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Brittney Cooper
“Maybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper”: Hip-Hop Feminism
and Literary Aesthetics in Push
In�the�first�decade�of�the�twenty-
first�century,�the�number�of�mainstream�blackfemale�rap
�artists�decreased�drastically.�In�fact,�by�2005,�the�Gr
ammy�Awards�had
eliminated�the�award�for�best�female�rap�artist,�due�to
�the�paucity�of�nominees.1
Simultaneously,�hip-
hop�literature,�known�alternately�as�“street�lit,”�“ghetto
�lit,”
and�“lit�hop,”�written�by�black�women�and�marketed�t
o�young�women�and�girls�from
ages�thirteen�to�thirty,�exploded;�titles�like�Nikki�Turn
er’s�A Hustler’s Wife,�sell�yearly
in�the�hundreds�of�thousands�(Marshall,�Staples,�and�G
ibson�28).�It�is�not�coinci-
dental�that�the�entrepreneurial�spirit�that�has�characteriz
ed�black�men’s�rise�to�fame
in�hip�hop�has�been�adopted�by�female�street�novelists
,�many�of�whom�self-publish
their�gritty�urban�tales.�The�rapid�explosion�of�black�f
emale�street-lit�authors�is�a
cultural�and�literary�phenomenon�that�demands�the�atten
tion�of�scholars�who�are
interested�in�the�ways�that�black�women�use�literature
�to�articulate�black�female
subjectivity.�It�stands�to�reason,�then,�that�if�we�want
�to�locate�narratives�of�women’s
lives�in�the�hip-
hop�generation,�we�must�turn�to�hip�hop’s�literature.
Sapphire’s�1996�novel�Push
draws�on�the�“gritty�urban�street�chronicles”�of�hip-
hop�aesthetics�to�tell�the�story�of�Claireece�“Precious”
�Jones,�a�teenager�coming�of
age�in�what�William�Jelani�Cobb�refers�to�as�the�gold
en�era�of�hip�hop,�1984�to�1992.2
This�text�predates�the�rise�of�hip-
hop�or�street�literature�by�several�years.3 Sapphire’s
effort�to�tie�Push,�through�implicit�and�explicit�textual
�allusions,�to�the�work�of�Toni
Morrison,�Alice�Walker,�Audre�Lorde,�and�Pat�Parker�c
onnects�these�seemingly
divergent�“high�vs.�low�art”�approaches�to�black�wome
n’s�storytelling.�Critics�have
tended�to�ascribe�literary�value�to�texts�based�on�their
�proximity�to�the�aesthetic
qualities�of�works�by�more�canonical�authors,�such�as�
Zora�Neale�Hurston,�Toni
Morrison,�Alice�Walker,�and�Gayl�Jones.�Because�these
�novelists�have�all�drawn�heavily
on�blues�and�jazz�aesthetics�in�constructing�their�novel
s,�literary�critics�identified
the�blues�and�jazz�as�a�significant�unifying�characterist
ic�of�the�African�American
women’s�literary�tradition.4
This�has�tended�to�mean�that�African�American�literary
texts,�particularly�those�of�black�women,�must�be�behol
den�to�the�literary�nexus�of
jazz�and�the�blues�if�they�want�to�be�considered�“seri
ous”�literature.
Push
acts�as�a�bridge�text�between�earlier�generations�of�bl
ack�women’s�writing
and�the�urban�street�dramas�that�predominate�today.�Sa
pphire’s�invocation�of�hip�hop
is�an�early�portrait�of�a�hip-
hop�aesthetic�in�prose�form�that�offers�relevance�while
avoiding�the�pitfalls�of�presentism.�Further,�the�novel�o
ffers�a�critical�model�for
the�ways�in�which�hip-
hop�texts�(might)�engage�with�their�literary�forebears.�
Push
demonstrates�the�need�for�literary�works�to�grapple�wit
h�the�politics,�poetics,�and
aesthetics�of�hip�hop,�while�remaining�connected�with�t
hese�prior�works.�Moreover,
Push
calls�into�existence�a�new�generation�of�black�women’s
�stories,�stories�that
consider�age-
old�of�questions�of�family,�motherhood,�friendship,�sex,
�and�love,�but
in�the�context�of�hip-
hop�culture,�the�AIDS�epidemic,�the�conservative�backla
sh�of
the�1980s,�and�the�deindustrialized�city�confronting�urb
an�blight.
Thus,�two�questions�inform�my�examination�of�the�use
�of�hip-hop�aesthetics�in
Sapphire’s�1996�novel�Push.�First,�given�the�centrality�
of�blues�and�jazz�music�to�the
African�American�literary�tradition,�how�does�contempor
ary�African�American�liter-
ature—
and�in�particular,�work�by�African�American�women—
encounter�and�engage
55
African American Review 46.1 (Spring 2013): 55-69
© 2014 Johns Hopkins University Press and Saint Louis
University
Cooper_Cooper 5/23/2014 6:34 PM Page 55
hip-
hop�culture�and�its�aesthetic�contours?�Second,�how�are
�hip-hop�aesthetics,
which�are�generally�characterized�as�issuing�from�and�
being�informed�by�black�male
experiences,�informed�and�shaped�by�the�stories�of�Afri
can�American�women?
Sapphire�offers�preliminary�thoughts�on�how�we�might�
answer�these�questions�in�an
interview�with�literary�critic�Wendy�Rountree,�who�atte
mpts�to�read�Push as�a�blues
novel.�Whereas�Rountree�argues�that�“Sapphire�creates�a
�young�blues�woman,
Precious,�who�conquers�physical�and�emotional�abuse,�r
eclaims�her�voice,�and�tells
her�story�by�masterfully�weaving�her�painful�experience
s�into�blues�expression”�(133),
Sapphire�characterizes�the�text�as�a�“blues/hip�hop/jazz
�novel.”�She�notes�that�in
addition�to�the�themes�of�acceptance,�submission,�and�t
ranscendence�that�issue
from�the�blues,�“it�is�in�hip�hop,�the�music�of�Preci
ous’�generation,�that�we�find�the
open�defiance,�visibility�of�the�formally�invisible�(ghett
o�youth),�and�the�movement
from�the�periphery�of�the�culture�to�it’s�[sic]�center”�
(Sapphire�qtd.�in�Rountree�133).
Although�Rountree�acknowledges�the�hybrid�nature�of�t
he�novel,�hip�hop�retains
import�only�parenthetically�in�her�reading.�However,�Pu
sh actively�resists�a�singular
reading�through�the�blues�tradition,�because�the�social�
concerns�of�the�hip-hop
generation�primarily�inform�the�protagonist’s�negotiation
�of�age-old�questions
about�motherhood,�sexuality,�family,�and�racism.
Instead,�Push foregrounds�and�is�informed�by�a�hip-
hop�aesthetic.�This�aesthetic
issues�from�a�generational�confrontation�with�economic�
lack,�privation,�and�the
realities�of�civil�rights-era�and�Black�Power-
era�dreams�deferred,�and�takes�three
primary�forms.�First,�it�uses�a�kind�of�social�alchemy
�that�transforms�lack�into
substance.�Lacking�access�to�formal�musical�training�in
�increasingly�underfunded
public�schools,�urban�youth�made�their�own�minimalist
�instruments.�In�the�beginning,
hip-
hop�musicians�had�three�basic�instruments:�two�turntabl
es,�a�microphone,�and
a�person�who�could�beatbox,�a�technique�in�which�a�
person�blew�air�rhythmically
through�his�or�her�mouth�to�create�percussion.�By�the
�early�1990s,�rapper�Tupac
Shakur�had�cemented�this�pervasive�social�alchemy�by�
famously�lamenting�the�expe-
rience�of�“trying�to�make�a�dollar�out�of�fifteen�cents
.”�Second,�hip-hop�music�and
cultural�expression�privilege�a�well-
honed�facility�for�defiance;�in�fact,�hip-hop
expression�could�be�said�to�issue�from�a�set�of�cultur
al�experiences�that�pivot�upon
a�dialectic�of�deviance�and�defiance.�By�deviance,�I�re
fer�to�the�ways�that�larger�cul-
tural�narratives�and�structures�of�power�sought�to�demo
nize�and�pathologize�black
and�brown�communities�from�without.�The�cultural�resp
onse�to�these�conditions
among�hip-
hop�youth�was�not�uplift�or�respectability�politics,�non
violent�direct�action,
or�armed�political�resistance,�but�open�cultural�defiance.
