DescriptionThe front cover of the book shows a p

Description
The front cover of the book shows a photo of a man wearing
gloves and helmet and
working with ropes. Text above reads, Eighth Edition; The
American Promise. The subtitle
A History of the United States is below the title. Text below the
photo reads, Volume 2:
From 1865, and to the left of the portrait has the authors’
names, Roark Johnson
Furstenberg Stage Igo. Text at the top of the front cover reads,
Value Edition.
Description
The inside front cover of the book has text that reads as follows
under the heading
Avoiding Plagiarism and Managing Sources.
Most students are aware that plagiarism can be committed on
purpose, but unintentional or
accidental plagiarism is also problematic. Keeping track of

source material has always
been tough, and technology has made it easy to cut text from an
online source and copy it
into your paper. You may have intended to modify or
acknowledge it later but then forgot
where it came from. Omitting a citation of a source by accident
is still a breach of
academic ethics. Here are four steps that you can use to help
avoid plagiarism.
Step 1: Manage Sources Efficiently
Many academic professionals and students take notes and keep
track of sources using
index cards. Write one piece of evidence—a quote, a fact, an
idea—on each card along
with the original source of that data. This can also be done
electronically, by creating a
single file for each source that you consult and housing all of
these files in a folder called
‘Sources.’
Step 2: Use Sources Properly
Using sources properly as you take notes and incorporate them
into your writing is another
crucial component of the research and writing process. You will
not be able to cite your
sources properly if you don’t know which note is a quote, which
note is a partial
paraphrase of another author’s point, and which one is
paraphrased fully.
Step 3: Acknowledge Sources Appropriately
There are some general rules about what types of information

require citation or
acknowledgment and what types do not. Widely accepted facts
or common knowledge do
not need to be cited, but another person’s words or ideas (even
if not quoted verbatim)
require a citation.
Step 4: Cite Sources Completely and Consistently
Historians and others writing about history have adopted the
citation guidelines from the
Chicago Manual of Style (C M S). The citations are indicated by
superscript numbers
within the text that refer to a note with a corresponding number
either at the bottom of the
page (footnote) or at the end of the paper (endnote). Here are
just a couple brief examples
of C M S-style notes:
Book: David Brion Davis, Inhuman Bondage: The Rise and Fall
of Slavery in the New
World (New York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 73.
Journal Article: Alden T. Vaughan and Virginia Mason
Vaughan, ‘Before Othello:
Elizabethan Representations of Sub-Saharan Africans,’ William
and Mary Quarterly, 3rd
ser., 54 (January 1997): 19 hyphen 44.
Text at the bottom of the inside front cover reads, Instructors:
For more information on the
Bedford Tutorials for History, contact your Bedford
representative, or visit

macmillanlearning.com/historytutorials.
Text near the top margin of the inside front cover reads,
(Continued from the inside front
cover).
About the Cover Image
Female Iron Worker With baby boomers retiring in droves and
construction companies facing
labor shortages, women are entering the construction trades in
growing numbers. Here a female
ironworker on a job site in Massachusetts goes about her job.
Although 97 percent of the
workforce in the construction trades is still male, women are
working to break down the
perception of what has been considered a “man’s job.”
VALUE EDITION
The American Promise
A History of the United States

VALUE EDITION
The American Promise
A History of the United States
Eighth Edition
VOLUME 2 FROM 1865
James L. Roark
Emory University
Michael P. Johnson
Johns Hopkins University
François Furstenberg
Johns Hopkins University
Patricia Cline Cohen
University of California, Santa Barbara
Sarah Stage
Arizona State University
Susan M. Hartmann
The Ohio State University
Sarah E. Igo
Vanderbilt University

FOR BEDFORD/ST. MARTIN’S
Vice President, Editorial, Macmillan Learning Humanities:
Leasa Burton
Senior Program Director for History: Michael Rosenberg
Senior Program Manager for History: William J. Lombardo
History Marketing Manager: Melissa Rodriguez
Director of Content Development, Humanities: Jane Knetzger
Senior Developmental Editor: Leah R. Strauss
Senior Content Project Manager: Kendra LeFleur
Assistant Content Project Manager: Natalie Jones
Senior Workflow Project Supervisor: Susan Wein
Production Supervisor: Lawrence Guerra
Executive Media Project Manager: Michelle Camisa
Media Editor: Mary P. Starowicz
Editorial Assistant: Julia Bell
Editorial Services: Lumina Datamatics, Inc.
Composition: Lumina Datamatics, Inc.
Cartographer: Mapping Specialists, Ltd.
Text Permissions Manager: Kalina Ingham
Senior Photo Permissions Editor: Cecilia Varas
Photo Researcher: Naomi Kornhauser
Director of Design, Content Management: Diana Blume
Text Design: SPi Global
Cover Design: William Boardman
Cover Image: Steve Dunwell/Getty Images
Copyright © 2020, 2017, 2015 by Bedford/St. Martin’s.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced,
stored in a
retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means,
electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except as
may be

permitted by law or expressly permitted in writing by the
Publisher.
For information, write: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 75 Arlington
Street, Boston,
MA 02116
ISBN 978-1-319-25898-6 (mobi)
Acknowledgments
Acknowledgments and copyrights appear on the same page as
the text and
art selections they cover; these acknowledgments and
copyrights constitute
an extension of the copyright page.
Preface: Why This Book This Way?
We are delighted to present the Value Edition of The American
Promise,
Eighth Edition. The Value Edition provides our signature
approach to
history in a smaller, more affordable trim size. Featuring the
unabridged
narrative, full map program and select images from the parent
text, the
Value Edition tells the story of the American Promise in an
accessible,
student-friendly manner. From the outset we have sought to
meet this
challenge by providing a story students enjoy for its readability,
clear
chronology, and lively voices of ordinary Americans. The

American
Promise delivers a narrative with political backbone, documents
for
analysis and discussion, and overall support for teaching.
New Authors for the Eighth Edition
With the eighth edition, we are delighted to welcome two new
coauthors to
the book. François Furstenberg is Professor of History at Johns
Hopkins
University, and Sarah Igo is the Andrew Jackson Professor of
American
History and Director of American Studies at Vanderbilt
University. Both are
universally recognized as outstanding scholars, and equally
important, they
are excellent teachers, able to engage and stimulate their
students. Their
deep knowledge of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century America
(François)
and of recent America (Sarah) and their outstanding skills in the
classroom
mean that they are ideal additions to our author team.
What Makes The American Promise Special
The American Promise grew out of many conversations among
ourselves
and with others about the teaching and learning of history. We
know that
instructors want a U.S. history text that introduces students to
overarching
trends and developments and, at the same time, gives voice to

the diverse
people who have made American history. We know that students
of history
often come away overwhelmed and confused about what
information is
most important to know. Because many students have difficulty
understanding the most important concepts when they read a
traditional
U.S. survey text, we seek to provide a text that does not
overwhelm them
with detail, offers clear signposts about the key questions to
focus on, and
introduces them to historical thinking skills.
The approach of our narrative is reflected in our title, The
American
Promise. We emphasize human agency and demonstrate our
conviction
that the essence of America has been its promise. For millions,
the nation
has held out the promise of a better life, unfettered worship,
equality before
the law, representative government, democratic politics, and
other freedoms
seldom found elsewhere. But none of these promises has come
with
guarantees. Throughout our history, the promise has been
marred by
disappointments, compromises, and denials, but it lives on.
Throughout the
narrative, we demonstrate how much of American history is a
continuing
struggle over the definition and realization of the nation’s
promise.
We offer a clear chronology and a framework that braids

political and
social history, as we have found that students need both the
structure a
political narrative provides and the insights gained from
examining social
and cultural experience. To write a comprehensive, balanced
account of
American history, we focus on the public arena — the place
where politics
intersects social and cultural developments — to show how
Americans
confronted the major issues of their day and created far -
reaching historical
change.
An Inquiry-Based Model
With the eighth edition, we present the narrative within a
unique
pedagogical design orchestrated to aid students’ understanding
of the most
important developments while also fostering students’ ability to
think
historically. The pedagogical format will be familiar to
instructors who have
previously assigned the version of the book called
Understanding the
American Promise. We continue to employ innovative pedagogy
to help
students understand the book’s major arguments and also begin
to grasp the
question-driven methodology that is at the heart of the

historian’s craft.
New Pedagogical Design
Our pedagogical design reinforces the truth that history is a
discipline
rooted in debate and inquiry. Each chapter begins with Learning
Objectives that drive students toward the overarching themes of
the
chapter, followed by An American Story, a story that
emphasizes human
agency and invites students to evaluate to what extent
individuals make
history.
Helping Students Understand the Narrative
Too often textbook authors write with other historians in mind.
In this
eighth edition, we tried particularly hard to keep our focus on
students. To
make American history more easily understood, we have
reexamined our
language to make sure our telling of the story is clear, direct,
and accessible.
Where possible, we have streamlined the story to keep from
overwhelming
students with details and to help them understand what is
important.
Section-opening headings expressed as questions and section-
ending
review questions model the kinds of questions historians ask
and help
students engage in inquiry-based reading and understanding.
Key terms

highlighted in the text further remind students of what’s most
important to
know.
To engage students in this American story and to portray fully
the diversity
of the American experience, we stitch into our narrative the
voices of
hundreds of contemporaries. The book is rich with many
viewpoints from
people from all walks of life, highlighting voices of both
ordinary
Americans and notable figures.
The Chapter Review section helps students build a deeper
understanding
of the chapter material. In Explain Why It Matters, students
identify the
chapter’s key terms, which are also collected in the Glossary at
the end of
the book, and explain why each term matters. In Put It All
Together,
students answer analytical and synthetic questions. In Looking
Backward,
Looking Ahead, students consider the connection between
events or
circumstances to think about the relation between major events
and
developments over time. The Chronology presents important
dates from
the chapter and helps students keep events in context. In
addition, there are
more than 160 maps and more than 90 images in The American
Promise,
Value Edition.

