (Tellis, 2004), as similar brands continuously try to add hyperreality to their
products, making them more appealing to consumers (van Raaij, 1993).
2.1.2. Fragmentation:
Fragmentation is traditionally defined as “the disintegration, collapse, or breakdown
of norms of thought, behaviour, or social relationship” (The Oxford English
Dictionary, 1989). Fragmentation did not exist during modernity as consumers were
expected to follow a single, set culture (van Raaij, 1993). However, according to
Cova (1996) postmodernism has allowed for the individualisation of the consumer
and there is no longer a commitment to a single way of life. This has led Simmons
(2008) to argue that postmodern consumers possess multiple self-images that are
supported through the consumers differing consumption practices and life style
choices. Therefore, postmodernism “calls for tolerance towards different ways of

6
being, life styles and realities” (Firat and Schultz II, 1997, p. 190).
Fragmentation affects marketers because as Goulding, Shankar and Elliott (2002)
argue, fragmentation in postmodernity leads to an increasingly segmented market that
requires a greater number of products to serve the various segments different needs.
Unlike modernism, which saw society being divided by social class, theorists argue
that postmodern fragmentation has led to the establishment of different segments of
consumers based on their multiple self-images rather than their socio-economic
backgrounds (Firat, 1991; Cova, 1996, Goulding et al., 2002). Therefore, in order to
connect with theses multiple self-images and segments, Firat and Venkatesh believe
that marketers must be able to encourage “image switching” (1993, p. 232).
Therefore, adverts will create central characters that are able to portray numerous
personalities, such as the loving mother, the expert chef, the successful
businesswoman and the empathetic friend (Firat and Venkatesh, 1993). Each of these
personalities represents a different image and style, but the same woman represents
them all (Firat and Venkatesh, 1993).
2.1.3. Reversal of Production and Consumption:
During the period of modernism, there was a belief that both value and usefulness
were created through production and therefore, production was seen as the primary
activity of society (Firat, 1991). However, postmodern academics refute this claim
and instead argue that value is created during consumption (Baudrillard, 1975; Firat,
1991; van Raaij, 1993). Toffler (1980, p. 11) went so far as to predict “the rise of the
prosumer, a combination of producer and consumer”.
The transition from value creation through production, to value creation through
consumption has important implications for marketers. Most importantly, Firat and
Schultz II (1997) argue postmodernity has led to marketers paying increasing
attention and importance to consumption practices in order to ensure that consumer
satisfaction is created. Furthermore, there has been a rise in the concept of co-creation
reflecting Toffler’s (1980) prediction concerning the rise of the prosumer.

7
2.1.4. Decentring of the Subject:
Firat (1991) sees modernism as placing individual needs and wants as the focus of
attention, and therefore, the human being as the subject. The products of modernity,
such as science and technology, were designed to provide the subject knowledge
(Firat and Venkatesh, 1993). However, with the emergence of postmodernism came a
“death of the subject” (Jameson, 1983 p. 113). Postmodern theorists, such as Firat
and Venkatesh (1993) feel there is confusion over whom or what is in control – the
subject or the object. This confusion has led to the decentring of the consumer from
being the central importance in modern culture to a more objectified state (Firat and
Schultz II, 1997). Once decentred, Brown (1997) believes consumers are able to
construct the multiple self-images that lead to fragmentation, through utilising
consumption as a means of generating powerful images liberating them from
monotony and conformity. Marketers, who develop campaigns that convince
consumers that their product can help them feel unique, encourage this process of
individualisation.
2.1.5. Juxtaposition of Opposites:
It has been suggested by numerous postmodern theorists that postmodern culture has
a paradoxical nature (Foster, 1983; Hutcheon, 1988; Wilson, 1989). This paradoxical
nature permits the combination of anything with anything else, no matter how
contradictory they are. Therefore according to Firat (1991), consumers are able to
exhibit opposing emotions, such as love and hate, as well as opposing cognitions,
such as belief and doubt concurrently. Firat (1991) further argues that the existence of
paradoxical juxtapositions means that consumers are able to both accept and suspect
anything at the same time, and this reflects how postmodernity “refuses to privilege
any one perspective, and recognises only difference, never inequality, only
fragments, never conflict” (Wilson, 1989, p. 209).
The presence of juxtaposition of opposites has led to the creation of what Miller
(1989) calls ‘double think’ (cited in Firat and Venkatesh, 1993, p. 237). ‘Double
think’ arises when a consumer has “the knowledge, on the one hand, that something
is hidden behind a façade, while, on the other hand, continuing to act as if this

8
knowledge does not exist” (Miller, 1989 cited in Firat and Venkatesh, 1993, p. 237).
This concept could be viewed as applicable to ‘roadies’ and their attitude towards
what has been termed ‘Euro-Cycling’. This is because the stated attitude implies that
consumers are willing to play along with something, even if they know that the truth
of the situation is very different. ‘Roadies’ in the UK will buy into the concept of
‘Euro-Cycling,’ which argues that cyclists need to conduct themselves with a
particular style or essence (please see appendix 1 for a sample of some of the satirical
suggestions as to how to maintain the style of Euro-Cycling). However, the reality is
that riding in such as way does not necessarily make you a better cyclist. This reality
was demonstrated by the American cyclist Lance Armstrong’s repeated success in the
Tour de France race, even though he was criticised for riding without European-style
or flair which is associated with other cyclists, such as the Italian Mario Cipollini
(please see appendix 2 for an image showing Mario Cipollini conveying the essence
of ‘Euro-Cycling’.)
2.1.6. The Consumer and Marketing in Postmodernity:
Numerous consumer research studies have been conducted in order to explore the
impact of postmodernity on consumers. Some studies have explored areas, such as
consumption experiences (Holbrook and Hirschman, 1982; Holbrook, 1987) and
meanings of possessions (Belk, 1988; Wallendorf and Arnould, 1988). According to
Firat (1991) the various studies investigating the role of the consumer in postmodern
society indicate that:
1. Consumers will use products and/or brands as a means of expressing their
relationships and personalities to others
2. Consumers ascribe feelings to products and/or brands, such as love, and
this can lead to value creation for them
3. Consumers need products and/or brands in order to have valued
experiences
4. The self-images consumers make is dependent on the “symbolic meanings
culturally attached to products consumed” (p. 73)
5. Consumers consumption of products and/or brands represent
complimentary relationships and meanings that reproduce postmodernism

9
in society
These five indications outlined by Firat (1991) imply that “in postmodern culture the
products are increasingly becoming the essence of society and consumers
increasingly live their lives as the means of reproducing the simulated images for the
products” (p. 74). As a consequence, various academics have argued that postmodern
consumers want to experience marketing that is centred on creativity, connectivity
and interactivity (Cova, 1996; Cova and Pace, 2006; Cova, Pace and Park, 2007).
The desire by postmodern consumers for such creative marketing provides an
explanation for why the Internet has been presented as the champion of postmodern
marketing, as according to Simmons it facilitates “non-linear communication, a free
flow and exchange of information, and the opportunity for two-way flows between
companies and customers on a one-to one or many-to-many basis” (2008, p. 304).
Marketing managers are able utilise the Internet to establish and promote shared
meanings in order to captivate the postmodern consumer’s attention (Simmons,
2008). Furthermore, some academics have argued that the Internet is able to provide
postmodern consumers with a platform where they are able to express their
differentiated self-images through their consumption (Hagel and Armstrong, 1997;
Banks and Daus, 2002; Gruen, Osmonbekov and Czaplewski, 2005).
2.2. Subcultures of Consumption:
During the first half of the twentieth century the Chicago School of critical analysis
developed the concept of subcultures as a sociological category (Goulding et al.,
2002; Canniford, 2011). Initially, scholars argued that subcultures emerged when
dominant institutions, such as family and schooling, were subverted and alternative
forms of value and status were established around alternative social ties (Goulding et
al., 2002; Canniford, 2011). Therefore, early subculture studies were concerned with
social class, in particular, the struggles of the working class as the driving force
behind the creation of such subcultures (Goulding et al., 2002) as seen in Fyvel’s
(1963) exploration of the ‘Teddy Boys’ and Frith’s (1980) examination of punk
rockers.