�The�goal�of�such�open
defiance�was�to�demand�visibility,�recognition,�and�voic
e,�if�not�access�to�better�social
conditions.�Finally,�hip-
hop�aesthetics�privilege�street�consciousness�and�cultural
�
literacy.�Hip-
hop�music�and�texts�celebrate�protagonists�who�know�h
ow�to�survive
in�the�mean�streets�of�the�city,�and�these�texts�issue
�tests�of�one’s�cultural�and�street
knowledge,�by�references�to�history,�current�affairs,�geo
graphical�location,�popular
culture,�old�music,�new�music,�and�current�slang.�Thus,
�hip-hop�texts�provide�a
smorgasbord�of�cultural�references,�and�the�reader’s�or�
listener’s�degree�of�knowledge
determines�the�extent�to�which�he�or�she�can�make�m
eaning�out�of�the�text�and/or
navigate�the�neighborhood.
Those Are the Breaks: Hip-hop Aesthetics and Literary
Technique
Precious�begins�her�story�with�a�shocking�confession:�“
I�was�left�back�whenI�was�twelve�because�I�had�a�b
aby�for�my�fahver,”�(3).�Her�precarious�social
situation�makes�her�unsure�if�her�story�is�“even�a�sto
ry,”�but�she�presses�on,�testifying
that�she�is�“gonna�try�to�make�sense�and�tell�the�tru
th,�else�what’s�the�fucking�use?”
56 AFRICAN AMERICAN REVIEW
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Precious’s�confrontational�style�reflects�the�street�lit�tha
t�emerged�after�Push,�in
which�“authors�tell�their�stories�boldly,�without�nuance,
�and�with�pride�over�and
over�again.�It’s�as�if�street-
lit�authors�are�saying,�as�rappers�did�in�the�beginning
�of
hip�hop,�‘We�are�here.�This�is�how�it�is.�Make�of�u
s�what�you�will’�”�(Smith�192).
It�is�September�24,�1987.�Precious�has�just�walked�int
o�“I.S.�146�on�134th Street
between�Lenox�Avenue�and�Adam�Clayton�Powell,�Jr.�
Blvd”�in�Harlem�(4).�This
vivid�description�of�her�exact�location�is�part�of�a�hi
p-hop�ethos�where�physical
location,�a�marker�of�social�location,�is�everything.�Tw
o�anchor�points�situate�the
narrative�of�hip-
hop�progress:�“where�ya�from”�and�“where�ya�at.”�Sch
ool�is�a
space�of�contention�for�Precious.�She�is�continually�in
�conflict�with�her�teachers.
After�one�particularly�heated�exchange�with�her�teacher,
�she�refuses�to�leave�class,
telling�him,�“I�ain’�going�nowhere�motherfucker�till�th
e�bell�ring.�I�came�to�learn
maff�and�you�gon’�teach�me.”�In�a�self-
reflexive�moment,�Precious�intimates,�“’N�I
really�do�want�to�learn.�Everyday�I�tell�myself�someth
ing�gonna�happen,�some�shit
like�on�TV.�I’m�gonna�break�through�or�somebody�go
nna�break�through�to�me—
I’m�gonna�learn,�catch�up,�be�normal”�(5).�She�even�
gets�mad�when�other�students
become�disruptive,�noting�that�when�“the�other�natives�
get�restless�I�break�on�’em”
(5).�It�is�significant�that�Precious�thinks�of�her�classm
ates�as�natives,�which�auto-
matically�denotes�the�school�as�a�colonized�space.�Preg
nant�with�her�second�child,
on�the�verge�of�being�seventeen,�and�in�eighth�grade,
�she�gets�expelled�from�school
for�being�pregnant�and�for�having�“an�attitude�of�total
�uncooperation”�(8).�Precious
definitely�needs�a�break,�though�she�cannot�seem�to�c
atch�one.
The�repetition�of�the�word�break
is�useful�for�thinking�about�the�aesthetic�con-
tours�of�breaking�within�a�hip-
hop�context,�in�which�“the�breaks”�refer�to�bad�luck
or�unfortunate�circumstances�as�they�do�in�the�classic�
song�by�rapper�Kurtis�Blow.5
Precious�not�only�needs�a�break,�but�she�is�also�willi
ng�to�“break�bad”�or�get�violent
with�her�classmates.�However,�more�so�than�all�of�this
,�she�proclaims�her�own�need
for�a�break-
through.�Instead,�the�school�expels�her.�Luckily,�her�sc
hool�principal�Mrs.
Lichtenstein,�referred�to�as�“the�white�bitch,”�takes�eno
ugh�of�an�interest�in�Precious
to�suggest�that�she�consider�enrolling�in�an�alternative
�school.�Her�mother�is�livid.
“Go�down�to�welfare,�school�can’t�help�you�none,�no
w”�(22).�Now�that�she�is�pregnant
with�her�second�child�by�her�father,�that�is.�Precious’s
�home�life�is�its�own�site�of
brokenness.
Reflecting�on�her�mother’s�refusal�to�acknowledge�her�
father’s�abuse,�Precious
concludes�that�“that�stinky�hoe�give�me�to�him�[becau
se]�Probably�thas�what�he
require�to�fuck�her,�some�of�me.”�Precious�then�has�a
�flashback�to�one�of�their�many
encounters:�“He�climb�on�me.�.�.�.�I�fall�back�on�be
d,�he�fall�right�on�top�of�me.”
In�the�midst�of�such�horrendous�abuse,�Precious�“chang
e[s]�stations,�change[s]�bodies”
(24).�“I�be�dancing�in�videos!”�she�tells�us.�“In�movi
es!�I�be�breaking,�fly,�jus’�a�dancing.
Umm�hmm�heating�up�the�stage�at�the�Apollo�for�Do
ug�E.�Fresh�or�Al�B.�Sure!
They�love�me!�Say�I’m�one�of�the�best�dancers”�(24).
In�this�understandable�“break”�from,�or�suspension�of�r
eality,�Precious�not�only
changes�her�metaphoric�radio�or�television�station�but�
also�changes�bodies,�shifting
corporeally�and�temporally.�The�change�in�station�signal
s�a�shift�from�a�set�of�cultural
resources�that�no�longer�works.�She�changes�to�a�stati
on�that�she�can�understand,
in�which�she�can�be�a�version�of�herself�that�she�des
ires.�Tellingly,�she�changes�to�a
hip-
hop�station.�On�that�station,�the�music�she�hears�conju
res�visions�of�being�a
video�girl�and�a�breakdancer�for�the�likes�of�hip-
hop�pioneer�Doug�E.�Fresh.�She�is
not�“flying�away”�but�rather�“breaking�fly,”�or�dancing
�with�skill,�flair,�and�alacrity.
Though�Precious�is�the�victim�of�many�bad�breaks,�an
d�though�she�deals�with�those
traumas�by�taking�intermittent�breaks�from�reality,�her�
fantasies,�configured�in�the
nexus�between�breaking�away�from�reality�and�breaking
�fly�on�a�hip-hop�stage,
invite�us�to�see�these�“breaks”�and�the�brokenness�of
�her�life�as�spaces�that�allow
for�joy�and�creativity�along�with�critique�and�lament.