New to This Edition
The eighth edition has been significantly updated to reflect
current
scholarship. Two sections of the book in particular have been
substantially
revised. The coverage of early American history from the Seven
Years’ War
through the early Republic has been updated by François
Furstenberg
(chapters 6–11), and the last chapters in the book have been
revised and
restructured by Sarah Igo to provide a better chronological
balance in
coverage of the post-1960s period (chapters 26–31).
Updated and Expanded Coverage of Early American History
A major area of revision focused on inserting Native American
history
more fully into the narrative of early American history.
Chapters 6–11 now
focus much more on Native Americans’ struggles in the west to
maintain
their autonomy and territorial sovereignty, struggles which had
a decisive
effect on many of the great events of early American history,
from the
Seven Years’ War to the American Revolution, the drafting of
the
Constitution, and beyond. We hope students will have a better
understanding of the complex interplay of forces at work in
early American
history, forces in which Europeans were not the only main
actors. This
emphasis extends to the maps (such as Map 6.1, European Areas

of
Influence and the Seven Years’ War, 1756–1763), where we
have made
changes to better locate and emphasize Native American
peoples.
The second major area of revision focused on incorporating
transnational
forces more fully into the narrative. Thus, the discussions of the
Seven
Years’ War, the Revolution, and the political conflicts of the
1790s and
beyond all emphasize the importance of European imperial
objectives and
of wars in Europe and the Caribbean. It’s important to
remember, for
example, that battles in North America were only part of the
war we know
as the “American Revolution.” Fighting also took place in the
Caribbean, in
Europe, and even in India.
Updated and Revised Organization of U.S. History since 1945
The last six chapters of the book (chapters 26–31) have been
thoroughly
updated to include new scholarship on global political
developments, social
movements, technological innovations, and environmental
challenges.
These chapters have also been restructured to provide a better
chronological
balance in coverage of the post-1960s period. Chapters 26 and
27 employ

longer timeframes, allowing students to grasp (in chapter 26)
how Cold War
foreign policy and ongoing militarization shaped geopolitics,
the federal
state, and domestic affairs from 1945 all the way to 1960.
Chapter 27
considers domestic policy and culture during the same years,
highlighting
postwar continuities and departures from the New Deal era.
Chapter 28
emphasizes the complex roots and tactics of the “rights
revolution,”
emphasizing the dynamic between grassroots protest and
national policy-
making. Chapter 29 revolves less around the Vietnam War itself
than the
interrelated geopolitical and social challenges of the later 1960s
and 1970s,
including military defeat, racial tensions, the oil crisis, and
stagflation.
Chapter 30 begins with Reagan’s election and closes at the turn
of the
twenty-first century, allowing the events of the 1980s and 1990s
— for
example, the end of the Cold War, the outbreak of new global
conflicts, and
the “culture wars” — to be considered in the same frame.
Chapter 31 now
opens with the 9/11 attacks and offers a full analysis of the
Obama years as
well as Trump’s election and the first two years of his
administration. It
includes new material on immigration debates, natural disasters,

surveillance technologies, and the twenty-first-century
economy.
Enriched Coverage of Science and Technology
In response to reviewers who noted students’ interest in
technology, we
have included more coverage of issues related to science and
technology.
From railroads and airplanes to telephones and the evolution of
the Internet,
technological change has been one of the drivers of American
history and,
of course, remains so today. The theme extends to coverage of
related
environmental issues. Some highlights of this coverage include
a new
section on the latest DNA evidence of the first human migrants
to the New
World (chapter 1); a new map activity that asks students to
connect
environmental/geographical considerations to politics (chapter
6); a
consideration of the centrality of steam power and railroads in
early
industrialization (chapter 12); a discussion of Custer that
employs recent
developments in disaster archaeology, as well as a
reconsideration of the
role of hydraulic mining in western development (chapter 17); a
feature on
the technology of electricity with up-to-date inclusion on
Tesla’s role
(chapter 18); new material on conservation and Hetch Hetchy
Valley
(chapter 21); new coverage of radar technology (chapter 25);
and a

discussion of the personal computer revolution and the federal
government’s subsidizing of the high-tech sector in the 1980s,
as well as a
fuller description of the information economy and tech boom in
the 1990s
(chapter 30).
Helping Instructors Teach with Digital
Resources for the Classroom
The eighth edition of The American Promise offers flexibility in
formats,
including easy-to-use digital resources that can make an
immediate impact
in classrooms. Available for the first time with this edition,
Achieve Read
& Practice puts the most affordable and easy-to-use e-book with
built-in
assessment into the hands of students wherever they go.
Achieve Read &
Practice’s interactive e-book, adaptive quizzing, and gradebook
is built
with an intuitive interface that can be read on mobile devices
and is fully
accessible and available at a discounted price so anyone can use
it. It comes
preloaded with LearningCurve adaptive quizzing, which, when
assigned,
ensures students come to class prepared. Instructors can set due
dates for
reading assignments and LearningCurve quizzes in just a few
clicks,
making it an effective option for a simple and affordable way to
engage
students with the narrative.

For instructors who want an e-book with a full suite of primary
sources and
autograded assessments, The American Promise is offered in
Macmillan’s
premier learning platform, LaunchPad, an intuitive, interactive
e-book and
course space. Ready to assign as is with key assessment
resources built into
each chapter, instructors can also edit and customize LaunchPad
as their
imaginations and innovations dictate. Free when packaged with
the print
text, LaunchPad grants students and teachers access to a wealth
of online
tools and resources built specifically for our text to enhance
reading
comprehension and promote in-depth study.
Developed with extensive feedback from history instructors and
students,
LaunchPad for The American Promise includes: the complete
narrative of
the print book, including the primary source feature Analyzing
Historical
Evidence; the companion reader Reading the American Promise;
and
accompanying auto-graded quizzes, video sources, map
activities, flash
cards, and LearningCurve, an adaptive learning tool that is
designed to get
students to read before they come to class. With source-based
questions in
the test bank and in the LearningCurve and the ability to sort

test bank
questions by chapter learning objectives, instructors now have
more
ways to test students on their understanding of sources and
narrative in the
book.
To learn more about digital product offerings, see the “Versions
and
Supplements” section.
Acknowledgments
We gratefully acknowledge all of the helpful suggestions from
those who
have read and taught from previous editions of The American
Promise and
cared enough to take the time to advise us. We hope that our
many
classroom collaborators will be pleased to see their influence in
the eighth
edition. In particular, we wish to thank the talented scholars and
teachers
who gave generously of their time and knowledge to review the
previous
edition in preparation for its revision: Ann Ackerman, Nashua
Counity
College; Ian Aebel, Harris-Stowe State University; Joseph
Bagley, Georgia
State University; Timothy Buckner, Troy University; Kara
Carroll, Central
New Mexico Community College; Leilah Davidson, Northern
Arizona
University; Wayne Drews, Kennesaw State University; Donna
Dunakey,

Florida Southwestern State College – Thomas Edison; Robert
Genter,
Nassau Community College; Jessica Gerard, Ozarks Technical
Community
College; Diane Gill, North Lake College; Patricia Herb, North
Central State
College; Peter Hoffer, University of Georgia; Andrew
Hollinger, Tarrant
County College NE; Robin Krawitz, Delaware State University;
Alan
Lehmann, Blinn College – Brenham; Alexander Marriott, Alvin
College;
Michael McCormick, Houston Community College; Stacy
Reikowsky,
North Dakota State University; Gary Ritter, Central Piedmont
Community
College; Carey Roberts, Liberty University; Scott Seagle,
University of
Tennessee at Chattanooga; Edward Simmons, Georgia Gwinnett
College;
John Smith, Texas A&M – Commerce; David Toye, Northeast
State
Community College NE; James Tuten, Juniata College; Leah
Vallely,
Calhoun Community College; Stephanie Vincent, Kent State
University –
Maine.
A project as complex as this requires the talents of many
individuals. First,
we would like to acknowledge our families for their support,
forbearance,
and toleration of our textbook responsibilities. We would also
like to thank

the many people at Bedford/St. Martin’s and Macmillan
Learning who have
been crucial to this project. Thanks are due to Leah R. Strauss,
senior
developmental editor, who shepherded the project from start to
finish,
always with good humor; William J. Lombardo, senior program
manager
for history; Michael Rosenberg, senior program director for
history; and
Leasa Burton, vice president, for their support and guidance.
Thanks are
also due to Mary Starowicz, media editor; Mollie Chandler,
associate
editor; and Julia Bell, editorial assistant. We thank history
marketing
manager Melissa Rodriguez and marketing assistant Morgan
Ratner. We
thank assistant content project manager Natalie Jones, who
pulled together
the many pieces related to proofreading, design, and
composition. Thanks
are also due to senior content project manager Kendra LeFleur;
Naomi
Kornhauser for her diligent visual source research; workflow
manager
Susan Wein; designer Jerilyn Bockorick; copy editor Jeannine
Thibodeau;
proofreaders Arthur Johnson and Kim Kosmatka; indexer Sonya
Dintaman;
cover designer William Boardman; and executive media project
manager
Michelle Camisa, who oversaw the production of digital
components of The
American Promise.