10
However, Bennett (1999) argues, these studies fail to account for how sub-cultural
experiences are developed in a postmodern world. There is no consideration of “the
pluralistic and shifting sensibilities of style that have increasingly characterised post-
second world war subcultures” (Goulding et al., 2002, p. 262). Instead, subcultures
now provide a place for the self-expression of both male and female members and
those from all social backgrounds. Goulding et al., (2002) see subcultures as
contributing significantly to some consumers’ construction and expression of their
identities through the “processes of acculturation, evolution of motives as well as
irreversible rituals and markers of commitment” (Canniford, 2011, p. 593). These
processes allow sub-cultural members to create lasting social structures, strong ties to
other members, and special sets of values, which are communicated through
ritualised modes of expression (Canniford, 2011; Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
It is these understandings of subcultures, which will guide the research approach to
exploring ‘roadies’ and their consumption patterns.
Sub-cultural choices include consumer purchases involving leisure, clothing, food,
accessories, and so forth, all of which reflect the identity of subculture community
members (Goulding et al., 2002). For Thorton (1996) such purchases are examples of
‘sub-cultural capital’. This describes the cultural knowledge and products acquired by
subculture members, elevating their status and helping distinguish themselves from
other subcultures (Thorton, 1996). For example, punks choose to dress in a
recognisable style and their ideology is present in their everyday life, whereas rave is
a culture of fun and escapism that exists merely at weekends (Goulding et al., 2002).
Rave is a subculture “based on temporary experiences, evident in the example of
cyberspace groupings, whereby individuals are free to construct experiences without
withdrawing from mainstream society or committing to the community” (Goulding et
al., 2002, p. 263). Rave allows individuals to come together to consume music and
dance, however the rave subculture is not essential for members’ everyday social
interaction (Goulding et al., 2002).
The ‘roadie’ subculture shares many characteristics identified by Schouten and
McAlexander as being fundamental to the Harley-Davidson subculture of
consumption, in that it is “a distinctive subgroup of society that self-selects on the
basis of a shared commitment to a particular product class, brand or consumption

11
activity” (1995, p. 43). In their paper, the researchers claim “other characteristics of a
subculture of consumption include an identifiable, hierarchical social structure; a
unique ethos, or set of shared beliefs and values; unique jargons, rituals, and modes
of symbolic expression” (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995, p.43). Like so many
other subcultures of consumption, Harley-Davidson enthusiasts (Schouten and
McAlexander, 1995), Goths and Punks (Fox, 1987; Hebdige, 1979), French in-line
roller skaters (Cova and Cova, 2001), and Saab drivers (O’Guinn and Belk, 2001),
the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption shapes these characteristics in its own unique
way.
Furthermore, the subculture formed by ‘roadies’ is similar to the Rave subculture in
that through online communities, members are able to “construct experiences without
withdrawing from mainstream society or committing to the community” (Goulding et
al., 2002, p. 263). Members of the ‘roadie’ subculture can come together to cycle and
consume relevant sub-cultural products, although their daily interpersonal
relationships are independent from the subculture interaction.
2.2.1. Subcultures of Consumption, Consumer Tribes and Neo-tribes:
Although the term subcultures of consumption will be used throughout the
dissertation in relation to the road racer cyclist culture, it is important to acknowledge
that alternative terminology could also be applied to describe the ‘roadies’
consumption practices. According to Cova, Kozinets, and Shankar (2007) both
consumer tribes and neo-tribes are also concerned with groups of consumers and/or
communities that have established relationships built around particular consumption
habits of products and/or brands. Both categories of consumer tribes and neo-tribes
are formed through solidarity in a postmodern society, as consumers with similar
self-images connect and join together in unison (Maffesoli, 1996; Bennett, 1999;
Goulding et al., 2002).
Although subcultures of consumption, consumer tribes and neo-tribes share certain
characteristics, such as shared rituals and modes of expression, Cova et al., (2007)
argue that there are also fundamental differences. Primarily, Brownlie, Hewer and
Treanor (2007) describe tribes as “temporary, unstable and shifting” (cited in Cova et

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al., 2007, p. 114) but subcultures as providing a “stable way of life” (cited in Cova et
al., 2007, p. 113). Furthermore, unlike tribes, Schouten and McAlexander (1995)
claim that a subculture of consumption has a clear consumer member hierarchical
structure. As the issue of community hierarchy is particularly pertinent to this
research, it therefore makes sense for the language of subcultures to be adopted,
rather than the language of tribes.
2.3. Hierarchies of Commitment and Authenticity:
It has been suggested that within subcultures of consumption hierarchies of
commitment and authenticity can be found. Schouten and McAlexander’s research
into the Harley Davidson subculture, discovered members received different statuses
depending on their “seniority, participation and leadership in group activities, riding
expertise and experience, Harley-specific knowledge, and so forth” (1995, p. 49). The
researchers felt that the hierarchical structure was based on an individual’s
commitment to the group’s consumption values (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
Furthermore, Schouten and McAlexander (1995) discovered visible signifiers of
hierarchy within the Harley Davidson subculture of consumption, such as pins
proclaiming various honours. They further established that the bikers riding
formation also reflected individual statuses, with the most revered subcultural
member riding at the front (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
Sherlock and Weller (2005) support Schouten and McAlexander (1995) by
suggesting that when a subculture is founded on an activity such as biking, members
have to embark on a learning process that develops as consumers partake more
frequently in the subcultural activity (in this case road-racer cycling.) Sherlock and
Weller (2005) further suggest that as individuals continue to consume subcultural
products and activities, relationships are established with other members and a
socialisation into the subculture’s symbolic meanings occurs. However, in order for
this to happen consumers must learn to adopt the “subcultural enthusiasm,
experiences and localised values, the biker subculture’s ethos [and] its hierarchy”
(Sherlock and Weller, 2005, p. 3).
Kozinets (1999) extends the reach of hierarchies of commitment and authenticity by

13
arguing that they can be found within virtual communities of consumption. Kozinets
(1999) believes that there are four distinct member types within online subcultures of
consumption – tourists, minglers, devotees, and insiders.
i. Tourists are members who have only a passing interest in the consumption
activity and lack any real social connection to the community (Kozinets,
1999)
ii. Minglers tend to have strong social bonds with the community but only
have a superficial interest in the central consumption activity (Kozinets,
1999)
iii. Devotees are members with a strong enthusiasm for the central
consumption activity, but lack social ties (Kozinets, 1999)
iv. Insiders are those who have both strong social connections with the
community, as well as a strong interest in the consumption activity
(Kozinets, 1999)
Cova and Cova (2001) research on French in-line roller skaters transfers Kozinets
(1999) belief that a hierarchy exists within subcultures of consumption away from the
virtual world. Cova and Cova (2001) believe that members can adopt any of the four
roles of an adherent, a participant, a practitioner or a sympathiser. The different roles
vary in their level of commitment to the consumption activity and how strong their
social bonds with the community are (Cova and Cova, 2001). The four roles
fundamentally represent an individual’s commitment to the subculture of
consumptions ideology.