“MAybE I’LL bE A PoEt, RAPPER”: HIP-HoP FEMINISM
ANd LItERARy AEStHEtICS IN PUSH 57
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Kurtis�Blow�deploys�“the�breaks”�as�a�metaphoric�doub
le�entendre�that�signifies
the�precarious�social�circumstances�that�characterize�the
�lives�of�urban�youth�in�the
1980s,�and�the�aesthetic�generativity�and
expectations�of�the�musical�break.�For
instance,�when�the�chorus�moves�from�explicating�what
�exactly�“are�the�breaks”�to
proclaiming�“break�it�up”�three�times�and�then�telling�
the�audience�to�“break�down,”
there�is�an�extension�and�repetition�of�this�part�of�th
e�beat,�which�acts�as�an�invita-
tion�for�listeners�to�really�start�dancing.�Blow’s�multiv
alent�use�of�“the�break(s)”
reveals�it�to�be�a�germinal�cultural�metaphor�for�discu
ssing�hip-hop�literary�aesthetics.
Alonzo�Westbrook�defines�the�break�as�“the�part�in�an
�old�school�song�where�the
singer�would�pause�for�an�instrumental�part.�During�the
�break,�deejays�would�rap�and
b-
boys�would�break�dance”�(Westbrook�18).�The�“instrum
ental�part”�is�known�as
the�breakbeat.�Breakbeats�could�also�be�parts�of�a�son
g�that�a�deejay�finds�especially
compelling,�at�which�point�he�or�she�manipulates�the�t
urntable�to�cause�that�part�of
the�record�to�repeat,�much�like�a�broken�record,�but�
with�more�intentionality�and
flair.�The�break�is�not�only�critical�in�the�immediate�
moment�of�a�hip-hop�event,
defining�as�it�does�a�deejay’s�skill�for�getting�the�par
ty�started�and�keeping�it�going,
but�is�also�literally�one�of�the�most�important�germina
l�moments�for�developing�and
showcasing�hip-hop�artistry.�The�engagement�of�hip-
hop�artists�with�the�breakbeat
centrally�influenced�the�development�of�breakdancing�an
d�rapping.�That�moment
celebrates�the�creative�use�of�voices�and�bodies�in�a�
joyful�engagement�with�the
corporeal.
Though�hip-
hop�musicians�and�fans�have�their�own�mode�and�man
ner�of�using
the�break�to�create�music,�the�break�is�not�unique�to
�hip�hop.�The�break�has�been�a
significant�component�of�the�blues�and�jazz.�Cheryl�Wa
ll,�drawing�on�the�work�of
James�Snead,�argues�that�the�“cut”�or�the�“break”�“is
�[a]�salient�characteristic�of
[blues]�music”�(16).�She�explains�that�“the�cut,”�which
�she�alternatively�refers�to�as
“the�break,”�“accentuates�the�‘repetitive�nature�of�the�
music,�by�abruptly�skipping
it�back�to�another�beginning�which�we�have�already�h
eard’�”�(16).�For�Wall,�the�cut
or�the�break�provides�a�useful�metaphor�for�thinking�a
bout�the�continuities�and
discontinuities,�the�fractures,�and�the�erasures�that�help
�to�constitute�a�black�women’s
literary�tradition.�Henry�Louis�Gates,�Jr.�also�extols�th
e�significance�of�the�jazz-
inflected�break�and�the�blues-
inflected�break�to�the�African�American�literary�traditio
n
in�his�now-
classic�formulation�of�Signifying.�In�jazz,�the�musician
�often�“signifies
the�beat”�by�“playing�the�upbeat�into�the�downbeat�of
�the�chorus,”�thus�rendering
the�downbeat�“present�by�its�absence”�(Gates�123).�In
�contrast,�the�blues�tries�to
stretch�particular�phrases,�making�them�“elastic”�accordi
ng�to�Gates�(123).�Wall�would
suggest�that�this�process�of�making�phrases�elastic�hap
pens�by�“worrying�the�line,”
a�reference�to�the�ways�blues�singers�use�their�vocal�
instrument�to�accentuate�or
extend�different�parts�of�a�verse�of�song.�Whereas�jaz
z�musicians�used�musical
instruments�to�signify�the�beat,�and�blues�singers�used
�their�voices�to�worry�the
musical�line,�hip-
hop�deejays�used�vinyl�records,�two�turntables,�and�a�
microphone
to�extend�the�breaks�of�their�favorite�songs.
Gates�and�Wall�use�the�break�as�a�literary�technique�
and�a�critical�metaphor�to
demonstrate�the�importance�of�blues�and�jazz�aesthetics
�within�the�African�American
literary�tradition.�These�scholars�are�also�concerned�wit
h�how�literary�texts�use�jazz
and�blues�music,�in�content�and�form,�to�engage�with
�the�literary�past.�For�Gates,
the�way�jazz�musicians�“signified�upon�the�beat”�is�an
alogous�to�the�way�that�black
writers�Signify�upon�prior�literary�texts�through�parody
�and�pastiche.6 For�Wall,�the
way�blues�singers�worried�a�verse�of�song�is�analogou
s�to�the�ways�that�black�women
writers�have�forged�a�literary�lineage�with�prior�black
�women�writers�(Wall�13).�In�a
subsequent�section,�I�will�demonstrate�how�Push
worries�its�literary�line�and�creates
a�kind�of�pastiche,�or�“literary�echo,”�within�a�hip-
hop�aesthetic�frame�to�engage�the
novel’s�literary�past�(Gates�xxvii).�I�argue�that�Push’s
�transformation�of�the�breaks
through�Precious’s�references�to�hip-
hop�culture,�and�use�of�hip-hop�slang�constitutes
58 AFRICAN AMERICAN REVIEW
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a�formal�literary�revision�of�the�break�as�trope,�a�mo
ve�that�ushers�in�the�formal�use
of�hip-
hop�aesthetics�within�the�African�American�literary�trad
ition.
Like�many�canonized�African�American�novels,�Push
is�concerned�with
acknowledging�and�building�upon�its�literary�past.�Hip-
hop�deejaying�in�its�earliest
form�demanded�a�specific�engagement�with�history,�for
�partygoers�were�dancing
and�rapping�over�instrumentals�from�earlier�records.�The
�deejay�who�could�mix�a
particularly�brilliant,�but�little-known�or�hard-to-
locate�breakbeat�into�a�mix�garnered
and�still�garners�much�respect�in�hip-
hop�circles.�Consequently,�hip�hop’s�manipula-
tion�of�the�breaks,�not�only�within�rap�music�but�also
�within�hip-hop�texts,�tells�us
much�about�hip�hop’s�manner�and�method�of�engaging
�with�its�musical�and�cultural
past.�As�Adam�Mansbach�argues,�hip�hop�“understands�
history�as�something�to
backspin�and�cut�up�and�cover�with�fingerprints�in�a�
particular�kind�of�way”�(93).
Informed�by�a�material�engagement�with�the�literal�vin
yl�record�of�hip�hop’s�musical
past,�hip-
hop�artistry�pivots�upon�a�direct,�and�often�literal,�con
nection�to�the�genre’s
musical�and�literary�antecedents.
One�key�literary�antecedent�of�Push
is�Toni�Morrison’s�1992�novel�Jazz.�Because
I�argue�in�line�with�Cheryl�Wall�that�Push
is�a�bridge�text�to�the�works�of�more
canonical�black�women�writers,�I�want�to�worry�the�lit
erary�line�between�these�two
seemingly�unrelated�texts,�to�demonstrate�the�ways�that
�Toni�Morrison’s�contemporary
novel�uses�the�social�concerns�of�the�Jazz�Age�to�con
front�challenges�and�anxieties
relevant�to�the�hip-hop�generation.�Though�Jazz
is�about�1920s�New�York�in�the
Jazz�Age,�I�argue�that�as�a�cultural�document,�the�no
vel�mirrors�larger�social�anxieties
in�the�early�1990s�about�the�role�of�hip-
hop�culture�and�rap�music�in�African
American�culture.�Jazz
attempts,�in�Morrison’s�words,�to�“represent�the�anarchy
,�the
originality,�the�improvisation,�the�practice,�the�anger,�th
e�daring�of�the�[jazz]�music”
that�emerged�in�the�1920s�in�response�to�the�massive
�migration�of�African�Americans
to�urban�areas�from�rural�areas�(Morrison�and�West).�
Though�Morrison�speaks�of
jazz�music,�in�the�early�nineties�hip-
hop�music�is�being�hailed�as�anarchic,�angry,�and
daring,�if�not�entirely�original.