Versions and Supplements
Adopters of The American Promise and their students have
access to
abundant print and digital resources and tools, the acclaimed
Bedford Series
in History and Culture volumes, and much more. The
LaunchPad course
space for The American Promise provides access to the
narrative and a
wealth of primary sources and other features, along with
assignment and
assessment opportunities. Achieve Read & Practice supplies
adaptive
quizzing and our mobile, accessible Value Edition e-book in one
easy-to-
use, affordable product. See below for more information, visit
the book’s
catalog site at macmillanlearning.com, or contact your local
Bedford/St.
Martin’s sales representative.
http://macmillanlearning.com/
Get the Right Version for Your Class
To accommodate different course lengths and course budgets,
The
American Promise is available in several different versions and
formats to
best suit your course needs. The comprehensive The American
Promise
includes a full-color art program, a robust set of features, and a

chapter
study guide. The American Promise, Concise Edition, also
provides the
unabridged narrative in full color, with a streamlined art and
feature
program, at a lower price. The American Promise, Value
Edition, offers a
trade-sized two-color option with the unabridged narrative and
selected art
and maps at a steep discount. The Value Edition is also offered
at the lowest
price point in loose-leaf format, and all of these versions are
available as e-
books. For the best value of all, package a new print book with
Achieve
Read & Practice or LaunchPad at no additional charge to get the
best each
format offers. Achieve Read & Practice users get a print version
for easy
portability with a mobile, interactive Value Edition e-book plus
LearningCurve adaptive quizzing in one exceptionally
affordable, easy-to-
use product; LaunchPad users get a print version plus an
interactive e-book
of the full-feature text, including a multitude of primary sources
and the
companion reader, along with LearningCurve and loads of
additional
assignment and assessment options all in one course space.
Combined Volume (Chapters 1–31): available in a
comprehensive
edition, Concise Edition, Value Edition, loose-leaf, and e-book
formats
and in LaunchPad and Achieve Read & Practice
Volume 1, To 1877 (Chapters 1–16): available in a

comprehensive
formats
Volume 2, From 1865 (Chapters 16–31): available in a
comprehensive
formats
As noted below, any of these volumes can be packaged with
additional titles
for a discount. To get ISBNs for discount packages, visit
macmillanlearning.com, or contact your Bedford/St. Martin’s
representative.
Assign Achieve Read & Practice So Your
Students Can Read and Study Wherever
They Go
Available for discount purchase on its own or for packaging
with new books
at no additional charge, Achieve Read & Practice is Bedford/St.
Martin’s
most affordable digital solution for history courses. Intuitive
and easy to use
for students and instructors alike, Achieve Read & Practice is
ready to use
as is and can be assigned quickly. Achieve Read & Practice for
The
American Promise includes the Value Edition interactive e-

book,
LearningCurve adaptive quizzing, assignment tools, and a
gradebook.
Through the adaptive learning program of LearningCurve (see
the full
description ahead), students gain confidence and get into their
reading
before class. All this is built with an intuitive interface that can
be read on
mobile devices and is fully accessible, easily integrates with
course
management systems, and is available at a discounted price so
anyone can
use it. Instructors can set due dates for reading assignments and
LearningCurve quizzes in just a few clicks, making it a simple
and
affordable way to engage students with the narrative and hold
students
accountable for course reading so they will come to class better
prepared.
For more information, visit
macmillanlearning.com/ReadandPractice, or
to arrange a demo, contact us at [email protected]
http://macmillanlearning.com/ReadandPractice
Assign LearningCurve So Your Students
Come to Class Prepared
Students using LaunchPad or Achieve Read & Practice receive
access to
LearningCurve for The American Promise. Assigning
LearningCurve in
place of reading quizzes is easy for instructors, and the
reporting features
help instructors track overall class trends and spot topics that

are giving
students trouble so instructors can adjust their lectures and class
activities.
This online learning tool is popular with students because it was
designed to
help them comprehend content at their own pace in a
nonthreatening, game-
like environment. The feedback for wrong answers provides
instructional
coaching and sends students back to the book for review.
Students answer
as many questions as necessary to reach a target score, with
repeated
chances to revisit material they haven’t mastered. When
LearningCurve is
assigned, students come to class better prepared.
Assign LaunchPad—an Assessment-Ready
Interactive e-Book with Sources and Course
Space
Available for discount purchase on its own or for packaging
with new books
at no additional charge, LaunchPad is a breakthrough solution
for history
courses. Intuitive and easy-to-use for students and instructors
alike,
LaunchPad is ready to use as is; it can be edited, customized
with your own
material, and assigned quickly. LaunchPad for The American
Promise
includes Bedford/St. Martin’s high-quality content all in one
place,
including the full interactive e-book and the companion reader
Reading the

American Past, plus LearningCurve adaptive quizzing, guided
reading
activities designed to help students read actively for key
concepts, auto-
graded quizzes for each primary source, and chapter summative
quizzes.
Through a wealth of formative and summative assessments,
including the
adaptive learning program of LearningCurve (see the full
description
ahead), students gain confidence and get into their reading
before class.
These features, plus additional primary source documents, video
sources
and tools for making video assignments, map activities,
flashcards, and
customizable test banks, make LaunchPad an invaluable asset
for any
instructor.
LaunchPad easily integrates with course management systems,
and with
fast ways to build assignments, rearrange chapters, and add new
pages,
sections, or links, it lets teachers build the courses they want to
teach and
hold students accountable. For more information, visit
launchpadworks.com, or to arrange a demo, contact us at
[email protected]
http://launchpadworks.com/

Tailor Your Text to Match Your Course with
Bedford Select for History
Create the ideal textbook for your course with only the chapters
you need.
Starting from the Value Edition history text, you can rearrange
chapters,
delete unnecessary chapters, select chapters of primary sources
from the
companion reader, add primary source document projects from
the Bedford
Document Collections, or choose to improve your students’
historical
thinking skills with the Bedford Tutorials for History. In
addition, you can
add your own original content to create just the book you’re
looking for.
With Bedford Select, students pay only for material that will be
assigned in
the course, and nothing more. Order your textbook every
semester, or
modify from one term to the next. It is easy to build your
customized
textbook without compromising the quality and affordability
you’ve come
to expect from Bedford/St. Martin’s. For more information, talk
to your
Bedford/St. Martin’s representative or visit
macmillanlearning.com/bedfordselect.
http://macmillanlearning.com/bedfordselect
iClicker, Active Learning Simplified
iClicker offers simple, flexible tools to help you give students a
voice and
facilitate active learning in the classroom. Students can

participate with the
devices they already bring to class using our iClicker Reef
mobile apps
(which work with smartphones, tablets, or laptops) or iClicker
remotes.
We’ve now integrated iClicker with Macmillan’s LaunchPad to
make it
easier than ever to synchronize grades and promote engagement
— both in
and out of class. iClicker Reef access cards can also be
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Brief Contents
Preface
Versions and Supplements
Contents
Maps and Figures
16 Reconstruction, 1863–1877
17 The Contested West, 1865–1900
18 The Gilded Age, 1865–1900
19 The City and Its Workers, 1870–1900
20 Dissent, Depression, and War, 1890–1900
21 Progressive Reform, 1890–1916
22 World War I: The Progressive Crusade, 1914–1920

23 From New Era to Great Depression, 1920–1932
24 The New Deal Experiment, 1932–1939
25 The United States and the Second World War, 1939–1945
26 The New World of the Cold War, 1945–1960
27 Postwar Culture and Politics, 1945–1960
28 Rights, Rebellion, and Reaction, 1960–1974
29 Confronting Limits, 1961–1979
30 Divisions at Home and Abroad in a Conservative Era, 1980–
2000
31 America in a New Century, since 2000
Appendix
Glossary
Index
About the Authors
Contents

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CHAPTER 16
Reconstruction 1863–1877
An American Story
Why did Congress object to Lincoln’s wartime plan for
reconstruction?
“To Bind Up the Nation’s Wounds”
Land and Labor
The African American Quest for Autonomy
How did the North respond to the passage of black codes in
the southern states?
Johnson’s Program of Reconciliation
White Southern Resistance and Black Codes
Expansion of Federal Authority and Black Rights
How radical was congressional reconstruction?
The Fourteenth Amendment and Escalating Violence

Radical Reconstruction and Military Rule
Impeaching a President
The Fifteenth Amendment and Women’s Demands
What brought the elements of the South’s Republican coalition
together?
Freedmen, Yankees, and Yeomen
Republican Rule
White Landlords, Black Sharecroppers
Why did Reconstruction collapse?
Grant’s Troubled Presidency
Northern Resolve Withers
White Supremacy Triumphs
An Election and a Compromise
Conclusion: Was Reconstruction “a revolution but half
accomplished”?
��
CHAPTER 17
The Contested West 1865–1900

An American Story
What did U.S. expansion mean for Native Americans?
Indian Removal and the Reservation System
The Decimation of the Great Bison Herds
The Santee Uprising and the Collapse of Comanchería
Red Cloud’s War and the Fight for the Black Hills
In what ways did different Indian groups defy and resist
colonial rule?
Indian Schools and the War on Indian Culture
The Dawes Act and Indian Land Allotment
Indian Resistance and Survival
How did mining shape American expansion?
Life on the Comstock Lode
The Diverse Peoples of the West
How did the fight for land and resources in the West unfold?
Moving West: Homesteaders and Speculators
Tenants, Sharecroppers, and Migrants
Commercial Farming and Industrial Cowboys