14
(Figure 1: Model of four roles community members can adopt – Cova and Cova,
2001)
In her study of Punk culture, Fox (1987) describes a simple concentric structure,
which reflects elements of the two models of hierarchy proposed by Kozinets (1999)
and Cova and Cova (2001). Fox (1987) argues that within the Punk subculture there
were ‘hard core’ members whose commitment to Punk style and ideology was full-
time and enduring. ‘Soft core’ members also existed whose behaviour was dictated
by the ‘hard core’ members and their commitment to Punk style and ideology was
less complete (Fox, 1987). Peripheral to the ‘hard’ and ‘soft core’ were a set of
consumers referred to as the ‘Punk pretenders’. This group of consumers were
captivated by the idea of Punk and occasionally participated in the subculture (Fox,
1987). Other studies, such as Klein’s (1986) exploration into the bodybuilding
subculture and Kinsey’s (1982) investigation of the poly-drug-focused subculture
have identified similar hierarchical structures. Therefore, there appears to be a solid
argument for the existence of hierarchies of commitment and authenticity within
subcultures of consumption.
2.4. Aspirants and Barriers to Entry:
The subculture of consumption surrounding road racer cycling is similar to the

15
Harley Davidson subculture investigated by Schouten and McAlexander (1995). Both
subcultures have barriers to entry and aspirants. Schouten and McAlexander (1995)
argue that barriers to entry and aspirants exist in order to protect the “structural
integrity” (p. 49) of subcultures of consumption.
Just as in the Harley Davidson subculture of consumption, the most common barrier
to entry preventing aspirants from entering the world of road racer cycling is the
expense (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995). If a consumer wishes to move up the
‘roadie’ ranks to become a ‘hard core’ member then they must be able to afford the
equipment that is needed to facilitate this. For example, the widely recognised and
respected British road-racing brand ‘Condor’ sells road bikes in excess of £1200
(Condor, 2011), and if a consumer were to also purchase the Rapha brand classic
team jersey another £125 would be spent (Condor, 2011). Therefore, it is clear that
when consumers start to engage in the competitive side of road racing, their
expenditure surrounding the activity increases further through the purchase of race
enhancing products, such as a particular protein shake, handle bar tape and pair of
sunglasses.
Furthermore, the issue of time provides another barrier to entry that prevents many
consumers from being able to join the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption. To
become an expert rider, individuals must be willing to invest not only a great deal of
money into the activity, but also time. In order to invest the necessary time,
consumers may have to sacrifice time in other areas of their life, such as spending an
evening with their family. Schouten and McAlexander (1995) argue that this sacrifice
of time could lead to social pressures occurring, as seen within the Harley Davidson
subculture, as family members started to disapprove of the activity as it meant their
father or mother had less time to spend with them.
Aspirants to entry are of particular importance for a subculture of consumption as
they provide outward expressions of desire to become a member. This expressed
desire acts as justification for the time and money invested in the activity by existing
subcultural members (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995).
2.5. Subcultural Rituals and Traditions:

16
Subcultures of consumption provide sanctuaries for consumers where they can
experience a temporary self-transformation (Schouten and McAlexadner, 1995)
through participating in subcultural rituals and traditions. Casaló, Flavián and
Guinalíu (2008) describe rituals and traditions as mechanisms that facilitate the
community meaning to be reproduced and transmitted, helping like-minded
consumers to build relationships with each other.
The relationships between consumers in a subculture of consumption are built
because rituals and traditions provide the basis for a special language that “joins
together members of the cultural community and is little understood by non-
members” (Celsi, Rose and Leigh, 1993, p. 13). Malinowski (1923) called this special
language between subculture members as ‘phatic communion’ (as cited in Celsi et
al., 1993, p. 13). Outsiders to the subculture of consumption are unable to understand
the special verbal and nonverbal cues that allow insiders to communicate cohesively
and with fluidity (Celsi et al., 1993).
Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) believe that storytelling is a central element of the
subculture of consumptions ‘phatic communion’. When stories are based on common
consumer experiences of the subculture of consumption’s central focus, such as
Harley Davidson riding (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995) or being a ‘Raver’
(Goulding et al., 2002), a meaningful link between the different community members
is established. Telling such stories is an important part of a subculture of
consumptions rituals and traditions as for Muniz and O’Guinn it helps “reinforces
consciousness of kind between… members and contributes to imagined community”
(2001, p. 423).
Celsi et al., (1993) exploration of skydivers provides an example of when rituals and
traditions can be seen in a subculture of consumption. Skydivers become acquainted
with rituals, such as ‘the ascent’ or ‘under canopy’, and by executing such rituals the
skydivers are able to exchange a shared expectation of satisfaction (Celsi et al.,
1993). Consumers share meanings attached to the action of skydiving, and when they
partake in the activity’s rituals, consumers are able to connect. This reflects Belk,
Wallendorf and Sherry, Jr (1989) who argued that a sense of community

17
(communitas) “emerges from shared ritual experience that transcends the mundane of
everyday life” (1989, p. 7).
In their article ‘Brand Community’, Muniz and O’Guinn (2001) explicitly discuss the
idea that shared rituals and traditions exist. Central to their discussion is the idea that
rituals and traditions exists in order to maintain the ideology of a community (Muniz
and O’Guinn, 2001). By participating in a subculture of consumptions rituals,
members are pulled towards one another through the scripted interactions (Muniz and
O’Guinn, 2001). This in turn, helps clarify where individuals lie on the hierarchical
scale of commitment (Muniz and O’Guinn, 2001). This is because as Celsi et al.,
(1993) argue, only by enacting the rituals and traditions of the subculture of
consumption can a member progress up the hierarchical ladder. Ultimately, as Celsi
et al., (1993) explain, a repeated performance of rituals and traditions allows a
process of acculturation into the subculture of consumption to occur.
2.6. Escapism - Personal Freedom:
Traditionally escapism has been defined as “the avoidance of reality by absorption of
the mind in entertainment or in an imaginative situation, activity” (The Oxford
English Dictionary, 1989). Shouten and McAlexander (1995) claim that through
participating in a subculture of consumption individuals may be able to experience a
sense of escapism due to the temporary self-transformation they undertake.
Labrecque, Krishen and Grzeskowiak discuss how consumers live in a “cycle of
aspiration and habituation, underlying the vicious circle of work and spend mindset”
(2011, p. 460) that has become dominant in postmodern society today. Therefore,
consumers cultivate a motivation for escapism from the “nightmare of repetition”
(Cohen and Taylor, 1992, p. 66) that surrounds them. Kozinets (2002) extended this
understanding of escapism after research into the Burning Man Festival was
conducted. Kozinets (2002) argues that postmodern consumers need to escape the
monotony of their daily routines by finding a temporary refuge.
Labrecque et al., (2011) further argue that unlike psychological literature on
escapism, which discusses issues such as addiction and substance abuse, consumption

18
literature implies that escaping from reality can be healthy for a consumers mind. For
example, Wann, Allen and Rochelle (2004) identified a positive correlation between
escapism and sports spectatorship.
According to Anathaswamy (2007) the postmodern consumers ability to escape the
reality of their everyday lives has been enhanced by the growth of the Internet, as
they are able to express their different self-images on a virtual platform. Using these
online platforms, as well as partaking in a subculture of consumption activity allows
consumers to create escapism. Rojeck (1993) argues that ultimately escapism is
important as it provides consumers with a chance to feel freedom and pleasure.
2.7. Transformation of the Self:
Schouten and McAlexander (1995) discuss the possibility that consumers’ movement
through the hierarchical ladder of subcultures of consumption can lead to a
transformation of the self. This logic is reflected in the thinking of Elliott and
Wattanasuwan (1998) who felt that consumption could be considered as a source to
construct self-identity and position one’s self in society. Elliott and Wattanasuwan
(1998) further argue, “the concept of possible selves as components of the self-
concept suggests that the self can be multifaceted” (p. 18) and that by engaging in
subcultures of consumption, individuals are able to transform themselves into these
self-concepts.
Self-transformation of an individual occurs as “becoming a member of a subculture
of consumption generally means entering at the bottom of a status hierarchy and
undergoing a process of socialisation” (Schouten and McAlexander, 1995, p. 56).
This process of socialisation takes consumers on a journey as their involvement and
commitment to the subculture become more deep-rooted and the level of importance
the subculture has to the consumer’s life increases. For Schouten and McAlexander
(1995) self-transformation ultimately sees an individual move away from self-
preservation towards complete internalisation of the subculture of consumptions
values and structures.
As consumers advance up the hierarchical scale within a subculture of consumption