Morrison’s�attention�to�the�ways�in�which�the�broader
�jazz�aesthetic�informed
the�political�and�cultural�environs�of�1920s�New�York
�illustrates�a�larger�point�about
the�importance�of�music�for�capturing�the�aesthetics�of
�place.�Whereas�northward
migration,�rapid�industrialization,�and�access�to�unskilled
�and�semiskilled�labor�gave
rise�to�jazz�and�the�blues,�reverse�migration�(which�be
gan�in�1970),�rapid�deindustrial-
ization,�and�the�loss�of�unskilled�and�semiskilled�labor
�characterized�the�emergence
of�hip-
hop�music�(Kelley�46).�Importantly,�jazz,�blues,�and�hi
p-hop�aesthetics�all
emerged�as�a�response�to�the�often�turbulent�shifts�in
�social�conditions�that�African
Americans�experienced�throughout�the�twentieth�century.
�I�want�to�offer�a�brief
reading�of�Jazz
that�illumines�these�connections,�while�demonstrating�ho
w�the�novel
foreshadows�and�beckons�the�kind�of�hip-
hop�aesthetic�proclivities�that�will�charac-
terize�Push and�later�novels.
Jazz
tells�the�story�of�Joe�Trace,�a�married�man,�who�has
�taken�up�with�and
subsequently�murdered�his�young�mistress,�Felice,�after�
she�loses�interest.�Dorcas,
Felice’s�friend,�takes�it�upon�herself�to�facilitate�recon
ciliation�between�Joe�and�his
wife�Violet,�by�visiting�them�and�using�their�shared�lo
ve�of�jazz�to�make�peace.�The
novel’s�unnamed�narrator�presupposes�at�the�beginning�
of�the�story�that�Dorcas’s
visit�with�Joe�and�Violet,�issuing�as�it�does�from�a�c
ertain�kind�of�intergenerational
infidelity�and�trauma,�will�assuredly�come�to�a�violent
�end,�as�had�Joe’s�relationship
with�Felice.�However,�Morrison�signals�through�Dorcas,
�named�for�a�biblical�char-
acter�who�dies�and�is�resurrected,�that�this�will�not�b
e�the�case;�the�three�opt�for
dialogue�and�dancing�rather�than�violence.�The�narrator,
�so�“sure�that�one�would�kill
the�other,”�is�shocked�to�discover�that�“the�past�is,”�i
n�fact,�not�“an�abused�record
with�no�choice�but�to�repeat�itself�at�the�crack”�(Mor
rison�220).�The�narrator’s
ambivalence�about�whether�a�new�generation�could�enga
ge�the�past�in�anything
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60 AFRICAN AMERICAN REVIEW
other�than�the�most�violent�and�profane�terms�echoes�t
he�general�disillusionment
with�hip-
hop�music�and�culture�at�the�height�of�the�gangsta�ra
p�era.
The�material�symbol�of�the�larger�stories�being�passed
�between�these�two�gen-
erations�of�people�brought�together�by�a�blues/jazz�cult
ure�that�inspired�boldness
and�audacity�in�the�old�and�the�young�is�the�Okeh�r
ace�record�Dorcas�brings�to�share
with�the�Traces.�Certainly,�the�hip-
hop�practice�of�“scratching”�old�records�to�extend
the�break,�a�process�which�often�ruined�the�vinyl,�see
med�to�some�to�be�a�literal
abuse�of�the�past.�However,�as�Violet,�Joe,�and�Dorca
s�dance�and�commune,�the
narrator�is�disabused�of�her�belief�that�“no�power�on�
earth�could�lift�the�arm�that
held�the�needle,”�locking�them�into�an�inescapable�con
clusion�(Morrison�220).�With
audacious�intensity,�or�depending�on�whom�you�ask,�a
�certain�unmitigated�gall,
members�of�the�hip-
hop�generation�have�dared�not�only�to�lift�the�needle,
�but�also
to�see�the�possibility�within�the�break�to�capitalize�on
�that�possibility�through�the
production�of�a�new�sound�and�mode�of�being,�and�fi
nally�to�culminate�the�act�by
dancing�and�“walking�all�over”�anyone�who�attempted�
get�in�the�way�(Morrison�220).
Dorcas’s�visit�to�the�Traces�does�not�end�violently,�w
hich�signals�that�a�trace�of�the
past,�resurrected�and�transformed�in�a�new�generation,�
will�remain.
Jazz,�then,�on�the�one�hand,�portends�the�advent�of,�a
nd�on�the�other,�beckons
a�new�future,�one�in�which�cracks,�breaks,�and�fissure
s�constitute�not�erasure�but
instead�a�trace�of�the�past,�refigured�into�a�new�prese
nt.�Jazz acknowledges�through
the�presence�of�Felice�and�Dorcas�the�potential�for�vi
olence,�but�also�the�potential
for�survival�and�transformation.�The�novel�also�signals
�the�inevitability�of�new
generations�confronting�and�interacting�with�their�past.�
The�novel�pushes�through
its�anxiety�to�suggest�that�these�encounters�can�indeed
�be�fruitful�and�generative.
Consequently,�by�inviting�readers�to�come�to�a�differen
t�conclusion�about�how
younger�generations�engage�with�the�cultural�materials�
of�the�past,�Morrison�creates
literary�space�for�Sapphire’s�project�in�Push.
“A Closed Mouth Don’t Get Fed”: Recognition and the Hunger
for More
Regarding�the�development�of�black�female�subjectivity�
in�the�hip-
hop�era,�theconcept�of�the�break�is�essential�because�i
t�allows�black�women�to�transform
generational�traumas�from�a�broken�record,�condemning�
them�to�a�violent�end,�into
a�“breakbeat,”�which�becomes�an�opportunity�for�play,�
for�joy,�for�improvisation.
The�transformation�of�the�break�represents�hip-
hop�aesthetics�in�a�way�that�“brings
together�time�and�race,�place�and�polyculturalism,�hot�
beats�and�hybridity”�(Chang,
Can’t Stop 2).�Push
translates�these�conjunctive�pairs�to�the�written�page.�F
or�instance,
when�Precious�and�her�friend�Rita�attend�their�first�m
eeting�of�an�incest�survivors
group,�Precious�writes�a�poem�about�literal�change�in�
physical�landscape�as�she
travels�to�a�different�part�of�the�city:
bus�wheel�turn�me�through�time�.�.�.
.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.
.�.�.�(I�am�homer�on�a�voyage
but�from�our�red�bricks�in�piles
of�usta�be�buildings
and�windows�of�black
broke�glass�eyes
we�come�to�buildings�bad
but�not�so bad
street�cleaner
then�we�come�to�a�place
of
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everything�is�fine
big�glass�windows
stores
white�people
.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.�.
it’s�a�different�city.�(126-27)
The�vivid�imagery�of�Precious’s�poem�is�characteristic�
of�a�hip-hop�aesthetic�ever-
attuned�to�the�connections�of�race,�place,�and�cultural�
exchange.�She�notices�that
one�of�the�key�markers�of�her�being�in�a�different�ci
ty�is�the�pervasive�presence�of
white�people.�Through�her�actual�travels�and�her�imagi
nary�travels�using�the�subway
map�on�her�bedroom�door,�Precious�gains�a�“sharper�u
nderstanding�of�the�unevenly
developed�and�racialized�order�of�her�city”�(Dubey�63).
�As�the�physical�landscape
becomes�cleaner�and�more�pristine,�the�racial�makeup�o
f�the�space�changes.