Territorial Government and the Political Economy of the West
Conclusion: How did the West set the tone for the Gilded Age?
��
CHAPTER 18
The Gilded Age 1865–1900
An American Story
How did the railroads stimulate big business?
Railroads: America’s First Big Business
Andrew Carnegie, Steel, and Vertical Integration
John D. Rockefeller, Standard Oil, and the Trust
New Inventions: The Telephone and Electricity
Why did the ideas of social Darwinism appeal to wealthy
Americans?
J. P. Morgan and Finance Capitalism
Social Darwinism, Laissez-Faire, and the Supreme Court
What factors influenced political life in the late nineteenth
century?
Political Participation and Party Loyalty

Sectionalism and the New South
Gender, Race, and Politics
Women’s Activism
What issues shaped party politics in the late nineteenth
century?
Corruption and Party Strife
Garfield’s Assassination and Civil Service Reform
Reform and Scandal: The Campaign of 1884
Henry George and the Politics of Inequality
What role did economic issues play in party realignment?
The Tariff and the Politics of Protection
Railroads, Trusts, and the Federal Government
The Fight for Free Silver
Panic and Depression
Conclusion: How did business dominate the Gilded Age?
��
CHAPTER 19
The City and Its Workers 1870–1900

An American Story
Why did American cities experience explosive growth in the
late nineteenth century?
The Urban Explosion: A Global Migration
Racism and the Cry for Immigration Restriction
The Social Geography of the City
What kinds of work did people do in industrial America?
America’s Diverse Workers
The Family Economy: Women and Children
White-Collar Workers: Managers, “Typewriters,” and
Salesclerks
Why did the fortunes of the Knights of Labor rise in the late
1870s and decline in the 1890s?
The Great Railroad Strike of 1877
The Knights of Labor and the American Federation of Labor
Haymarket and the Specter of Labor Radicalism
How did urban industrialism shape home life and the world of
leisure?
Domesticity and “Domestics”

Cheap Amusements
How did municipal governments respond to the challenges of
urban expansion?
Building Cities of Stone and Steel
City Government and the “Bosses”
New York and the Consolidation of the Capitalist Class
White City or City of Sin?
Conclusion: Who built the cities?
��
CHAPTER 20
Dissent, Depression, and War 1890–1900
An American Story
Why did American farmers organize alliances in the late
nineteenth century?
The Farmers’ Alliance
The Populist Movement
What led to the labor wars of the 1890s?
The Homestead Lockout

The Cripple Creek Miners’ Strike of 1894
Eugene V. Debs and the Pullman Strike
How were women involved in late-nineteenth-century politics?
Frances Willard and the Woman’s Christian Temperance
Union
Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and the
Movement for Woman Suffrage
How did economic depression affect American politics in the
1890s?
Coxey’s Army
The People’s Party and the Election of 1896
Why did the United States largely abandon its isolationist
foreign policy in the 1890s?
Markets and Missionaries
The Monroe Doctrine and the Open Door Policy
“A Splendid Little War”
The Debate over American Imperialism
Conclusion: What was the connection between domestic strife
and foreign policy?
��

CHAPTER 21
Progressive Reform 1890–1916
An American Story
How did grassroots progressives attack the problems of urban
industrial America?
Civilizing the City
Progressives and the Working Class
What were the key tenets of progressive theory?
Reform Darwinism and Social Engineering
Progressive Government: City and State
How did Theodore Roosevelt advance the progressive agenda?
The Square Deal
Roosevelt the Reformer
Roosevelt and Conservation
The Big Stick
The Troubled Presidency of William Howard Taft
How did progressivism evolve during Woodrow Wilson’s first
term?

Progressive Insurgency and the Election of 1912
Wilson’s Reforms: Tariff, Banking, and the Trusts
Wilson, Reluctant Progressive
What were the limits of progressive reform?
Radical Alternatives
Progressivism for White Men Only
Conclusion: How did the Progressive Era give rise to the
liberal state?
��
CHAPTER 22
World War I: The Progressive Crusade 1914–1920
An American Story
What was Woodrow Wilson’s foreign policy agenda?
Taming the Americas
The European Crisis
The Ordeal of American Neutrality
The United States Enters the War
What role did the United States play in World War I?

The Call to Arms
The War in France
What impact did the war have on the home front?
The Progressive Stake in the War
Women, War, and the Battle for Suffrage
Rally around the Flag — or Else
What part did Woodrow Wilson play at the Paris peace
conference?
Wilson’s Fourteen Points
The Paris Peace Conference
The Fight for the Treaty
Why was America’s transition from war to peace so
turbulent?
Economic Hardship and Labor Upheaval
The Red Scare
The Great Migrations of African Americans and Mexicans
Postwar Politics and the Election of 1920
Conclusion: Victory, but at what cost?

��
CHAPTER 23
From New Era to Great Depression 1920–1932
An American Story
How did big business shape the “New Era” of the 1920s?
A Business Government
Promoting Prosperity and Peace Abroad
Automobiles, Mass Production, and Assembly-Line Progress
Consumer Culture
In what ways did the Roaring Twenties challenge traditional
values?
Prohibition
The New Woman
The New Negro
Entertaining the Masses
The Lost Generation
Why did the relationship between urban and rural America
deteriorate in the 1920s?

Rejecting the Undesirables
The Rebirth of the Ku Klux Klan
The Scopes Trial
Al Smith and the Election of 1928
How did President Hoover respond to the economic crash of
1929?
Herbert Hoover: The Great Engineer
The Distorted Economy
The Crash of 1929
Hoover and the Limits of Individualism
What impact did the economic depression have on everyday
life?
The Human Toll
Denial and Escape
Working-Class Militancy
Conclusion: Why did the hope of the 1920s turn to despair?
��
CHAPTER 24

The New Deal Experiment 1932–1939
An American Story
Why was Franklin D. Roosevelt elected president in 1932?
The Making of a Politician
The Election of 1932
What were the goals and achievements of the first New Deal?
The New Dealers
Banking and Finance Reform
Relief and Conservation Programs
Agricultural Initiatives
Industrial Recovery
Who opposed the New Deal?
Resistance to Business Reform
Casualties in the Countryside
Politics on the Fringes
Why did the New Deal begin to create a welfare state?
Relief for the Unemployed
Empowering Labor

Social Security and Tax Reform
Neglected Americans and the New Deal
Why did the New Deal lose support during Roosevelt’s second
term as president?
Court Packing
Reaction and Recession
The Last of the New Deal Reforms
Conclusion: What were the achievements and limitations of
the New Deal?
��
CHAPTER 25
The United States and the Second World War 1939–1945
An American Story
How did isolationism shape American foreign policy in the
1930s?
Roosevelt and Reluctant Isolation
The Good Neighbor Policy
The Price of Isolation

How did war in Europe and Asia influence U.S. foreign
policy?
Nazi Aggression and War in Europe
From Neutrality to the Arsenal of Democracy
Japan Attacks America
How did the United States mobilize for war?
Home-Front Security
Building a Citizen Army
Conversion to a War Economy
How did the Allies reverse Axis advances in Europe and the
Pacific?
Turning the Tide in the Pacific
The Campaign in Europe
How did war change the American home front?
Women and Families, Guns and Butter
The Double V Campaign
Wartime Politics and the 1944 Election
Reaction to the Holocaust

How did the Allies win the war?
From Bombing Raids to Berlin
The Defeat of Japan
Atomic Warfare
Conclusion: Why did the United States emerge as a
superpower at the end of the war?
��
CHAPTER 26
The New World of the Cold War 1945–1960
An American Story
How did the Cold War begin?
U.S.-Soviet Tensions Emerge
The Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan
Building a National Security State
How did anticommunism drive U.S. policy at home and
abroad?
Superpower Rivalry around the Globe
The Domestic Chill: McCarthyism

Why did the United States go to war in Korea?
Military Implementation of Containment
From Containment to Rollback to Containment
Korea’s Political Fallout
An Armistice and the War’s Costs
How did Truman’s and Eisenhower’s approaches to the
superpower struggle differ?
The “New Look” in Foreign Policy
Applying Containment to Vietnam
Interventions in Latin America and the Middle East
The Nuclear Arms Race
Conclusion: What were the costs and consequences of the Cold
War?
��
CHAPTER 27
Postwar Culture and Politics 1945–1960
An American Story
What were the prospects for domestic reform in the Truman

years?
Reconverting to a Peacetime Economy
The Fair Deal Falters
Race and Rights in the 1940s
To what extent did Eisenhower dismantle the New Deal?
A Republican “Middle Way”
A Shifting Indian Policy
What fueled postwar prosperity?
Technology Transforms Agriculture and Industry
Suburban Migrations
The Rise of the Sun Belt
The Democratization of Higher Education
How did economic growth affect American society, politics,
and culture?
A Consumer Culture
The Revival of Domesticity and Religion
Television Transforms Culture and Politics
Countercurrents
What mobilized African Americans to fight for civil rights in

the 1950s?
African Americans Challenge the Supreme Court and the
President
Montgomery and Mass Protest
Conclusion: What challenges did peace and prosperity mask?
��
CHAPTER 28
Rights, Rebellion, and Reaction 1960–1974
An American Story
What were the achievements of JFK’s New Frontier and LBJ’s
Great Society?
Kennedy and a New Frontier in the 1960s
Johnson and the War on Poverty
Liberalism at High Tide
Legacies of the Great Society
The Judicial Revolution
How did the black freedom movement evolve?
The Flowering of Civil Rights