19
they slowly embark on a process of self-transformation. As progression up the status
hierarchy takes place, so does a process described by Scammon (1987, p. 127) as
‘side bets’. Side bets can be both material and social. For example, for ‘roadies’, a
material side bet may include a particular brand of protein shake or expensive cycling
accessories. On the other hand, social bets represent the social relationships that
develop around the activity of road-racer cycling. Schouten and McAlexander (1995)
feel that side bets help the postmodern consumer internalise the ethos of a subculture
of consumption, and therefore, help the transformation of the self take place.
2.8. Marketing and Subcultures of Consumption:
Exploring subcultures of consumption and their members is important for marketers
as, according to Cova and Cova it provides opportunities to “engage in symbiotic
relationships with groups of consumers” (2002, p. 612). By closely observing
subcultures of consumption marketers will be able to generate a firm understanding
of what meaning is embedded in the central consumption product and/or brand, and
how this meaning can be altered and used in consumers everyday experiences (Cova
and Cova, 2002). Having greater insight into the practices of a subculture of
consumption, and the values behind them, marketers are better able to create products
and campaigns that will resonate with community members.
Furthermore, Cova and Cova (2002) believe that the knowledge gained through
understanding the workings of a subculture of consumption can enable a smoother
process of acculturation for new members, better communication within the
subculture, and heighten the experiences of subculture members. This view echoes
those of Schouten and McAlexander (1995) in their exploration of why it is important
to understand the subculture of consumption surrounding Harley Davidson.
Casaló et al., (2008) argue that marketers need to be even more aware of subcultures
of consumption as they now exist online. Casaló et al., (2008) went on to propose
three reasons as to why marketers have a great interest in virtual communities formed
around particular brands and/or products:
i. The online subcultures of consumption are able to influence the

20
behaviours of others by providing information and influence over how
brands and/or products are perceived (Muniz and O’Guinn, 2001;
Kozinets, 2002; Casaló et al., 2008)
ii. Through watching the online operations of subcultures of consumption,
marketers are able to deepen their grasp of members needs and desires
(Kozinets, 2002; Casaló et al., 2008)
iii. Marketers may be able to distinguish between the different levels of
consumer loyalty to the brand and/or product that the online subculture is
developed around. This is because marketers can track individuals
participation in the online subculture and how regular purchases are made,
and so forth (Casaló et al., 2008)
It is clear that there are strong arguments for the benefits of marketers investigating
the behaviour of subcultures of consumption and the behaviour of their members.
Fundamentally, such research provides marketing managers with a concise
understanding of what it is members are looking for in terms of the values and
associations they attach to particular brands and/or products.

21
3.0. RESEARCH DIRECTION:
3.1. Research Gap:
From the secondary research conducted there currently appears to be no existing
literature that specifically focuses on the habits of a subculture of consumption
established around the activity of road-racer cycling. Therefore, the dissertation aims
to make a significant and substantial contribution to the literature on subcultures of
consumption, in particular building on the research conducted by Schouten and
McAlexander (1995) into the subculture of Harley Davidson riders.
3.2. Research Question:
“An Exploratory Study of the ‘Roadie’ Subculture of Consumption”
3.3. Research Objectives:
1. Conduct a study of road-racer cyclists and their consumption habits, using
postmodern literature as a conceptual framework and empirical research to
establish whether or not a subculture of consumption exists.
2. To investigate whether a clear hierarchical scale exists within the possible
‘roadie’ subculture of consumption.
3. To gain an understanding of what rituals and traditions may exist and
whether they enable consumer sense escapism.
4. To explore what the implications for marketing managers may be if a
‘roadie’ subculture of consumption exists.

22
4.0. METHODOLOGY:
4.1. Interpretive Research Approach:
In order to successfully conduct a thorough exploration of the ‘roadie’ subculture of
consumption, a strictly interpretive approach was adopted. Larsen and Wright (1997)
argue that interpretive research has continued to help advance academics
understanding of consumer behaviour and therefore, it can provide a valid research
method. Fundamentally, as Solomon, Bamossy, Askegaard and Hogg (2010) argue
interpretive research is based on the notion that there is no one truth to be discovered,
but rather consumers construct their own meanings in society and these constructions
are what the researcher wishes to gain a deeper insight into.
Furthermore, as the dissertation is concerned with the behaviour of particular
consumers in a postmodern society, it makes sense for an interpretive research
approach to be adopted because postmodern consumers “tend to become players in
meaning construction” (Firat and Dholakia, 2006, p. 140) and therefore, an
interpretive approach allows researchers to best understand how these constructions
take place.
To successfully ensure that an interpretive approach was adopted, qualitative
research, which uses a method of observation, was selected. This is because as
Malhotra and Birks (2007) and Schouten and McAlexander (1995) claim using a
qualitative approach provides the best mechanism for dealing with the fluidity of
social constructions created by consumers.
4.2. Qualitative Research Approach:
Qualitative research is defined as “pragmatic, interpretive, and grounded in the lived
experiences of people” (Marshall and Rossman, 2011). Marshall and Rossman (2011)
believe that a qualitative approach allows researchers to collect richer answers to
questions from the subjects of investigation, giving them valuable information, which
may have been missed if another research method had been adopted. This is because,
as Marshall and Rossman (2011) further argue, qualitative research enables an insight

23
into consumer’s thoughts, attitudes, fears, values, and so forth to be generated.
Using a qualitative approach to research in this dissertation has its benefits. One such
benefit is described by Miles and Huberman (1994) who claim that taking a
qualitative direction enables the researcher to gain rich and holistic data. Miles and
Huberman’s (1994) claim implies that using a qualitative research approach leads to a
deeper insight into how the activity of road-racer cycling helps construct meaning in
a consumer’s life, and how in turn, the consumer helps shape the way society views
the activity, if at all. Fundamentally, as the dissertation is concerned with conducting
an exploratory study of the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption, it is important that a
wide-ranging and complete picture of the context in which the ‘roadie’ lives and
interacts within is created. Therefore, qualitative research methods are most suitable
for the dissertation research into the ‘roadie’ subculture, as they help decipher the
“values, emotional drives and motivations residing at the sub-conscious level”
(Malhotra and Birks, 2007, p. 155) of consumers’ minds.
4.3. Ethnography:
According to Hammersley and Atkinson (2007) ethnography is a useful qualitative
research tool for this dissertation as it is concerned with the origins and social
relationships of human beings, and is therefore a very human centered approach to
data collection. Kelly and Gibbons (2008) describe ethnography as a research method
based on observational methodology that aims to help academics gain a greater
insight into human cultures. Furthermore, Geertz (1973, p. 3) argues that ethnography
follows the principle of “thick description”, which is based on the idea that there is
far more to any social situation than initially meets the eye. Therefore, Geertz (1973)
believes that ethnographic researchers aim to establish a thorough understanding of a
particular culture and achieve a ‘thick description’, all of which could not be
achieved from a quantitative viewpoint. In order for this to be successfully achieved,
Fetterman states that ethnographers must have an “ability to keep an open mind about
the groups or cultures they are studying” (2010, p. 1).
Schouten and McAlexander (1995) used ethnographic research in order to explore the
subculture of consumption surrounding Harley Davidson motorcycles. Schouten and

24
McAlexander (1995) felt that ethnography was the best approach because it has an
evolving nature, which allows a researcher to easily interact and experience the
various elements of the subcultures of consumption. Throughout the course of their
three-year exploration of the Harley Davidson subculture of consumption, Schouten
and McAlexander (1995) through the use of ethnography were able to make headway
into the subculture, until they were successfully accepted at the core of the subculture
of consumption. Only through the use of ethnographic research were Schouten and
McAlexander able to gain “insights and perspectives that would have [otherwise]
been difficult” (1995, p. 44).
4.3.1. Ethnographic Considerations:
Although there are clear arguments that ethnography is an appropriate approach for
particular research, it is important to understand that some academics have proposed
arguments against its use (Lauer and Asher, 1988; Katz, 2006; Kelly and Gibbons,
2008). Fundamentally Kelly and Gibbons (2008) believe that when ethnography is
employed improperly plenty of ‘interesting’ research may be gathered, but no
actionable results are uncovered. In particular, advocates of quantitative approaches
to research have raised criticisms about ethnography. For example, Brewer (2000)
argues that collecting research data in a fluid, open and unstructured way can prevent
an accurate interpretation of the data being drawn, as differences in the findings can
be attributed to the varying ways the data was collected.
Although clear objections against the use of ethnography exist, for the purpose of this
dissertation, ethnography has been employed in order to assist the researcher’s
exploration and help build a thorough understanding of how members from the
‘roadie’ subculture of consumption behave. Ethnography was determined to be the
most appropriate method for developing insight into the subculture of consumption,
because as Schouten and McAlexander (1995) argue, it allows for flexible and
interactive research to occur.
4.4. Methodological Triangulation:
The researcher decided to adopt a process of methodological triangulation in order to