Like�earlier�hip-
hop�songs,�Precious�also�provides�vivid�word�pictures�
of�her
spatial�landscape.�The�poem�itself�is�reminiscent�of�the
�1982�hip-hop�hit�“The
Message,”�by�Grandmaster�Flash�and�the�Furious�Five.�
In�“The�Message,”�the�first
commercially�successful�political�rap�song,�Grandmaster�
Melle�Mel�raps�about�seeing
broken�glass�all�around�and�people�urinating�on�the�st
airs.�These�conditions�register
a�lack�of�care�and�a�sense�of�nihilism�about�the�urba
n�blight�in�which�many�black
New�Yorkers�are�forced�to�live.�Precious�and�Melle�M
el�confront�urban�blight,�each
using�the�imagery�of�broken�glass�to�signal�the�broken
�condition�of�the�social�order.
Both�wonder�how�it�affects�their�humanity.�In�the�cho
rus,�Melle�Mel�compares�the
conditions�to�a�jungle�that�could�just�take�him�or�any
�of�these�residents�under.
Whereas�Melle�Mel�muses�on�the�struggles�of�black�m
anhood�within�this�uneven
racial�order,�Precious’s�despair�is�infused�with�the�gen
dered�struggles�of�being�a
poor�black�girl�in�the�1980s�inner�city.�Precious�come
s�to�understand�that�the�abuse
of�women�knows�no�race�or�class�bounds:�“all�kinda�
women�here.�Princess�girls,
some�fat�girls,�old�women,�young�women.�One�thing�
we�got�in�common,�no�the thing,
is�we�rape”�(130).
Sapphire’s�direct�and�often�confrontational�portrayal�of�
“the�breaks”�that�Precious
faces—
poverty,�premature�motherhood,�incest�and�sexual�abuse,
�illiteracy,�HIV—
serve�as�a�particular�kind�of�hip-
hop�generation�truth�telling,�because�colloquially,
“the�breaks”�still�indicate�the�presence�of�unfortunate�c
ircumstances.�The�vivid
portraits�of�privation,�violence,�and�survival�exemplify�
what�William�Jelani�Cobb
refers�to�as�“asphalt�naturalism,�a�literary�landscape�w
here�characters�are�motivated
by�hunger—both�physical�and�metaphorical—
and�shaped�by�the�unyielding�forces�of
the�surrounding�world.�.�.�.�At�the�core�of�hip�hop’s
�being,�its�rationale�for�existence,
is�this�refusal�to�exist�as�unseen�and�unseeable”�(109)
.
Precious�is�indeed�driven�by�physical�and�metaphorical
�hunger.�Reflecting�on�her
first�day�at�Each�One�Teach�One�Alternative�School,�s
he�is�ashamed�and�angry�at�her
failure�to�perform�well�on�various�standardized�tests:�“
The�tesses�paint�a�picture�of
me�wif�no�brain.�The�tesses�paint�a�picture�of�me�an
’�my�muver—my�whole�family,
we�more�than�dumb,�we�invisible.”�Precious�likens�her
�existence�to�the�vampires�she
has�seen�on�television:
I�big,�I�talk,�I�eats,�I�cooks,�I�laugh,�watch�TV,�do
�what�my�muver�say.�But�I�can�see�when
the�picture�come�back�I�don’t�exist.�Don’t�nobody�wa
nt�me.�Don’t�nobody�need�me.�I�know
who�I�am.�I�know�who�they�say�I�am—
vampire�sucking�the�system’s�blood.
She�wants�to�react,�resist,�and�change�this�narrative�d
esperately:�“I�wanna�say�I�am
somebody.�I�wanna�say�it�on�subway,�TV,�movie,�LO
UD”�(Push 30).�More�than�any-
thing,�Precious�wants�to�be�seen,�acknowledged,�recogni
zed.
Cobb�notes�that�in�hip-
hop�culture,�recognition�and�more�specifically�the�verb
to recognize
take�on�significant�levels�of�meaning�within�the�culture
.�In�the�1990s,
the�phrase�“you�better�recognize”�was�pervasive�in�hip-
hop�vernacular.�It�was�a
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62 AFRICAN AMERICAN REVIEW
way�for�a�speaker�to�demand�acknowledgement�and�res
pect�for�their�personhood,
particularly�when�someone�was�on�the�verge�of�being�
disrespectful.�Melissa�Harris-
Perry�argues�that�the�problem�of�recognition�is�fundam
ental�to�black�women’s
experiences�in�America.�According�to�Harris-
Perry,�black�women�often�find�them-
selves�“attempt[ing]�to�stand�upright�in�a�room�made�
crooked�by�the�stereotypes�of
black�women�as�a�group”�(Harris-
Perry�35).�These�stereotypes�of�hypersexualized
welfare�queens,�angry�black�women,�and�supernaturally�
strong�sisters�constitute�a
kind�of�severe�misrecognition�of�black�women’s�humani
ty.�One�result�is�that�black
women�often�feel�shame,�for�“it�is�psychically�painful
�to�hold�an�image�of�yourself
while�knowing�that�others�hold�a�different,�more�negati
ve�image�of�you”�(96).
Precious�is�acutely�aware�of�the�ways�that�the�educati
onal�and�social�welfare
systems�conspire�to�make�her�invisible.�Repeatedly�she
�expresses�distress�and�shame
as�she�encounters�people�with�power�who�pull�out�her
�“file”�and�begin�to�interpret
her�existence.�She�is�so�mad�she�“almost�spit[s]”�to�f
ind�out�that�her�file�has�preceded
her�at�Each�One�Teach�One.�She�wonders,
What�do�file�say.�I�know�it�say�I�got�a�baby.�Do�it
�say�who�Daddy?�What�kinda�baby?
Do�it�say�how�pages�the�same�for�me,�how�much�I�
weigh,�fights�I�done�had?�I�don’t�know
what�file�say.�I�do�know�every�time�they�wants�to�f
uck�wif�me�or�decide�something�in�my
life,�here�they�come�wif�the�mutherfucking�file.�Well,�
OK,�they�got�the�file,�know�every
mutherfucking�thing.�(28)
Precious�chafes�at�the�notion�that�a�file�could�define�
her,�and�at�a�more�fundamental
level,�she�is�disturbed�to�be�defined�by�her�shortcomin
gs.�This�is�an�example�of�the
kind�of�shameful�misrecognition�that�Harris-
Perry�argues�is�central�to�black�women’s
experiences�in�the�United�States.
After�Precious�reaches�a�functional�degree�of�literacy,�
her�first�act�is�to�steal�her
file�from�her�welfare�caseworker.�She�categorically�reje
cts�the�caseworker’s�conclusion
that�her�“obvious�intellectual�limitations”�will�relegate�
her�to�a�career�as�a�“home
attendant”:�“A�home�attendant?�I�don’t�wanna�be�no�
motherfucking�home�attendant!”
(119).�She�is�also�livid�to�discover�that�the�caseworke
r�has�recorded�her�HIV-positive
status�after�promising�not�to�do�so.�By�allowing�Preci
ous�to�speak�back�to�the�case-
worker,�Sapphire�invokes�a�practice�central�to�black�w
omen’s�writing�by�creating�what
Mae�Henderson�calls�a�“dialogic�of�difference,”�that�ch
allenges�the�assumptions�of
hegemonic�racial�and�gender�discourses�(Henderson�351).
�Moreover,�Precious’s�act
is�one�of�open�defiance�of�a�social�narrative�that�see
ks�to�pathologize�her�and�cast
her�as�deviant.