The Response in Washington
Black Power and Urban Rebellions
What other social movements emerged in the 1960s?
Native American Protest
Latino Struggles for Justice
Youth Rebellions, the New Left, and the Counterculture
Gay Men and Lesbians Organize
Environmental Activists Mobilize
What were the goals of the new wave of feminism?
A Multifaceted Movement Emerges
Feminist Gains Spark a Countermovement
Why and where did the conservative movement gain ground?
A Grassroots Right
Nixon and the Election of 1968
Conclusion: What were the lasting effects of sixties-era
reform?
��
CHAPTER 29

Confronting Limits 1961–1979
An American Story
What led to the United States’ deepening involvement in
Vietnam?
Anticommunism in the Kennedy Years
A Growing War in Southeast Asia
An All-Out Commitment in Vietnam
Those Who Served
How did a war abroad provoke a war at home?
The Antiwar Movement
The Tet Offensive and Steps toward Peace
The Tumultuous Election of 1968
How did U.S. foreign policy change under Nixon?
Détente with the Soviet Union and China
U.S. Interventions around the World
Nixon’s War in Vietnam
Peace Accords

The Legacy of Defeat
What accounted for the growth of conservatism in the 1970s?
The End of the Boom
Nixon Courts the Right
The Watergate Scandal
The Ford Presidency and the 1976 Election
What challenges did the Carter administration face?
A Retreat from Liberalism
Energy and Environmental Reform
Promoting Human Rights Abroad
New Foreign Crises
Conclusion: How did the constraints of the 1970s reshape U.S.
policy and politics?
��
CHAPTER 30
Divisions at Home and Abroad in a Conservative Era 1980–2000
An American Story
What conservative goals were realized during Reagan’s

presidency?
Appealing to the New Right and Beyond
Unleashing Free Enterprise
Winners and Losers in a Flourishing Economy
What strategies did liberals use to fight the conservative turn?
Battles in the Courts and Congress
Feminism on the Defensive
The Gay and Lesbian Rights Movement
Why did the Cold War intensify, and how did it end?
Militarization and Interventions Abroad
The Iran-Contra Scandal
Soviet-American Relations Transformed
A “New World Order”
War in Central America and the Persian Gulf
What led to increased political polarization in the 1990s?
Gridlock in Government
The 1992 Election

Clinton’s Reforms
Accommodating the Right
Impeaching the President
How did Clinton respond to the challenges of globalization?
The Booming Economy of the 1990s
Debates over Free Trade
Defining America’s Place in a New World Order
Conclusion: What were the legacies of the “Reagan
Revolution”?
��
CHAPTER 31
America in a New Century since 2000
An American Story
How did George W. Bush alter the focus of U.S. foreign and
domestic policy?
The Disputed Election of 2000
The 9/11 Attacks
Security and Civil Liberties

Unilateralism and the “War on Terror”
Domestic Achievements — and Disasters
What were the strengths and weaknesses of the American
economy?
Globalized Labor and Production
Immigration and Its Discontents
The New Economy and the Old
What obstacles stood in the way of Obama’s reform agenda?
A Post-Racial America?
Governing with Resistance
Multilateralism in Foreign Policy
How did new social movements change politics?
Progressives Mobilize
Civil Rights and Black Lives
Social Media and Activism
What was the significance of the 2016 election?
Platforms, Polls, and Protests
Right-Wing Populism on the Rise

A Retreat from U.S. Global Leadership
Conclusion: In a deeply polarized America, was there any
common ground?
��
A��
The Declaration of Independence
The Constitution of the United States
Amendments to the Constitution (including the six unratified
amendments)
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Maps and Figures
CHAPTER 16
FIGURE 16.1 Southern Congressional Delegations, 1865–1877
MAP 16.1 A Southern Plantation in 1860 and 1881

MAP 16.2 The Election of 1868
MAP 16.3 The Reconstruction of the South
CHAPTER 17
MAP 17.1 The Loss of Indian Lands, 1850–1890
MAP 17.2 Western Mining, 1848–1890
FIGURE 17.1 Changes in Rural and Urban Populations, 1870–
1900
CHAPTER 18
MAP 18.1 Railroad Expansion, 1870–1890
FIGURE 18.1 Iron and Steel Production, 1870–1900
MAP 18.2 Federal Land Grants to Railroads and the
Development of
the West, 1850–1900
CHAPTER 19
MAP 19.1 Economic Regions of the World, 1890

MAP 19.2 The Impact of Immigration, to 1910
FIGURE 19.1 Global Comparison: European Emigration, 1870–
1890
FIGURE 19.2 European Emigration, 1870–1910
FIGURE 19.3 Women and Work, 1870–1890
MAP 19.3 The Great Railroad Strike of 1877
CHAPTER 20
FIGURE 20.1 Consumer Prices and Farm Income, 1865–1910
FIGURE 20.2 Expansion in U.S. Trade, 1870–1910
MAP 20.3 The Spanish-American War, 1898
MAP 20.4 U.S. Overseas Expansion through 1900
CHAPTER 21
MAP 21.1 National Parks and Forests
MAP 21.2 The Panama Canal, 1914

CHAPTER 22
MAP 22.1 U.S. Involvement in Latin America and the
Caribbean,
1895–1941
MAP 22.2 European Alliances after the Outbreak of World War
I
MAP 22.3 The American Expeditionary Force, 1918
FIGURE 22.1 Global Comparison: Casualties of the First World
War
FIGURE 22.2 Industrial Wages, 1912–1920
MAP 22.4 Women’s Voting Rights before the Nineteenth
Amendment
MAP 22.5 Europe after World War I
CHAPTER 23
MAP 23.1 Auto Manufacturing
FIGURE 23.1 Production of Consumer Goods, 1921–1929
MAP 23.2 The Shift from Rural to Urban Population, 1920–
1930

FIGURE 23.2 Manufacturing and Agricultural Income, 1920–
1940
CHAPTER 24
MAP 24.2 Electoral Shift, 1928–1932
FIGURE 24.1 Bank Failures and Farm Foreclosures, 1932–1942
MAP 24.3 The Tennessee Valley Authority
FIGURE 24.2 Global Comparison: National Populations and
Economies, ca. 1938
CHAPTER 25
MAP 25.1 Axis Aggression through 1941
MAP 25.2 Japanese Aggression through 1941
MAP 25.3 Western Relocation Authority Centers
FIGURE 25.1 Global Comparison: Weapons Production by the
Axis
and Allied Powers during World War II
MAP 25.4 The European Theater of World War II, 1942–1945

MAP 25.5 The Pacific Theater of World War II, 1941–1945
CHAPTER 26
MAP 26.1 The Division of Europe after World War II
MAP 26.2 The Korean War, 1950–1953
CHAPTER 27
FIGURE 27.1 Women Workers in Selected Industries, 1940–
1950
MAP 27.2 The Interstate Highway System, 1930 and 1970
MAP 27.3 The Rise of the Sun Belt, 1940–1980
FIGURE 27.2 The Postwar Economic Boom: GNP and Per
Capita
Income, 1945–1970
CHAPTER 28
FIGURE 28.1 Poverty in the United States, 1960–1974

MAP 28.2 The Rise of the African American Vote, 1940–1976
MAP 28.3 Urban Uprisings, 1965–1968
CHAPTER 29
MAP 29.1 The Vietnam War, 1964–1975
MAP 29.3 The Middle East, 1948–1989
CHAPTER 30
MAP 30.1 U.S. Involvement in Latin America and the
Caribbean,
1954–1994
MAP 30.2 Events in Eastern Europe, 1985–1995
FIGURE 30.1 The Growth of Inequality: Changes in Family
Income,
1969–1998
CHAPTER 31

FIGURE 31.1 Global Comparison: Countries with the Highest
Military Expenditures, 2005
MAP 31.2 Events in the Middle East, 1990–2018
MAP 31.3 Poverty in the United States, 2015
Description
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Over 13001 feet, Over 3001 meters: The areas include scattered
parts of Central Idaho,
southwestern part of Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, New
Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada.
Feet, 6561 to 13000; Meters, 2001 to 3000: The areas include
scattered parts of
Washington, Oregon, Sierra Nevada, Great Basin, Idaho,
Montana, Utah, Wyoming,
Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico.
scattered parts of Washington,
major portions of Oregon, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Sierra
Nevada, Great Basin, Utah,
Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, parts of South Dakota,
Nebraska, and Oklahoma,
Pennsylvania, Appalachian mountains, and areas around Mount
Mitchell.