25
ensure that sufficient data was collected in order to fulfill the previously stated
research objectives. According to Denzin (2006) methodological triangulation is a
process that involves the use of more than one method of data collection, such as
interviews, questionnaires, focus groups, and observations. With regards to this
research both the methods of netnography and interviews have been used.
4.5: Stage 1 Data Collection: Netnography:
Xun and Reynolds (2010) define netnography as a form of ethnographic research that
seeks to explore the behaviour of groups and cultures in an online environment. This
understanding of netnography has led to it sometimes being called either digital or
virtual ethnography (Watson, Morgan and Hemmington, 2008; Murthy, 2008 as cited
in Xun and Reynolds, 2010, p. 18). At its core, netnography just like ethnography is
concerned with “the study of distinctive meanings, practices and artefacts of
particular social groups” (Kozinets, 2002, p. 62).
Netnography has become a more widely used qualitative research method according
to Xun and Reynolds (2010). This is because as Kozinets (1999) argues, our
postmodern society has increasingly witnessed a growth in digital advancements,
enabling consumers to access a new platform whereby their multiple self-images can
be expressed. Kozinets (1999) further argues that as more and more consumers turn
to the Internet as a means of vocalising their postmodern identities, the development
of subcultures of consumption has taken place.
Following this understanding of netnography, the dissertation researcher adopted the
research approach as a mechanism to aid their understanding of the discourse and
interactions between members of the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption in an online
environment (Kozinets, 2002). Ultimately, netnography was adopted in order to help
the researcher achieve the following objectives:
1. Familiarise herself with the language, rituals and traditions which
surround road-racer cycling
2. Establish recurring and dominant themes within the subculture of
consumption that can contribute before and during the interview stages of

26
research
3. Measure and merge data collected from interviews with supportive data
collected from the online environment of the subculture of consumption,
so a more complete picture is presented
In order for these three objectives to be achieved, five simple steps proposed by the
academic champion of netnography, Kozinets (2010, p. 61) were followed. These
steps were:
1. Definition of research question, social sites or topics to investigate
2. Community identification and selection
3. Community participant - observation (engagement, immersion) and data
collection (ensure ethical procedures)
4. Data analysis and iterative interpretation of findings
5. Write, present and report research findings and/or theoretical and/or
policy implications
4.5.1. Site Identification and Selection:
The researcher decided to analyse four threads taken from two online forums
dedicated to the activity of road-racer cycling (two threads from each site.) In order to
successfully identify and select the two appropriate online sites, where members from
the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption participated in discussions and debates,
Kozinets’ (2010, p. 89) six research criterions were used as a guideline:
i. Relevant – they relate to your research focus and question(s)
ii. Active – they have recent and regular communications
iii. Interactive – they have a flow of communications between participants
iv. Substantial – they have a critical mass of communications and an
energetic feel
v. Heterogeneous – they have a number of different participants
vi. Data-rich – offering more detailed or descriptively rich data
By following the six above criterions the research selected the three following sites

27
and threads to be investigated:
http://cyclingtipsblog.com/
• How to Wear a Cycling Cap – April 27th
, 2012
• A Ride Through Flanders - April 3rd, 2012
http://inrng.com/
• Cycling Fans Versus The Mass Market Audience - May 3rd
2012
• Post-Tour blues – July 25th
2011
http://www.velominati.com
• On Rule Number 9: Love the Work – October 31st
2011
• La Bicyclette – May 28th
2012
4.5.2. Archival Data:
In order to ensure that no bias occurs while conducting the netnographic research, the
dissertation researcher ensured that ‘passive analysis’ (Eysenbach and Till, 200, p.
1103) was adopted. This meant that the researcher did not partake in any of the
discussions or conversations taking place in the forums and blogs being observed.
Kozinets (2010) claims that when passive analysis is adopted, ‘archival data’ can be
collected, which enables a deeper understanding of the subculture of consumption to
be developed.
Archival data provides researchers with vast amounts of information as it is collected
in response to some of the following concerns a researcher may face, according to
Kozinets (2010, p. 90):
i. What are the most popular topics?
ii. What can you tell about the characteristics (demographics, interests,
opinions, values) of the commentators?
iii. What other groups are members connected to?

28
As so much information can be generated through archival data, Kozinets (2010)
argues that researchers must be prepared to make tough decisions about what data
should be selected for analysis and how it should be interpreted. However, as archival
data comes from a form of ethnography, it is likely that categories for interpretation
will evolve and change naturally throughout the analysis process (Kozinets, 2010).
In order to collect archival data postings from various road-racer forums and blogs
were taken as they were found. This meant that spelling mistakes, poor punctuation
and grammatical errors have been included. Markham (2004, as cited in Kozinets,
2010, p. 106) argues the researcher cannot correct such mistakes as this would result
in the people who posted the comments being refigured. This would be detrimental to
the research as online subculture of consumption members would not be presented in
the research findings as how they were actually found (Markham, 2004, as cited in
Kozinets, 2010, p. 106).
4.5.3. Netnography Sample Size:
According to Malhotra and Birks (2007) unlike quantitative research, which requires
large sample sizes to ensure that the research results are valid and reliable,
ethnographic researchers instead believe that validity and reliability are achieved
through the depth of the research results. This reflects the belief that “the strength of
netnography is its particularistic ties to specific online consumer groups and the
revelatory depth of their online communications” (Kozinets, 2010, p. 116). Kozinets
(2010) also argues that this depth comes from researchers focusing on collecting data
from a few specific threads within the online subculture of consumption.
Furthremore, Kozinets (2010) believes that if the data collected is both descriptive
and rich enough to draw clear understandings about the subculture of consumption
then the sample size does not need to be vast.
Ultimately, Kozinets (2010) argues that if the researcher is using a software
programme, such as NVivo to help in the coding of data, the data collection should
extend to up to 5,000 pages of double-spaced text. However, as this was a small, non-
professional study that was bound by time constraints, the researcher decided that up
500 pages of double-spaced text would be sufficient.

29
4.5.4. Netnographic Data Presentation:
There are two dominant methods for how netnographic data should be presented. The
first method is to simply save the thread page as a computer readable file (Kozinets,
2010). The second is to save the thread as a visual image as it appears online (also
known as a screen print) (Kozinets, 2010). The researcher opted for the second means
of presentation for the purpose of easy upload to the qualitative data analysis software
NVivo. Excerpts from three of the six threads can be found in appendices (please see
appendix 3–5). Please note that the data in the uploaded version of this document
have been saved as a computer readable file for ease of reading purposes.
4.5.5. Netnographic Considerations:
It is important to acknowledge that the research method of netnography has faced
some objections. Xun and Reynolds (2010, p. 19) successfully summarise these
potential weaknesses of netnography into four key criticisms:
1. Respondent Authenticity and Instability of the User Base - At times it may
be difficult for the researcher to determine the identity of a online
participants, especially due to the use of pseudonyms and avatars
2. Underdeveloped Analytical Toolkit - Netnography has an underdeveloped
system of analytical tools, meaning that researchers often rely on whatever
software is currently available on the market even though it may not
always fit with their research objectives
3. Potentially Poor Quality of Textual Discourse - In argument against
Kozinets (1999) belief that web discourse provides rich data, Xun and
Reynolds (2010) claim that in order to provide netnographic data,
consumers must have a certain degree of literacy and “pay more attention
when composing messages, or interpreting and paraphrasing the remarks
of others” (p. 20). Furthermore, online forums lack moderators making it
difficult for a researcher to manage the flow and order of discussion
4. Ethical Sensitivity: According to King (1996) the boundary between the
public and private spheres becomes blurred on the Internet