In�addition�to�her�metaphorical�hunger�for�visibility�an
d�recognition,�Precious
is�also�often�physically�hungry,�requiring�a�degree�of�
street�skills�and�ingenuity�in
order�to�survive.�She�awakens�one�morning�with�a�hun
ger�headache�and�no�food�at
home.�On�her�way�to�school,�she�steals�a�basket�of�
chicken�from�a�local�eatery�and
eats�all�of�it.�In�the�text’s�vividly�rendered�urban�lan
dscaping,�she�tells�us�that�she
tosses�bones�at�the�corner�of�126th
Street�and�Adam�Clayton�Powell�Jr.�Boulevard,
“wipe[s]�the�grease�off�my�mouth�with�the�roll,�stuff�
rest�of�roll�in�my�mouf,�run
across�125th,�and�I’m�there”�(Push 38-
39).�In�this�moment,�her�physical�and
metaphoric�desperations�collide;�although�the�image�of�
a�fat�black�girl�running�down
the�street�with�a�stolen�bucket�of�chicken�may�arouse
�all�of�our�historical�sensibilities
about�stereotyping�and�caricature,�the�reality�is�that�sh
e�is�running�to�make�it�to
school�on�time.�This�is�the�kind�of�hip-hop-
influenced�street�savvy�that�it�takes�to
survive�in�1980s�New�York.�Though�Precious�has�strug
gles�similar�to�other�female
protagonists�in�the�black�women’s�literary�tradition,�like
�Walker’s�Celie�or�Morrison’s
Pecola,�her�life�options�are�influenced�by�the�historical
�moment�in�which�she�finds
herself.�Thus,�the�contextualized�narrative�of�failing�sch
ools,�extreme�poverty,�a
burgeoning�welfare�system,�and�the�conservative�backlas
h�to�its�existence�provide�a
hip-
hop�context�that�refuses�us�the�option�of�“writing�Prec
ious�off�or�out,”�despite
how�much�her�life�may�trouble�us.
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Without�the�benefit�of�hip�hop’s�context,�black�women
�of�the�hip-hop�generation
and�their�stories�can�be�dismissed.�In�fact,�that�dismis
siveness�and�disdain�for�hip-hop
generation�characters�emerge�in�Toni�Morrison’s�Love
(2003).�A�brief�reading�of�the
novel�demonstrates�the�pitfalls�of�not�grounding�charact
ers�in�their�proper�aesthetic
context.�Love
opens�with�the�ruminations�of�L,�the�former�head�chef
�at�Cosey’s
restaurant�in�a�town�called�Silk.�The�story�centers�on
�Heed�and�Christine�Cosey,
childhood�friends�who�are�torn�apart�when�Christine’s�
grandfather�takes�Heed�as
his�twelve-year-
old�child�bride.�To�trouble�the�waters�between�the�two
�friends,
Morrison�introduces�Junior�Viviane,�an�eighteen-year-
old�woman�of�shady�origins
who�comes�to�work�as�a�secretary�for�Heed.�Junior’s�
entry�into�the�text�is�framed�by
L’s�ruminations�on�the�state�of�gender�relationships,�ra
ce,�and�community�in�general.
L�declares�that�she�has�been�forced�into�a�state�of�si
lence�since�“the�seventies,�when
women�began�to�straddle�chairs�and�dance�crotch�out�
on�television,�when�all�the
magazines�started�featuring�behinds�and�inner�thighs�as
�though�that’s�all�there�is�to
a�woman”�(Morrison,�Love
3).�Though�she�no�longer�speaks,�she�hums:�“the�word
s
dance�in�my�head�to�the�music�in�my�mouth.”�She�is
�now�“background—the�movie
music�that�comes�along�when�sweethearts�see�each�othe
r�for�the�first�time”�(4).�But
her�hum�is�not�invasive;�rather�it�is�“below�range,”�a
cting�as�a�“way�of�objecting�to
how�the�century�is�turning�out.”�L�also�speaks�of�con
temporary�women,�“nineties
women,”�with�a�certain�cynicism�and�“disappointment”:
naturally�all�of�them�have�a�sad�story:�too�much�noti
ce,�not�enough,�or�the�worst�kind.�Some
tale�about�dragon�daddies�and�false-
hearted�men,�or�mean�mamas�and�friends�who�did�the
m
wrong.�Each�story�has�a�monster�in�it�who�made�the
m�tough�instead�of�brave,�so�they�open
their�legs�rather�than�their�hearts�where�that�folded�ch
ild�is�tucked�(Morrison,�Love 4-5)
Danyel�Smith�argues�that�the�self-
righteous�indignation�that�animates�black�high-lit-
erary�authors’�disdain�for�street-
lit�writers�is�not�so�much�anger�but�distress
that�the�stories�street-
lit�authors�tell�are�so�much�the�same�as�our�“Black”
�stories�were
seventy�years�ago.
Regardless�of�the�marches�and�assassinations�and�rallies
�and�hard�work�.�.�.,�being�Black
in�the�United�States�since�the�Harlem�Renaissance�has
�not�changed�as�much�as�we�would�[]
have�it�in�our�collective�dream.�This�sameness
.�.�.�is�depressing�and�hurtful.�(191;�emphasis
in�original)
L’s�attitude�betrays�this�kind�of�disdain�for�Junior,�wh
o�seemingly�has�not�benefited
from�the�struggles�of�her�forebears�to�give�her�a�bett
er�life.�Junior’s�failure�to�realize
the�hopes�of�prior�generations�of�black�women�renders
�her�dangerous�to�L,�who
sees�Junior�as�a�literal�threat�to�whatever�inheritance�
Heed�and�Christine�Cosey�might
pass�on:
They�live�like�queens�in�Mr.�Cosey’s�house,�but�since
�that�girl�moved�in�there�a�while�ago
with�a�skirt�short�as�underpants�and�no�underpants�at
�all,�I’ve�been�worried�about�them
leaving�me�here�with�nothing�but�an�old�folks’�tale�t
o�draw�on.�I�know�it’s�trash:�just�another
story�made�up�to�scare�wicked�females�and�correct�unr
uly�children.�But�it’s�all�I�have.
(Morrison,�Love 10)
Indeed,�L�is�very�aware�of�her�gatekeeping,�corrective
�impulses,�and�the�parochial
nature�of�her�concerns,�and�yet�she�presses�forward�wi
th�them.
Junior�enjoys�an�ambivalent�relationship�with�the�wome
n�in�the�house,�for�she
“saw�both�Christine’s�generosity�and�Heed’s�stinginess�
as�forms�of�dismissal.�One�was
‘take�what�you�need�and�leave�me�alone.’�The�other�
was�‘I’m�in�control�and�you�are
not.’�Neither�woman�was�interested�in�her—
except�as�she�simplified�or�complicated
their�relationship�to�each�other”�(119).�Morrison�suggest
s�that�Junior�“had�no�past,
no�history�but�her�own,”�which�meant�she�had�no�loy
alties�to�Heed�or�Christine�(169).
Hip-
hop�protagonists�do�struggle�to�find�their�place�in�the
�generational�lineage
handed�down�by�African�American�women�writers,�of�
whom�Morrison�is�chief.
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64 AFRICAN AMERICAN REVIEW
Junior’s�ambivalence�about�the�past�is�characteristic�of
�the�post-soul�generation,7
which�“came�to�maturity�in�the�age�of�Reaganomics�a
nd�experienced�the�change
from�urban�industrialism�to�deindustrialism,�from�segreg
ation�to�desegregation,
from�essential�notions�of�blackness�to�metanarratives�on
�blackness�without�any
nostalgic�allegiance�to�the�past”�(Neal�3).�Much�like�g
enerational�schisms�between
older�and�younger�women�about�the�politics�of�respecta
bility,�Love metatextually
reveals�its�own�limitation,�namely,�that�Junior�functions
�in�the�text�for�what�she
reveals�about�the�fractured�relationships�of�the�prior�ge
neration,�rather�than�for
what�she�might�say�about�the�complexity�of�her�own�
generation.�In�other�words,
Morrison�uses�Junior�as�a�vehicle�to�reconcile�Heed�a
nd�Christine,�but�because
Junior�does�not�have�a�usable�past�upon�which�to�dra
w,�her�character,�and�the
generation�she�represents,�remains�unredeemed.
“Where’s My Color Purple?”: Sampling as Intertextual Practice
Although�members�of�the�hip-
hop�generation�do�not�have�nostalgic�allegianceto�the�p
ast,�they�do�tacitly�acknowledge�it.�As�I�have�remarke
d�above,�Cheryl
Wall�invokes�the�blues�trope�of�“worrying�the�line,”�a
n�expression�that�refers�to
“altering�the�pitch�of�a�note�in�a�given�passage,”�(He
nderson�qtd.�in�Wall�8),�to
characterize�how�black�women�forge�a�connection�to�th
e�past,�even�when�their
“genealogical�search�is�frustrated�by�gaps�in�the�writte
n�history�and�knowledge”�(9).