parts of Washington, Oregon,
Western borders of Idaho, eastern parts of Montana, western
parts of North Dakota and
South Dakota, northern parts of Sioux falls, parts of Nebraska,
Kansas, western parts of
Oklahoma, southwestern parts of Arizona, north western parts
of Phoenix, Las Vegas,
surrounding areas of Mojave desert, borders of Coast Ranges
and California, scattered
parts of Minnesota, Wisconsin, Maine, New Hampshire,
Vermont, New York,
Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, Arkansas and South
Carolina.
Feet, 661 to 1640; Meters, 201 to 500: The areas include parts
of Washington, Cascade,
borders of Coast Ranges and California, Arizona, Eastern parts
of North Dakota, South
Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma, Texas including Austin
and San Antonio, major
portions of Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa, Missouri, Arkansas,
Central Lowland, Virginia,
Pennsylvania, New York, Indiana, Michigan, Ohio, Kentucky,
parts North Carolina, South
Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Maine, Washington, and New
Hampshire.
Feet, 0 to 660; Meters, 0 to 200: The areas include parts of
Washington, borders of Oregon,
and Columbia River, Central parts of Sierra Nevada, western
borders of California and
Arizona, eastern parts of Texas including Fort Worth, eastern
border of Minnesota, north
eastern borders of Wisconsin, parts of Illinois, south western

borders of Indiana, borders of
Michigan, northern border of Ohio, borders of New York,
eastern borders of Maine, New
Hampshire, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia,
North Carolina, South
Carolina, south eastern parts of Georgia, Florida, southern parts
of Alabama including
Montgomery, Mississippi, Louisiana, parts of Arkansas,
Kentucky and eastern parts of
Tennessee including Nashville.
Feet, Below sea level; Meters, Below sea level: The area
includes the Southern part of
California east of San Diego.
Over 13001 feet, Over 3001 meters: The areas include scattered
parts of Central Idaho,
southwestern part of Montana, Wyoming, Colorado, New
Mexico, Arizona, and Nevada.
scattered parts of
Washington, Oregon, Sierra Nevada, Great Basin, Idaho,
Montana, Utah, Wyoming,
Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico.
scattered parts of Washington,
major portions of Oregon, Idaho, Montana, Wyoming, Sierra
Nevada, Great Basin, Utah,
Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, parts of South Dakota,
Nebraska, and Oklahoma,
Pennsylvania, Appalachian mountains, and areas around Mount
Mitchell.

borders of Indiana, borders of
Michigan, northern border of Ohio, borders of New York,
eastern borders of Maine, New
Hampshire, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia,
North Carolina, South
Carolina, south eastern parts of Georgia, Florida, southern parts
of Alabama including
Montgomery, Mississippi, Louisiana, parts of Arkansas,
Kentucky and eastern parts of
Tennessee including Nashville.
Feet, Below sea level; Meters, Below sea level: The area
includes the Southern part of
California east of San Diego.
Description
The data are as follows:
The North American countries include Alaska to the west of
Canada, Canada to the north
of United States, United States to the north of Mexico, to the
south of Mexico are
Guatemala, Belize, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa
Rica, and Panama.
The South American countries include Colombia, Venezuela to
the east of Colombia,
Guyana to the east of Venezuela, Suriname to the east of
Guyana, French Guiana to the
east of Suriname, Brazil to the south of French Guinea, Uruguay
to the south of Brazil,
Argentina to the south of Uruguay, Paraguay to the west of
Uruguay, Bolivia to the north
of Argentina, Chile to the south of Argentina, Peru to the north

west of Brazil, Ecuador to
the north of Peru.
The Western European countries include United Kingdom,
Ireland, France, Spain,
Portugal, Morocco, Western Sahara, Mauritania, Senegal, Mali,
Gambia, Guinea-Bissau,
Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Côte d’ivoire, Burkina Faso,
Ghana. The Eastern European
countries include Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark,
Netherlands, Belgium,
Luxembourg, Switzerland, Slavonia, Italy, Croatia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Montenegro,
Kosovo, North Macedonia, Albania, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania,
Moldova, Ukraine,
Belarus, Poland, Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary, Estonia, Latvia,
and Lithonia.
The Asian countries include Russian Federation, Georgia,
Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq,
Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Oman, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait,
Iran, Turkmenistan,
Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan Tajikistan, Afghanistan,
Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka,
Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, China, Mongolia, Myanmar,
Thailand, Malaysia, Cambodia,
Laos, and Vietnam. Asia is surrounded by the Arctic Ocean,
Pacific Ocean, and Indian
Ocean.
The African countries include, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt,
Niger, Chad, Sudan, Eritrea,
Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, Central African Republic,

South Sudan, Ethiopia,
Somalia, E Q. Guinea, Gabon, Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, Kenya,
Burundi, Tanzania,
Angola, Zambia, Malawi, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe,
Mozambique, South Africa,
Lesotho, and Eswatini and the island of Madagascar.
Australia is located between the Indian Ocean and South Pacific
Ocean surrounded by
New Zealand, New Caledonia, Fiji, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands
Indonesia, Papua New
Guinea, Philippines.
The North American countries include Alaska to the west of
Canada, Canada to the north
of United States, United States to the north of Mexico, to the
south of Mexico are
Guatemala, Belize, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa
Rica, and Panama.
The South American countries include Colombia, Venezuela to
the east of Colombia,
Guyana to the east of Venezuela, Suriname to the east of
Guyana, French Guiana to the
east of Suriname, Brazil to the south of French Guinea, Uruguay
to the south of Brazil,
Argentina to the south of Uruguay, Paraguay to the west of
Uruguay, Bolivia to the north
of Argentina, Chile to the south of Argentina, Peru to the north
west of Brazil, Ecuador to
the north of Peru.
The Western European countries include United Kingdom,
Ireland, France, Spain,
Portugal, Morocco, Western Sahara, Mauritania, Senegal, Mali,
Gambia, Guinea-Bissau,

Guinea, Sierra Leone, Liberia, Côte d’ivoire, Burkina Faso,
Ghana. The Eastern European
countries include Norway, Sweden, Finland, Denmark,
Netherlands, Belgium,
Luxembourg, Switzerland, Slavonia, Italy, Croatia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Montenegro,
Kosovo, North Macedonia, Albania, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania,
Moldova, Ukraine,
Belarus, Poland, Czechia, Slovakia, Hungary, Estonia, Latvia,
and Lithonia.
The Asian countries include Russian Federation, Georgia,
Turkey, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq,
Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Oman, United Arab Emirates, Kuwait,
Iran, Turkmenistan,
Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan Tajikistan, Afghanistan,
Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka,
Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, China, Mongolia, Myanmar,
Thailand, Malaysia, Cambodia,
Laos, and Vietnam. Asia is surrounded by the Arctic Ocean,
Pacific Ocean, and Indian
Ocean.
The African countries include, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Egypt,
Niger, Chad, Sudan, Eritrea,
Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, Central African Republic,
South Sudan, Ethiopia,
Somalia, E Q. Guinea, Gabon, Congo, Rwanda, Uganda, Kenya,
Burundi, Tanzania,
Angola, Zambia, Malawi, Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe,
Mozambique, South Africa,
Lesotho, and Eswatini and the island of Madagascar.
Australia is located between the Indian Ocean and South Pacific

Ocean surrounded by
New Zealand, New Caledonia, Fiji, Vanuatu, Solomon Islands
Indonesia, Papua New
Guinea, Philippines.
�� 16 ��
1863–1877
��
This chapter will explore the following questions:
Why did Congress object to Lincoln’s wartime plan for
reconstruction?
How did the North respond to the passage of black codes in the
southern states?
How radical was congressional reconstruction?
What brought the elements of the South’s Republican coalition
together?
Why did Reconstruction collapse?
Conclusion: Was Reconstruction “a revolution but half
accomplished”?
��
IN 1856, JOHN RAPIER, A FREE BLACK BARBER IN
FLORENCE,
ALABAMA, urged his four freeborn sons to flee the
increasingly
repressive and dangerous South. Nineteen-year-old James T.

Rapier
chose Canada, where he went to live with his uncle in a largely
black
community and studied in a log schoolhouse. In a letter to his
father, he
vowed, “I will endeavor to do my part in solving the problems
[of
African Americans] in my native land.”
The Union victory in the Civil War gave James Rapier the
opportunity
to redeem his pledge. In 1865, after more than eight years of
exile,
Rapier returned to Alabama, where he presided over the first
political
gathering of former slaves in the state. He soon discovered,
however,
that Alabama’s whites found it agonizingly difficult to accept
defeat
and black freedom. They responded to the revolutionary
changes under
the banner “White Man — Right or Wrong — Still the White
Man!”
During the elections of 1868, when Rapier and other Alabama
blacks
vigorously supported the Republican ticket, the recently
organized Ku
Klux Klan went on a bloody rampage. A mob of 150 outraged
whites
raced through Rapier’s neighborhood seeking four black
politicians
they claimed were trying to “Africanize Alabama.” They caught
and
hanged three, but the “nigger carpetbagger from Canada”
escaped.

After briefly considering fleeing the state, Rapier decided to
stay and
fight for his rights. In 1872, Rapier won election to the House
of
Representatives, where he joined six other black congressmen in
Washington, D.C. Defeated for reelection in 1874 in a campaign
marked by ballot-box stuffing, Rapier turned to cotton farming.
But
unrelenting racial violence convinced him that blacks could
never
achieve equality and prosperity in the South. He purchased land
in
Kansas and urged Alabama’s blacks to escape with him. In
1883,
however, before he could leave Alabama, the forty-five-year-old
Rapier
died of tuberculosis.
In 1865, Union general Carl Schurz had foreseen many of the
troubles
Rapier encountered in the postwar South. The Civil War, Schurz
observed, was “a revolution but half accomplished.” He meant
that
while northern victory had freed the slaves, it had not changed
former
slaveholders’ minds about blacks’ unfitness for freedom. Left to
themselves, whites would “introduce some new system of forced
labor,
not perhaps exactly slavery in its old form but something
similar to it,”
Schurz predicted. To defend their freedom, blacks would need
federal
protection, land of their own, and voting rights. Until whites