30
Furthermore, Kozinets (2010) makes the point that participating in an online
environment allows consumers the potential to present themselves untruthfully.
Therefore, Kozinets (2010) argues that some of the data collected through
netnography may lack validity. However, Schau and Gilly (2003) in their research
met people they had initially made contact with online. Once meeting them Schau
and Gilly (2003) believe that online representations of individuals are generally
accurate and that people communicating via online forums are not extravagant liars
or trying to deceive others about who they truly are.
Even with these various objections, netnography has been used in this dissertation
because as Kozinets (2002) argues, unlike traditional ethnography, netnography
provides a less time consuming research method, as well as enabling cohort
observation to occur that allows the natural behaviour of ‘roadies’ to be observed
easily.
4.5.6. Ethical Considerations in Netnography:
As previously stated, Xun and Reynolds (2010) highlight the netnographic weakness
based on ethical sensitivity as the boundaries between what is considered private and
public become blurred in the online environment. Therefore, when considering
whether information found on online forums can be used as data, the researcher must
first establish whether the posts are private or public communications as, according to
Eysenbach and Till (2001) this will decide whether or not informed consent needs to
be gained.
There have been arguments raised which state that if an online forum can be publicly
accessed without individuals having to become members or sign in, then informed
consent from posters is not needed (Eysenbach and Till, 2001; Xun and Reynolds,
2010). However, Eysenbach and Till (2001) also argue that if any research, which is
collected online could negatively affect a subculture of consumption in anyway, then
the researcher should look to revise their data collection and analysis methods.
Furthermore, Eysenbach and Till (2001) believe that netnographic researchers should

31
avoid directly quoting conversations from online forums or blogs. This is because as
Eysenbach and Till (2001) argue exact quoting could be considered a breach of
participant confidentiality and it may also lead to identification of the participant. For
example, if a direct quote from a forum or blog is searched through the popular site
‘Google’, individuals are directed to the original source of the quote and the email
address of the quote poster. The researcher however does directly quote from online
conversations because they are confident that the data is publicly available.
4.6. Stage 2 Data Collection: Qualitative Interviews:
In order for a successful exploration of the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption to
occur five one-to-one qualitative interviews were conducted in order to supplement
the netnographic research. The interviews conducted aimed to provide open-ended
and in-depth data for analysis. Therefore, the interviews were “flexible, interactive
and continuous, rather than prepared in advance and locked in stone” (Rubin and
Rubin, 20055, p. 3). Furthermore, in order for the in-depth interviews to be
successfully conducted, the interviewer followed Babbie’s (2010) suggestion that
interviews follow a general plan of inquiry rather than having set questions that need
to be answered in a particular order and using a set language. This implies that
qualitative interviews should imitate a conversation, with the conversation being
directed by the interviewer as areas of interest discussed are pursued, but with the
respondent doing the majority of the talking (Babbie, 2010). This interview process
reflects what Morey and Luthans (1984) call an emic research approach. Ultimately,
as Shankar et al., (2001) argue open-ended interviews will help develop a richer
understanding of different aspects of consumption.
4.6.1. Selection of Interviewees:
The non-probability sampling technique called ‘snowball sampling’ (Babbie, 2010, p.
193) was used when it came to the selection of five road-racer consumers to be
interviewed. Babbie (2010) defines snowball sampling as the process whereby a
researcher collects data from a select few individuals who successfully meet the
research criteria (in this case consumers who partake in the activity of road-racer
cycling) and then those participants refer the researcher to other consumers of interest

32
that they happen to know. As the sample gradually widens, the amount of useful data
gathered increases. An academic example of when snowball sampling has been used
successfully for sourcing interviewees for qualitative interviews is Browne’s (2005)
investigation into a group of homosexual women in a small UK town. Browne (2005)
through the use of the snowball sampling technique was able to establish a network
of participants, who she connected with to generate solid qualitative data.
Some academics have however, voiced concerns over the reliability of snowball
sampling. For example, Berg (1988) argues that if a researcher uses a snowball
sample there is a strong chance that the selected participants have established
relationships with one another. The researcher found this to be the case in this
dissertation as some of the participants referred back to other individuals they knew
had also been interviewed. However, as this dissertation seeks to explore the nature
of the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption and the dynamics of members’
relationships, this disadvantage actually becomes an advantage for the researcher.
Similar to the sample size necessary for netnographic research, Patton (1990) argues
that qualitative interviews need only be conducted with a small number of
participants in order for a sufficient amount of data to be generated. Creswell (1998)
supports this argument and states that for qualitative interviews based on a
phenomenology up to anywhere up to ten interviews will is sufficient. Furthermore,
Polkinghorn (1989) claims that anywhere from five to twenty-five interviews will
provide adequate data for a researcher. Therefore, for the purpose of this dissertation
five participants were recruited to take part in qualitative interviews. A short profile
of each of the selected participants can be found in the appendices (please see
appendix 6).
4.6.2. Interview Characteristics:
As qualitative interviews have been described as flexible methods for data collection
(Babbie, 2010) some authors, such as Kvale (2007) put “demands on advance
preparation and interviewer competence” (p. 34). Therefore, the researcher spent time
considering and preplanning when, where and how the interviews should be
conducted.

33
The interviews were arranged at the convenience of the participants in order to ensure
that face-to-face interviews could be conducted. Private locations were selected in
order to ensure that no outside influences could distract the interviewees from the
answers they were providing, and the participants were asked to select the location. It
was hoped that by allowing the participants to select the location of the interview
they would select somewhere they would feel comfortable, and therefore increase
their willingness to share openly about their experiences surrounding road-racer
cycling. However, Interview Four ended up being conducted in a public space at the
request of the participant.
The oral interviews ranged in length from forty-five to sixty minutes. The interviewer
asked questions relating to their consumption experiences surrounding the activity of
road-racer cycling. This was to ensure that the potential hierarchical structure of the
‘roadie’ subculture of consumption could be explored, as well as the issues of rituals
and traditions, and escapism. Therefore, the interviews conducted were aimed at
being phenomenological but with the conversation being carefully guided by the
interviewer.
Furthermore, the interviewer used the data findings from the netnographic research in
order to ensure that the open-end interviews managed to touch on the areas of
interest. This is because from the netnographic analysis of the six selected threads,
the interviewer had developed an understanding of the language surrounding the
activity of road-racer cycling and had begun to establish recurring and dominant
themes. This information not only helped the interviewer guide the interviewee
conversation, but also helped the researcher develop a picture of whether
interviewees’ responses were completely open and honest. This is because as Schau
and Gilly (2003) established, online representations of individuals are generally
accurate. Therefore, if the interviewees’ conversation was found to be similar to that
found online then there was a good chance that the participants were being truthful in
their responses.
It is important to note that by using the netnographic research as a tool to guide the
interview process it is difficult to justify how the interviews can be purely

34
phenomenological as the researcher conducted them with a sense of direction taken
from the online findings. However, without the use of the netnography, the researcher
would have struggled to grasp some of the terminology and references made in the
interviews, and therefore the researchers understanding of the collected data would be
incomplete.
Once the interviews were complete, the researcher immediately took notes
concerning any key thoughts that had come to mind. Following this, the interviews
were transcribed faithfully to what was said onto the NVivo platform. Excerpts from
each of the five interviews can be found in appendices (please see appendix 7 – 11).
4.6.3. Ethical Considerations in Qualitative Interviewing:
Before qualitative data collection began, an ethics form was completed and approved
by an academic from the Manchester Business School. This was to ensure that the
dissertation research area was acceptable and that the qualitative interviews
conducted would abide by the MRS Code of Conduct:
“Protecting informants from unwelcome intrusion or harm, to respect their
rights of privacy, not to reveal their identity without permission, and to ensure
that they will be in no way adversely affected or embarrassed as a direct
result of participation in a research project” (Market Research Society, 2010)
In order for the MRS Code of Conduct to be met a consent form was presented to
each interviewee, signed and returned to the researcher before the interviews were
conducted (please see appendix 12 for a copy of the form). The consent form
provided necessary data on the what the dissertation research was concerned with and
how the interviews would be conducted in order to participants to be able to make an
informed decision over whether they should take part in the interview or not. The
participants were also, made aware of how the data generated from the interviews
would be used.
As well as having a consent form signed, the researcher at the beginning of each
interview reiterated to participants the fact that they would remain anonymous, the