Although�worrying�the�line�is�one�useful�way�that�Pus
h engages�the�past,�a�more
precise�metaphor�is�necessary,�given�the�status�of�the�
blues�as�a�generational�artifact
that�emerges�in�a�specific�historical�moment,�and�speak
s�most�powerfully�to�those
who�can�access�its�history,�metaphors,�and�references.�
Although�blues�was�“healing
music”�for�multiple�generations�(Cole�and�Guy-
Sheftall�189),�contemporary�charac-
ters�like�Precious�speak�and�demand�a�new�idiom�as�t
hey�emerge�in�literature�by�and
about�African�American�women.
Push
worries�its�literary�line�by�using�sampling�as�a�hip-
hop�form�of�pastiche.
As�previously�noted,�Gates’s�notion�of�pastiche�refers�t
o�literary�texts�that�offer
unmotivated�forms�of�Signification,�which�in�the�case�
of�hip-hop�texts�take�the�form
of�literary�homage.�Although�Push
indeed�revises�literary�texts�such�as�The Color
Purple and�The Bluest
Eye,�the�novel�does�not�draw�upon�jazz�and�blues�idi
oms�or
metaphors�to�do�so.�Instead,�in�the�mode�of�hip-
hop�aesthetic�improvisation,�the
novel�samples
from�its�literary�foremothers,�directly�referencing�their�
works,�having
Precious�read�the�texts�and�engage�with�the�implication
s�of�the�characters’�stories�in
her�life.�Within�hip-
hop�music,�this�is�akin�to�a�deejay�taking�a�vinyl�re
cord�of�an�old
song,�and�then�cutting�or�scratching�the�record�to�mak
e�a�new�song.�The�referent�is
neither�hidden�nor�oblique,�but�extremely�direct�and�ta
citly�identifiable.�Mansbach
argues�that�the�hip-hop�novel�is�a�kind�of�“mix-
board,”�the�instrument�rappers�use
so�that�on
any�given�song,�layers�of�musical�and�vocal�samples�o
verlap�each�other�and�abut�each�other,
swirling�in�and�out�of�the�mix�at�the�glide�of�the�fa
der.�The�listener’s�degree�of�appreciation
for�the�collage�is�related�.� .�
.�to�his�or�her�degree�of�familiarity�with�the�elements
�of�the
collage.�Resonances,�echoes,�homages,�and�subversions�b
ubble�up.�.�.�.�(94)
In�other�words,�a�hip-
hop�text�includes�several�samples�whether�musical�or�
written,
and�readers�and�critics�must�excavate�the�various�layer
s�of�meaning,�much�as�prior
African�American�literary�critics�have�done,�by�teasing
�out�the�ways�in�which
African�American�novels�create�intertextual�conversations
�with�each�other�through
the�process�of�revision.�Sampling,�as�an�authorial�techn
ique,�produces�texts�“studded
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“MAybE I’LL bE A PoEt, RAPPER”: HIP-HoP FEMINISM
ANd LItERARy AEStHEtICS IN PUSH 65
with�a�range�of�references�and�echoes,�flips�and�homa
ges.�Conversant�with�race
literature�and�real-
life�struggle,�the�characters�are�able�to�position�themse
lves�in
relation�to�these�traditions�both�playfully�and�seriously”
�(Mansbach�95).
Push’s�most�sampled�text�is�Alice�Walker’s�The Color
Purple,�a�book�in�Precious’s
growing�library.�The�intentional�discussion�of�The Color
Purple forces�us�to�make�the
connection�between�Precious�and�Celie,�who�Precious�in
timates�causes�her�to�“cry
cry�cry
you�hear�me,�it�sound�in�a�way�so�much�like�myself
”�(81).�However,�Precious
indicates�that�unlike�Celie,�she�“ain�no�butch”�(Push
81).�Precious�attributes�her
thinking�about�sexuality—and�race,�for�that�matter—
to�the�gender�and�race�politics
of�Louis�Farrakhan�and�the�Five�Percent�Nation,�a�sec
t�of�the�black�Muslims.
Precious�is�such�a�fan�of�Farrakhan�and�in�particular�
his�critiques�of�structural�racism
that�her�son’s�middle�name�is�Louis.�However,�her�tea
cher�Ms.�Rain�thinks�he�is�a
“jive�anti-
Semitic,�homophobe�fool”�(74),�and�she�refuses�to�tole
rate�Precious’s
diatribes�against�gay�people.8
Precious’s�repeated�invocations�of�the�Five�Percent�Nati
on�and�Louis�Farrakhan
squarely�situate�her�within�the�black�Muslim-
influenced�hip-hop�cultural�milieu�of
the�1980s.�Hip-
hop�scholar�Charise�Cheney�notes�that�the�Five�Percent
ers�and�the
Nation�of�Islam�were�significant�to�the�development�of
�nationalist�consciousness�in
rap�music�in�the�1980s�(121).�Acknowledging�Ms.�Rain
’s�valid�critique�and�her�lesbian
identity,�Precious�concedes,
Too�bad�about�Farrakhan.�I�still�believe�allah�and�stuf
f.�I�guess�I�still�believe�everything.�Ms
Rain�say�homos�not�who�rape�me,�not�homos�who�let
�me�sit�up�not�learn�for�sixteen�years.
.�.�.�It’s�true.�Ms�Rain�the�one�who�put�the�chalk�i
n�my�hand,�make�me�queen�of�the�ABCs.�(81)
Precious�begins�to�grasp�the�limitations�of�black�nation
alist�rhetoric,�especially�its
unapologetic�homophobia�and�clearly�masculinist�politics.
For�example,�when�Ms.�Rain�informs�the�students�abou
t�the�widespread�black
male�backlash�to�the�book�and�the�film�adaptation�of�
The Color Purple,�Precious
affirms�her�love�for�the�book�because�it�gives�her�“s
o�much�strength,”�and�disagrees
that�it’s�an�“unfair�picture�of�nigger�men.”�“Unfortunat
ely,”�Precious�declares,�“it�is
a�picture�I�know,�except�of�course�Farrakhan�who�is�
real�man.�.�.�.�He�says�problem
is�not�crack�but�the�cracker.�I�go�for�that�shit.”�Prec
ious’s�views�on�racism�coupled
with�her�love�for�the�womanist�community�presented�in
�The Color Purple place�her
squarely�at�the�crossroads�of�the�politics�that�define�c
ontemporary�black�feminism.
On�the�one�hand,�her�black�nationalist�sensibilities�are
�being�shaped�by�the�same
figures�shaping�the�nationalism�so�prevalent�in�hip�hop
�in�the�1980s.�On�the�other
hand,�for�all�her�agreement�with�Farrakhan,�Precious�se
ems�to�know�the�world�is
not�merely�contained�in�the�arc�between�“crack”�and�“
crackers.”�When�Ms.�Rain
asks�her�feelings�about�The Color
Purple’s�fairytale�ending,�she�responds,�“well�shit
like�that�can�be�true.�Life�can�work�out�for�the�best
�sometimes.”�Ms.�Rain�counters
that�“realism�has�its�virtues”�but�Precious�mentally�ret
orts,�“I�don’t�know�what
‘realism’�mean�but�I�do�know�what�REALITY�is�and�
it’s�a�mutherfucker”�(83).
Madhu�Dubey�argues�that�“although�Precious�here�seem
s�to�reject�her�teacher’s
realist�criterion,�she�is�in�fact�reinstating�it�in�heighte
ned�form�by�asserting�that�her
own�experience�as�a�poor�black�woman�constitutes�real
ity�in�capital�letters”�(Dubey
94).�I�think,�however,�that�Precious�makes�an�importan
t�distinction�between�realism,
which�is�about�the�attempt�to�achieve�authentic�literary
�representation,�and�lived
reality,�which�Precious�hopes�can�be�reimagined�in�text
s�that�are�not�wed�to�recreating
her�story.�Unlike�her�male�hip-
hop�generation�counterparts,�Precious�is�not�interested
as�much�in�stories�that�“keep�it�real”�as�in�stories�th
at�allow�her�to�dream�of�new
possibilities�and�to�see�beyond�her�current�lived�reality
.