“cut loose
from the past, it will be a dangerous experiment to put Southern
society
upon its own legs.”
As Schurz understood, the end of the war did not mean peace.
Indeed,
the nation entered one of its most turbulent and violent eras —
Reconstruction. Answers to the era’s central questions — about
the
defeated South’s status within the Union and the meaning of
freedom
for ex-slaves — came from many directions and often clashed.
In
Washington, D.C., the federal government played an active role,
passing the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments to the
Constitution
that strengthened the claim of African Americans to equal
rights. But
state legislatures and county seats across the South also
featured blacks
and whites vigorously disagreeing about the future of the South.
The
struggle over the future also took place on the South’s farms
and
plantations, where former slaves sought to become free workers
while
former slaveholders clung to old, oppressive habits. Whites
often
backed their opinions with racial violence. In the end, the
efforts of
African Americans and their allies to secure full citizenship and
racial

equality failed. In the contest to determine the consequences of
Confederate defeat and emancipation, white Southerners
prevailed.
Why did Congress object to
Lincoln’s wartime plan for
reconstruction?
Reconstruction did not wait for the end of war. As the odds of a
northern
victory increased, thinking about reunification quickened. But
who had
authority to devise a plan for reconstructing the Union?
President Abraham
Lincoln firmly believed that reconstruction was a matter of
executive
responsibility. Congress just as firmly asserted its jurisdiction.
Fueling the
argument were significant differences about the terms of
reconstruction.
In their eagerness to formulate a plan for political reunification,
neither
Lincoln nor Congress gave much attention to the South’s land
and labor
problems. Yet the war rapidly eroded slavery, and Yankee
military
commanders in the Union-occupied areas of the Confederacy
had no choice
but to oversee the emergence of a new labor system.
“To Bind Up the Nation’s Wounds”
As early as 1863, Lincoln began contemplating how “to bind up

the nation’s
wounds” and achieve “a lasting peace.” While deep compassion
for the
enemy guided his thinking about peace, his plan for
reconstruction aimed
primarily at shortening the war and ending slavery.
Lincoln’s Proclamation of Amnesty and Reconstruction in
December 1863
set out his terms. He offered a full pardon, restoring property
(except
slaves) and political rights, to most rebels willing to renounce
secession and
to accept emancipation. When 10 percent of a state’s voting
population had
taken an oath of allegiance, the state could organize a new
government and
be readmitted into the Union. Lincoln’s plan did not require ex-
rebels to
extend civil rights to ex-slaves, nor did it anticipate a program
of long-term
federal assistance to freedmen. Clearly, the president looked
forward to the
rapid, forgiving restoration of the broken Union.
Lincoln’s easy terms enraged abolitionists such as Wendell
Phillips of
Boston, who charged that the president “makes the negro’s
freedom a mere
sham.” He “is willing that the negro should be free but seeks
nothing else
for him.” Comparing Lincoln to the Union’s most passive
general, Phillips

declared, “What McClellan was on the battlefield — ‘Do as
little hurt as
possible!’ — Lincoln is in civil affairs — ‘Make as little change
as
possible!’” Phillips and other northern Radicals called instead
for a
thorough overhaul of southern society. Their ideas proved to be
too drastic
for most Republicans during the war years, but Congress agreed
that
Lincoln’s plan was inadequate.
In July 1864, Congress put forward a plan of its own.
Congressman Henry
Winter Davis of Maryland and Senator Benjamin Wade of Ohio
jointly
sponsored a bill that demanded that at least half of the voters in
a conquered
rebel state take the oath of allegiance before reconstruction
could begin.
The Wade-Davis bill also banned almost all ex-Confederates
from
participating in the drafting of new state constitutions. Finally,
the bill
guaranteed the equality of freedmen before the law. Congress’s
reconstruction would be neither as quick nor as forgiving as
Lincoln’s.
When Lincoln refused to sign the bill and let it die, Wade and
Davis
charged the president with tyranny.
Undeterred, Lincoln continued to nurture the formation of loyal
state

governments under his own plan. Four states — Arkansas,
Louisiana,
Tennessee, and Virginia — fulfilled the president’s
requirements, but
Congress refused to seat representatives from the “Lincoln
states.” Lincoln
admitted that a government based on only 10 percent was not
ideal, but he
argued, “We shall sooner have the fowl by hatching the egg than
by
smashing it.” Massachusetts senator Charles Sumner responded,
“The eggs
of crocodiles can produce only crocodiles.” In his last public
address in
April 1865, Lincoln defended his plan but expressed his
endorsement of
voting rights for southern blacks, at least “the very intelligent,
and … those
who serve our cause as soldiers.” The announcement
demonstrated that
Lincoln’s thinking about reconstruction was still evolving. Four
days later,
he was dead.
Land and Labor
Of all the problems raised by the North’s victory in the war,
none proved
more critical than the South’s transition from slavery to free
labor. As
federal armies occupied the Confederacy, hundreds of thousands
of slaves
became free workers. In addition, Union armies controlled vast
territories in
the South where legal title to land had become unclear. The
Confiscation
Acts passed during the war punished “traitors” by taking away

their
property. The question of what to do with federally occupied
land and how
to organize labor on it engaged ex-slaves, ex-slaveholders,
Union military
commanders, and federal government officials long before the
war ended.
In the Mississippi valley, occupying federal troops announced a
new labor
code. It required landholders to give up whipping, sign
contracts with ex-
slaves, pay wages, and provide food, housing, and medical care.
The code
also required black laborers to enter into contracts, work
diligently, and
remain subordinate and obedient. The Union military clearly
had no
intention of promoting a social or economic revolution. Instead,
they sought
to restore traditional plantation agriculture with wage labor. The
effort
resulted in a hybrid system that one contemporary called
“compulsory free
labor,” which satisfied no one.
Planters complained because the new system fell short of
slavery. Blacks
could not be “transformed by proclamation,” a Louisiana sugar
planter
declared. Without the right to whip, he argued, the new labor
system did not
have a chance. Either Union soldiers must “compel the negroes

to work,” or
the planters themselves must “be authorized and sustained in
using force.”
African Americans found the new regime too similar to slavery
to be called
free labor. Its chief deficiency, they believed, was the failure to
provide
them with land of their own. Freedmen believed they had a
moral right to
land because they and their ancestors had worked it without pay
for
centuries. “What’s the use of being free if you don’t own land
enough to be
buried in?” one man asked. Several wartime developments led
freedmen to
believe that the federal government planned to defend black
freedom with
landownership.
In January 1865, General William Tecumseh Sherman set aside
part of the
coast south of Charleston for black settlement. By June, some
40,000
freedmen sat on 400,000 acres of “Sherman land.” In addition,
in March
1865, Congress passed a bill establishing the Bureau of
Refugees,
Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands. The Freedmen’s Bureau, as it
was
called, distributed food and clothing to destitute Southerners
and eased the
transition of blacks from slaves to free persons. Congress also
authorized

the agency to divide abandoned and confiscated land into 40-
acre plots, to
rent them to freedmen, and eventually to sell them “with such
title as the
United States can convey.” By June 1865, the Bureau had
situated nearly
10,000 black families on one-half million acres.
Despite the flurry of activity, wartime reconstruction failed to
produce
agreement about whether the president or Congress had the
authority to
devise policy or what proper policy should be.
The African American Quest for
Autonomy
Ex-slaves never had any doubt about what they wanted from
freedom. They
had only to contemplate what they had been denied as slaves.
Slaves had to
remain on their plantations; freedom allowed blacks to see what
was on the
other side of the hill. Slaves had to be at work in the fields by
dawn;
freedom permitted blacks to sleep through a sunrise. Freedmen
also tested
the etiquette of racial subordination. “Lizzie’s maid passed me
today when I
was coming from church without speaking to me,” huffed one
plantation
mistress.
To whites, emancipation looked like pure anarchy. Blacks, they
said, had

reverted to their natural condition: lazy, irresponsible, and wild.
Actually,
former slaves were experimenting with freedom, but they could
not long
afford to roam the countryside, neglect work, and casually
provoke whites.
Soon, most were back at work in whites’ kitchens and fields.
But they continued to dream of land and independence. “The
way we can
best take care of ourselves is to have land,” one former slave
declared in
1865, “and turn it and till it by our own labor.” A South
Carolina freedman
agreed, declaring that ex-slaves wanted land, “not a Master or
owner[,]
Neither a driver with his Whip.”
Slavery had deliberately kept blacks illiterate, and freedmen
emerged from
bondage eager to learn to read and write. “I wishes the Childern
all in
School,” one black military veteran asserted. “It is beter for
them then
[than] to be their Surveing a mistes [mistress].” Freedmen
looked on
schools as “first proof of their independence.”
Harry Stephens and Family, 1866 The seven members of the
Stephens family sit proudly for a
photograph just after the Civil War ended. Many black families
were not as fortunate as these
Virginians. Separated by slavery or war, former slaves
desperately sought news of missing

family members through newspaper advertisements.
The restoration of broken families was another persistent black
aspiration.
Thousands of freedmen took to the roads in 1865 to look for kin
who had
been sold or to free those who were being held illegally as
slaves. A black
soldier from Missouri wrote his daughters that he was coming
for them. “I
will have you if it cost me my life,” he declared. “Your Miss
Kitty said that
I tried to steal you,” he told them. “But I’ll let her know that
god never
intended for a man to steal his own flesh and blood.” And he
swore that “if
she meets me with ten thousand soldiers, she [will] meet her
enemy.”
Independent worship was another dream. African Americans
greeted
freedom with a mass exodus from white churches, where they
had been
required to worship when slaves. Some joined the newly
established
southern branches of all-black northern churches, such as the
African
Methodist Episcopal Church. Others formed black versions of
the major
southern denominations, Baptists and Methodists.
��
To what extent did Lincoln’s wartime plan for reconstruction

reflect the concerns of newly freed
slaves?
How did the North respond to the
passage of black codes in the
southern states?
Abraham Lincoln died on April 15, 1865, just hours after John
Wilkes
Booth shot him at a Washington, D.C., theater. Vice President
Andrew
Johnson of Tennessee became president. Congress had
adjourned in March
and would not reconvene until December. Throughout the
summer and fall,
Johnson drew up and executed a plan of reconstruction without
congressional advice.
Congress returned to the capital in December to find that, as far
as the new
president and former Confederates were concerned,
reconstruction was
over. Most Republicans, however, thought Johnson’s plan made
far too few
demands of ex-rebels and made a mockery of the sacrifice of
Union
soldiers. They claimed that Johnson’s leniency had encouraged
the rebirth
of the Old South, that he had achieved political reunification at
the cost of
black freedom. Republicans in Congress then proceeded to
dismantle
Johnson’s program and substitute a program of their own.