35
information provided would only be used for the purposes of the dissertation and that
they were free to opt-out of the interview at any point. By doing this the researcher
ensured that the interviewees and the data they provided were regulated in lines with
the FARSTARS Data Protection standards:
• Fair - fairly and lawfully processed
• Adequate - adequate, relevant and note excessive
• Rights - processed in lines with your rights
• Specific - processed for limited purposes
• Transfer - not transferred to countries without adequate protection
• Accuracy
• Retention - not kept for longer than is necessary
• Security
Furthermore, when transcribing the interviews the researcher gave each participant a
pseudonym in order to ensure that their identities remained as anonymous as possible.
By using pseudonyms rather than referring to the interviewees as ‘participant one’,
‘participant two’ and so on, the interviewees maintain a more human level, rather
than appearing to be clinical. This reflects the qualitative, open-ended and relaxed
nature of the interviews conducted.
4.7. Trustworthiness:
The researcher followed Guba’s (1981) proposed four criteria to ensure that an
element of trustworthiness existed in the research. The four criteria are:
i. Credibility
ii. Transferability
iii. Dependability
iv. Conformability
Following the arguments of Shenton (2004) the researcher ensured that credibility
was maintained by:

36
• Adopting well established research methods – qualitative interviews and
netnography
• Developing an early familiarity with the culture of participants through
general conversations with road-racer cyclists and netnographic research
• Using methodological triangulation in order to compensate for the
researcher and participant limitations
• Ensuring that participants were given the opportunity to refuse to
participate in the research in order to guarantee that those who partook in
the interviews were genuinely willing to do so
• Pursuing peer scrutiny of the research in order to allow for a fresh
perspective to be cast over the research process
The researcher followed Marchionini and Teague’s (1987) suggestions in order to
ensure that transferability was maintained. This meant providing information on the
following issues from the outset of the research:
• The number of participants involved in the fieldwork
• The data collected methods that were employed
• The number and length of the data collection sessions
With regards to dependability, Shenton (2004) argues it should be addressed by
ensuring that the research processes pursued should be reported thoroughly, in case
any future research arises even if it does not necessarily obtain the same findings.
Therefore in lines with Shenton’s (2004) recommendations, the researcher made sure
that the final research report had sections devoted to:
• Describing the research design process and how it was implemented
• How the data was collected
• Reflective evaluation of the research, which considers the process of
analysis followed
Finally, confirmability, which “is the qualitative investigator’s comparable concern to

37
objectivity” (Shenton, 2004, p. 72), was maintained by once again adopting
methodological triangulation in order to reduce the effect of researcher bias.
4.8. Data Analysis:
Once the raw data were collected it needed to be processed, refined, extracted and
then incorporated into a theoretical framework. This is to ensure that a thorough
understanding into the ‘roadie’ subculture of consumption could be established. In
order for this to be done successfully the principles of thematic analysis were
adopted. Crabtree and Miller (1999) argue that thematic analysis provides researchers
with a mechanism whereby a categorisation scheme can be developed, helping the
researcher more easily identify important themes running through the data. It enables
large volumes of text to be coded so that “segments about an identified topic (codes)
can be assembled in one place to complete the interpretive process” (Crabtree and
Miller, 1999, p. 166).
As the data collected was open-ended using thematic analysis was appropriate. This
is because, as Van Manen (1990) states, through careful reading and rereading of the
data themes can be identified, as regularly recurring patterns becoming increasingly
identifiable. Therefore, Fereday and Muir-Cochrane (2006) believe thematic analysis
is based on the concept of pattern recognition within the collected data. Ultimately,
identifying themes within open-ended data allows “the structures of experience” (Van
Manen, 1990, p. 79) to be better understood. This reflects Coffey and Atkinson’s
(1996) argument that coding the data is more than just giving categories to the data.
Instead Coffey and Atkinson believed “it is also about conceptualizing the data,
raising questions, providing provisional answers about the relationship among and
within the data, and discovering the data” (1996, p. 31.) With this in mind, it is clear
that thematic analysis provides a solid method for interpreting the raw data. Most
crucially, thematic analysis enabled the researcher to successfully identify regularly
occurring themes within the data, and therefore is significant to the research.
Weitzman and Miles (1995 as cited in Kozinets, 2010, p. 128) suggested that
computer software in qualitative research projects is acceptable when it is used to do
some of the following tasks:

38
• Sorting texts
• Search and retrieving texts and making them available for inspection
• Performing content analysis by counting frequencies, sequences, or
locations of words and phrases
• Building theory by developing systematic, conceptually coherent
explanations of findings
Therefore, NVivo, the primary software that researchers use to analysis qualitative
text data was used in the initial stages of data analysis. Using the NVivo software
provided an aide to the researcher in organising the collected data and facilitating
their analysis, interpretation and outputs. NVivo allows for thematic analysis to take
place as it systematically indexes the research data into particular themes.
Furthermore, using NVivo as an aide to data analysis meant that the researcher was
able to search and retrieve crucial text quickly. It is important to note that although
NVivo is a useful tool for data analysis as it enables the researcher to efficiently
process large amounts of textual data, it is unable to make any kind of judgment
about the data (King, 2004). As King (2004) argues, NVivo simply facilitates data
organisation and in-depth examination.

39
5.0. RESEARCH FINDINGS:
Several interesting themes were raised throughout the course of the data collection,
and some themes were more prevalent than others. The following chapter provides an
overview of all the main themes encountered while analysing the collected data. In
order to ensure that each of the themes was considered effectively the researcher
decided to discuss them in relation to the literature previously explored in Section 2.0
from the outset of the data analysis process. Furthermore, this section also provides
justification for why some of the themes that emerged from the data have been
discussed in greater detail in Section 6.0.
After the data from both the interviews and the online research had been collated on
the NVivo platform, the researcher identified nine main areas of interest. In this
section each of the nine themes are described and their implications for the existence
of a ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption are discussed.
5.1. Sense of Community:
From the data analysis there appeared to be a very strong sense of community
established by individuals engaging in road-cycling. This community seemed to have
emerged out of a shared sense of enthusiasm and enjoyment for the consumption
activity of road-cycling. This reflected Schouten and McAlexander’s claim that a
subculture of consumption is “a distinctive subgroup of society that self-selects on
the basis of a shared commitment to a particular product class, brand or consumption
activity” (1995, p. 43).
The netnographic data collected reflected the notion that a strong community exists
for those who partake in the consumption activity of road-racer cycling. For example,
an online conversation took place after someone posted about an injury they had
sustained while out on the road cycling:
Vin’cenza // Mar 25 2012
@Mentions | @Replies Reply | Quote | #302
Agony with despair — all me. Snapped left clavicle from chasing Hells Bells for
The Devil thru a turnabout on the race course today — a hard hit. Off the

40
course, on my back, the attending official(s) heard a very audible SNAP — 2
minute delayed SNAP !! Right there at the turnabout for next half hour
(wearing matching Black sling) — held ice bag for 1 hour watching next race
(drove to finish) — drove myself 2 hrs back home (right-handed) — endured
next hour waiting on my wife, which included a half hour hail storm (weird) —
debated getting X-rays for an obviously broken clavicle 5 minutes — 1 hour
Urgent Care and then finally done (still wearing race kit w/ same matching
Black sling). The race bike — The Sword — was not really damaged at all.
Both tires flatted — 10 and 15 sec delayed flats (weird).
Oli // Mar 25 2012
Jeepers, that’s no good! Heal fast, bud.
Jonny // Mar 25 2012
@Vin’cenza
Sorry to hear about that. How long until you’re healed up?
I don’t think it’s weird the tires went flat. If cycling is a sybiosis of rider and
machine then perhaps it senses your pain and predicament, and feels a little
deflated...
G’phant // Mar 25 2012
@Vin’cenza
Commiserations, Mate. Heal well.
This online conversation taken from the ‘On Rule No. 9 – Love the Work’ thread,
demonstrated how members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption are able to
empathise with their fellow cyclist, Vin’cenza, and feel his pain not only in a physical
sense, but also in an emotional sense because of Vin’cenza inability to cycle and be
out on the road while recovering from his injury. Therefore, this conversation
provides a clear example that demonstrates how members of the ‘Roadie’ subculture
construct social ties with others on the basis of their shared commitment to the
activity of road-cycling, which clearly meets Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995)
understanding of a subculture of consumption.
5.2. Self-Transformation:
When analysing the collected data the researcher found that there was a strong sense
of self-transformation reflecting that described by Schouten and McAlexander (1995)
in their investigation into the Harley Davidson subculture of consumption. In