Johnson’s Program of Reconciliation
Born in 1808 in Raleigh, North Carolina, Andrew Johnson was
the son of
illiterate parents. Self-educated and ambitious, Johnson moved
to
Tennessee, where he worked as a tailor, accumulated a fortune
in land and
five slaves, and built a career in politics championing the
South’s common
white people and assailing its planter class. The only senator
from a
Confederate state to remain loyal to the Union, Johnson held
planters
responsible for secession. Less than two weeks before he
became president,
he announced what he would do to planters if he ever had the
chance: “I
would arrest them — I would try them — I would convict them
and I would
hang them.”
A Democrat all his life, Johnson occupied the White House only
because
the Republican Party in 1864 had needed a vice presidential
candidate who
would appeal to Union-supporting Democrats. Johnson
vigorously
defended states’ rights (but not secession) and opposed
Republican efforts
to expand the power of the federal government. A steadfast
supporter of
slavery, Johnson had owned slaves until 1862, when Tennessee

rebels,
angry at his Unionism, confiscated them. When he grudgingly
accepted
emancipation, it was more because he hated planters than
sympathized with
slaves. “Damn the negroes,” he said. “I am fighting those
traitorous
aristocrats, their masters.” The new president harbored
unshakable racist
convictions. Africans, Johnson said, were “inferior to the white
man in
point of intellect — better calculated in physical structure to
undergo
drudgery and hardship.”
Like Lincoln, Johnson stressed the rapid restoration of civil
government in
the South. Like Lincoln, he promised to pardon most, but not
all, ex-rebels.
Johnson recognized the state governments created by Lincoln
but set out his
own requirements for restoring the other rebel states to the
Union. All that
the citizens of a state had to do was to renounce the right of
secession,
repudiate the debts of the Confederacy, and ratify the Thirteenth
Amendment abolishing slavery, which became part of the
Constitution in
December 1865.
Johnson also returned all confiscated and abandoned land to
pardoned ex-
Confederates, even if it was in the hands of freedmen.

Reformers were
shocked. Instead of punishing planters as he had promised,
Johnson
canceled the promising beginnings made by General Sherman
and the
Freedmen’s Bureau to settle blacks on land of their own. As one
freedman
observed, “Things was hurt by Mr. Lincoln getting killed.”
White Southern Resistance and Black
Codes
In the summer of 1865, white Southerners drew up the new state
constitutions Johnson’s plan of reconstruction required. But
they refused to
accept even the president’s mild requirements. Refusing to
renounce
secession, the South Carolina and Georgia conventions merely
“repudiated”
their secession ordinances, preserving in principle their right to
secede.
South Carolina and Mississippi refused to disown their
Confederate war
debts. Mississippi rejected the Thirteenth Amendment, and
Alabama
rejected it in part. Despite this defiance, Johnson did nothing.
White
Southerners began to think that by standing up for themselves
they could
shape the terms of reconstruction.
New state governments across the South adopted a series of
laws known as
black codes, which denied black rights. The codes sought to
keep ex-slaves
subordinate to whites by subjecting them to every sort of
discrimination.

Several states made it illegal for blacks to own a gun.
Mississippi made
insulting gestures and language by blacks a criminal offense.
The codes
barred blacks from jury duty. Not a single southern state
granted any black
the right to vote.
At the core of the black codes, however, lay the matter of labor.
Legislators
sought to hustle freedmen back to the plantations. South
Carolina attempted
to limit blacks to either farmwork or domestic service by
requiring them to
pay annual taxes of $10 to $100 to work in any other
occupation.
Mississippi declared that blacks who did not possess written
evidence of
employment could be declared vagrants and be subject to
involuntary
plantation labor. Under so-called apprenticeship laws, courts
bound
thousands of black children — orphans and others whose
parents were
deemed unable to support them — to work for planter
“guardians.”
Johnson refused to intervene. A staunch defender of states’
rights, he
believed that citizens of every state should be free to write their
own
constitutions and laws. He was as eager as other white
Southerners to

restore white supremacy. “White men alone must manage the
South,” he
declared.
Johnson also recognized that his do-nothing response offered
him political
advantage. A conservative Tennessee Democrat at the head of a
northern
Republican Party, he had begun to look southward for political
allies.
Despite tough talk about punishing traitors, he personally
pardoned fourteen
thousand wealthy or high-ranking ex-Confederates. By
pardoning powerful
whites, by accepting state governments even when they failed to
satisfy his
minimal demands, and by acquiescing in the black codes, he
won useful
southern friends.
In the fall elections of 1865, white Southerners dramatically
expressed their
mood. To represent them in Congress, they chose former
Confederates. Of
the eighty senators and representatives they sent to Washington,
fifteen had
served in the Confederate army, ten of them as generals.
Another sixteen
had served in civil and judicial posts in the Confederacy. Nine
others had
served in the Confederate Congress. One — Alexander Stephens
— had
been vice president of the Confederacy. As one Georgian

remarked, “It
looked as though Richmond had moved to Washington.”
Expansion of Federal Authority and
Black Rights
White Southerners had blundered monumentally. They had
assumed that
what Andrew Johnson was willing to accept, northern
Republicans would
accept as well. But southern resistance compelled even
moderates to
conclude that ex-rebels were a “generation of vipers,” still
disloyal and
dangerous. The black codes became a symbol of southern
intentions to
“restore all of slavery but its name.” “We tell the white men of
Mississippi,”
the Chicago Tribune roared, “that the men of the North will
convert the
State of Mississippi into a frog pond before they will allow such
laws to
disgrace one foot of the soil in which the bones of our soldiers
sleep and
over which the flag of freedom waves.”
The moderate majority of the Republican Party wanted only
assurance that
slavery and treason were dead. They did not champion black
equality, the
confiscation of plantations, or black voting, as did the Radical
minority
within the party. But souther n resistance had succeeded in
forging unity (at
least temporarily) among Republican factions. In December

1865,
Republicans refused to seat the Southerners elected in the fall
elections.
Rather than accept Johnson’s claim that the “work of
restoration” was done,
Congress challenged Johnson’s reconstruction.
Republican senator Lyman Trumbull declared that the
president’s policy
meant that an ex-slave would “be tyrannized over, abused, and
virtually
reenslaved without some legislation by the nation for his
protection.” Early
in 1866, the moderates produced two bills that strengthened the
federal
shield. The Freedmen’s Bureau bill prolonged the life of the
agency
established by the previous Congress. Arguing that the
Constitution never
contemplated a “system for the support of indigent persons,”
President
Andrew Johnson vetoed the bill. Congress failed by a narrow
margin to
override the president’s veto.
The moderates designed their second measure, the Civil Rights
Act of
1866, to nullify the black codes by affirming African
Americans’ rights to
“full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the
security of person
and property as is enjoyed by white citizens.” The act boldly
required the
end of racial discrimination in state laws and represented an
extraordinary
expansion of black rights and federal authority. The president

argued that
the civil rights bill amounted to “unconstitutional invasion of
states’ rights”
and vetoed it. In essence, he denied that the federal government
had the
authority to protect the civil rights of African Americans.
In April 1866, an outraged Republican Party again pushed the
civil rights
bill through Congress and overrode the presidential veto. In
July, it passed
another Freedmen’s Bureau bill and overrode Johnson’s veto.
For the first
time in American history, Congress had overturned presidential
vetoes of
major legislation. As a worried South Carolinian observed,
Johnson’s
vetoes would probably touch off “a fight this fall such as has
never been
seen.”
��
When the southern states passed the black codes, how did the
U.S. Congress respond?
How radical was congressional
reconstruction?
By the summer of 1866, President Andrew Johnson and

Congress had
dropped their gloves and stood toe-to-toe in a bare-knuckle
contest
unprecedented in American history. Johnson made it clear that
he would not
budge on either executive authority or policy. Moderate
Republicans
responded by amending the Constitution. But Johnson’s and
white
Southerners’ stubbornness pushed Republican moderates ever
closer to the
Radicals and to acceptance of additional federal intervention in
the South.
To end presidential interference, Congress voted to impeach the
president
for the first time in the nation’s history. Soon after, Congress
debated
whether to make voting rights color-blind, while women
championed
making voting sex-blind as well.
The Fourteenth Amendment and
Escalating Violence
In June 1866, Congress passed the Fourteenth Amendment to
the
Constitution, and two years later the states ratified it. The most
important
provisions of this complex amendment made all native-born or
naturalized
persons American citizens and prohibited states from abridging
the
“privileges and immunities” of citizens, depriving them of “life,
liberty, or
property without due process of law,” and denying them “equal
protection
of the laws.” By making blacks national citizens, the

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