41
particular, there appeared to be evidence of what Scammon (1987) described as ‘side
bets’. The interviewee, Charlie when asked if his consumption habits had changed
since taking up road-cycling provided a prime example of material side bet when he
admitted:
“I definitely get into the kind of energy products because you realise that the
nutrition you have in you’re recovery slot makes a huge difference to how
much you enjoy the ride…”
The fact that Charlie had extended his consumption to include energy products is a
clear representation of a material side bet. This is because before taking up road-
cycling, Charlie would not have consumed such products, but now he feels like he
needs such products in order to get the most out of his road-cycling experiences.
The data collected also revealed indicators of individuals adopting social side bets,
which represented the social relationships that had built around the activity of road-
cycling. While discussing some of his most memorable rides, Patrick explicitly
described some of his friends as ‘cycling friends’, demonstrating that over time he
has developed strong social ties that stem from a shared enthusiasm for road-cycling:
“I mean I go down to Nice quite a lot because I work in Cannes sometime and
I now, I have made friends there, cycling friends and I stay down there quite a
lot…”
The establishment of ‘cycling friends’ is sign of self-transformation as it represents
Patrick’s journey into the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption. By establishing social
side bets, Patrick has demonstrated Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) belief that
side bets help the postmodern consumer internalise the ethos of a subculture of
consumption, and therefore, help the transformation of the self to take place.
The researcher also found other indicators that suggested individuals went through a
process of self-transformation while partaking in road-racer cycling. A particularly
interesting finding was that it appeared as though a ‘Roadie’s’ self-transformation
occurred over time and was a justified process. This contradicts the postmodern

42
understanding adopted by Belk (2003) that there is no reality to account for self-
transformations. Instead, according to Belk (2003) an individual’s self-transformation
happens because of the magic of consuming a particular product. This understanding
of consumption is more clearly demonstrated in Section 2.1.1. where the postmodern
concept of hyperreality is clearly explained. In order to explore this possible
contradiction the researcher discusses the differences in detail in Section 6.1.
5.3. Rituals and Traditions:
In line with Celsi et al, the researcher identified what could be regarded as a
specialised language that “joins together members of a cultural community” (1993, p.
13). This language reflects Malinowski’s (1923) definition of ‘phatic communion’ as
only those participating in the subculture can really understand the specialised
language used. For example, during his interview Charlie had to define and explain
what the road-cycling term ‘panache’ meant to the researcher:
“Panache is, is a racing thing, it is about you know, not just sprinting over
the line. It is when actually you destroy the field, a real way of sort of
terrifying your opponent.”
The fact that the researcher needed to have words explained to them was a clear
indicator that there is a specialised language existing within the ‘Roadie’ subculture
of consumption. This concept reflected Cova and Cova’s (2001) findings from their
study of French Inline Skaters. Cova and Cova found that “there are… many special
words that belong to the vocabulary of the skating tribe” (2001, p. 74). This therefore
supports the understanding that when consumers come together in a postmodern
society due to their shared consumption of a particular, product, brand or activity,
there is likely to be a language that only those consumers can understand (Celsi et al,
2001; Shouten and McAlexander, 1995; Cova and Cova, 2001).
Furthermore, the researcher also identified that the activity of road-cycling was
surrounded by an array of rituals, which appeared to be based on how an individual
looked while cycling. The rituals appeared to have been encapsulated by the ‘Euro-
Rules’, which were previously discussed in Section 2.1.5. When asked whether he

43
had any set rituals, Alex responded directly “I try and coordinate my kit as best I
can”. This reflected the idea that the rituals embedded in the ‘Roadie’ subculture of
consumption are concerned with looking cool and effortless.
When the data was coded in NVivo it was obvious that the concept of rituals and
traditions due to the existence of a specialised language and an emphasis on looking
good had appeared in much of the data collected. Therefore, the researcher decided to
explore this concept further in Section 6.2, in particular focusing on the idea that the
rituals focused on helping an individual look a certain way are viewed by a ‘Roadie’
not as part of a set of rituals, but instead as something that just happens.
5.4. Escapism:
An overriding theme that emerged from the initial data analysis was that there was a
strong sense that the activity of road-cycling offered consumers a means of escaping
their everyday lives. The interviewee Alex while considering whether cycling
represented a simpler way of life reflected
“maybe that is one of the reasons why I enjoy it as it washes everything else
away. When you are one your bike nothing else really matters while you are
on there and doing that activity.”
This concept was echoed throughout the netnography as individuals argued that their
road-bike:
“offers me companionship when I need it, solitude when I want to be alone”
(Frank, posted in La Bicyclette, 28th
May 2012)
And while discussing the feeling you get once a ride has finished someone
commented:
“It’s like the robotic order of your days are short-wired. The “real” world
comes back into focus. And it’s again to daily disruptions.” (Starr, posted in
Post Tour Blues, 25th
July 2011)

44
Therefore, as individuals described road cycling as being separate from the reality of
their everyday life and as providing a source of time alone, there were clear
indications that Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) claim that through participating
in a subculture of consumption individuals may be able to experience a sense of
escapism has relevance.
Furthermore, the data collected not only revealed that individuals within the ‘Roadie’
subculture of consumption often experience what could be described as a sense of
escapism, the data also implied that there were three different ways in which
consumers achieve this sense of escapism – through physically challenging
themselves, through the kinetics and movement of the road-bike and finally, through
consuming road-cycling as though it were a drug. Each of these paths to escapism
will be considered closely in the Discussion Sections 6.3 – 6.5.
5.5. Barriers to Entry:
In lines with Schouten and McAlexander (1995) study into the Harley Davidson
subculture of consumption, the researcher found that the ‘Roadie’ subculture of
consumption contained certain barriers to entry. Four main barriers were identified –
time, money, specialised language and physical ability. Out of these three barriers
time appeared to be the strongest obstacle. This was because in order to get out on the
road, individuals often have to sacrifice time from other areas of their lives, such as
spending an afternoon with their children. For example, while considering his
transition from simply cycling to racing, Ryan bought up how his girlfriend had
concerns about the amount of time that would be involved:
“[She] had a lot of doubt about it and saw it as a, it was a source of conflict –
implicit – it was only ever on occasion verbalized” and this was “because of
the time, and because of the, in terms of priorities and how you prioritise your
life, and also, it is a selfish thing, there is no escaping it, that it is selfish.”
Ryan’s observation is similar to Schouten and McAlexander’s (1995) finding that
family members had reservations about the central consumption activity as it meant

45
their spouse, father, mother and so on, had less time to spend with them.
Importantly all five interviewees mentioned how they were pressed to find time to get
out on the open road with Charlie, the architect arguing that “I have trouble fitting it
[road-cycling] into my life”. This is connected to the concept of escapism and how
they are all pressed to find the time to escape from the reality of their daily lives.
5.6. Hierarchies:
During the data analysis indications that a hierarchy existed within the ‘Roadie’
subculture of consumption appeared but to varying degrees. However, what was clear
to the researcher was that there was a clear distinction between those who participate
in the sport and those who do not. For example, during his interview, Alex made a
joke, which related to cycling:
“the one story that sticks in my mind and that I have shared with lots of other
people is when he was riding up a hill in Shropshire, which is notorious for it
20% incline and apparently he, one day, he was riding up with some other
rider and he was particularly strong, and strong in cycling is another cycling
term as well, and he looked, or he said to the guy next to him it feels a bit
steep today and the guy next to him said “it’s because you are on the big ring
Steve” and he was like in a big gear.”
The researcher however did not understand this joke. This therefore, clearly
demonstrated the distinction between an insider and an outsiders understanding of the
activity as someone who is a member of the ‘Roadie’ subculture of consumption is
likely to have understood the story told.
Furthermore, it became clear to the researcher that Kozinets’ (1999) understanding of
member types were also apparent. Ryan, who technically took his cycling the most
seriously as he was the only interviewee who actively competed in road-racing
events, strongly reflected Kozinets (1999) description of a devotee – someone who is
a member and has a strong enthusiasm for the central consumption activity, but has a
lack of social ties. This is clear when considering Ryan’s comment regarding the

An Exploratory Study into the 'Roadie' Subcultre of Consumption

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