Just�when�Precious�is�beginning�to�dream,�her�mother�
reveals�that�Precious’s
father�Carl�has�died�of�the�AIDS�virus.�Precious�wond
ers�if�perhaps�Carl�is�not
really�her�father,�just�like�the�“Man�rape�Celie�turn�o
ut�not�to�be�her�daddy.”�As�she
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66 AFRICAN AMERICAN REVIEW
faces�the�possibility�of�being�HIV-
positive,�Precious’s�world,�which�she�has�deliber-
ately�been�making�anew,�begins�to�crumble.�The�song�
that�is�“playing�in�her�head
now,�not�rap,”�is�playing�perhaps�because�rap’s�realism
�is�too�much�for�her�to�bear.
Sitting�on�her�bed,�she�looks�at�her�pictures:�one�of�
Alice�Walker,�Harriet�Tubman,
and�Farrakhan.�Wall�argues�that�images�appear�in�black
�women’s�texts�evoking
“word�pictures,”�which�“conjure�memory�and�produce�th
e�storytelling�that�both
recollects�and�reimagines�the�past”�(Wall�17).�Though�
Precious�acknowledges�these
figures�as�a�part�of�her�cultural�past�and�present,�she
�proclaims�that�their�stories�are
insufficient�for�her�current�realities:�“But�[Alice�Walker
]�can’t�help�me�now.�Where
my�Color
Purple?�Where�my�god�most�high?�Where�my�king?�W
here�my�black�love?
Where�my�man�love?�Woman�love?�Any�kinda�love?”�
(Push 87).�In�this�moment,
Precious’s�acknowledgement�that�neither�rap�music�nor�
black�feminist�literature�can
comfort�her�represents�a�kind�of�textual�break�with�th
e�past.
Eventually�the�song�in�her�head�comes�into�focus,�and
�“It’s�Aretha.�I�always�did
wish�she�was�my�mother�or�Miss�Rain�or�Tina�Turner
�.�.�.�singing,�‘Gotta�find�me�an
angel�gotta�find�me�an�angel�in�my�liiife’�”�(88).�Sa
pphire�textually�samples�soul�music
to�facilitate�Precious’s�ability�to�cope,�though�Precious
�ultimately�will�reclaim�rap,
Alice�Walker,�and�Farrakhan�in�the�narrative.�Precious’s
�maternal�respect�for�Aretha
Franklin�and�Tina�Turner�again�squarely�positions�Preci
ous�as�what�Neal�calls�a�“soul
baby.”�The�presence�of�a�post-
soul�aesthetic,�however,�does�not�preclude�this�text’s
placement�as�a�hip-hop�novel.�Rather,�hip-
hop�music�and�culture�are�one�outgrowth
of�the�post-
soul�moment.�Her�invocation�of�the�Queen�of�Soul�cre
ates�space�for�a
hip-
hop�narrative�that�flows�out�of�other�stories�of�blues�
and�soul.�By�sampling
from�Aretha�Franklin�(Queen�of�Soul)�and�Tina�Turner
�(Queen�of�Rock�’n’�Roll),
Precious�remixes�a�narrative�that�works�for�her.
Although�Sapphire�does�not�explicitly�allude�to�The
Bluest Eye within�the�text,
the�elemental�“gibberish”�that�characterizes�Precious’s�pr
eliterate�writings�certainly
are�a�remixed�homage�to�or�pastiche�of�Pecola’s�repet
itive�references�to�the�Dick�and
Jane�stories�in�The Bluest
Eye.�Sapphire�invokes�this�gibberish�with�repeated�some
what
incoherent�references�to�the�alphabet,�which�are�suppose
d�to�demonstrate�Precious’s
illiteracy.�“A�Day�at�the�Beach�Shore�A�Day�A�Day�
ABC�Alphabetical�order�CD
ABCD.�I�grab�my�notebook.”�The�alphabetical�refrain�r
emains�on�repeat�in�Precious’s
head�until�she�finally�gets�it.�As�she�moves�from�cha
os�to�order,�she�writes�acrostic
poems�for�each�letter.�“A�is�fr�Afr”�which�means�A�
is�for�Africa.�“M�frknka�rl�m”
which�means�“Farrakhan�real�man”�and�Q�qee�litee�wh
ich�means�Queen�Latifah
(65-
66).�Her�acrostic�poems�do�not�rhyme,�but�through�the
�gibberish�that�becomes
form�and�the�content�of�cultural�references�in�the�acro
stic,�the�poems�invoke�all
the�practices�that�characterized�hip-
hop�literary�aesthetics:�“collaging,�sampling,
dislocating,�and�reconfiguring”�(Mansbach�100).�In�fact,
�this�text�samples�and�layers
multiple�genres�and�forms�of�writing,�such�as�the�epis
tolary�novel,�poetry,�and�the
“book-within-a-
book,”�creating�fiction�that�works�like�a�rap�record,�th
at�“builds�layers
of�reference�and�meaning�and�plot�and�dialogue�and�c
haracter”�(Mansbach�94)�with
multiple�points�of�entry�into�the�text�depending�on�on
e’s�point�of�reference.�Push
becomes�a�complex�and�multi-
layered�remix�of�multiple�texts,�musical�traditions,
and�political�traditions.
Precious’s Emergent Hip-hop Feminism
One�result�of�Push’s�eclectic�sampling�of�texts�and�fig
ures�is�that�Preciousbegins�to�cull�these�texts�and�figu
res�to�articulate�an�emerging�hip-hop
feminist�consciousness.�For�example,�in�her�acrostic�alp
habet,�Precious�invokes
Cooper_Cooper 5/23/2014 6:34 PM Page 66
Queen�Latifah,�a�popular�female�rapper.9
Queen�Latifah�demonstrates�her�nationalist
and�feminist�sensibilities�on�early�tracks�like�“Ladies�F
irst.”�Precious’s�reference�to
Latifah�suggests�not�only�that�hip�hop�speaks�to�her,�
giving�her�“a�culture�and�a�lan-
guage”�(Pough�xiii),�but�also�that�she�has�found�a�wa
y�to�blend�her�love�for�herself
as�a�young�woman�and�her�affinity�for�black�nationali
st�politics.�In�fact,�her�acrostic
bespeaks�the�various�cultural�layers�that�compose�hip-
hop�culture,�music,�and�politics.
Precious’s�later�assertion�that�“One�thing�I�say�about�
Farrakhan�and�Alice�Walker
they�help�me�like�being�black”�(96)�also�suggests�the
�emergence�of�a�kind�of�nascent
feminism,�forged�in�the�fires�of�Alice�Walker’s�feminis
t/womanist�politics�coupled
with�the�race�consciousness�proffered�by�Farrakhan.�Joa
n�Morgan�argues�that
more�than�any�other�generation�before�us,�we�need�a�
feminism�committed�to�‘keeping
it�real.’�We�need�a�voice�like�our�music—
one�that�samples�and�layers�many�voices,�injects
its�sensibilities�into�the�old�and�flips�it�into�somethin
g�new,�provocative,�and�powerful.�.�.�.
We�need�a�feminism�that�possesses�the�same�fundament
al�understanding�held�by�any�true
student�of�hip-
hop.�Truth�can’t�be�found�in�the�voice�of�any�one�ra
pper�but�the�juxtaposition
of�many.�(Morgan�62)
Thus,�Precious�tells�us�that�she�“still�believes�everythi
ng”:�the�truths�that�Ms.�Rain
illustrates�for�her�about�Farrakhan�and�the�truths�that�
he�helps�her�understand
about�racism.�These�multiple�voices,�fused�with�insight
�from�Precious’s�hip-hop
context,�constitute�an�emerging�hip-hop�feminism.
The�text�ends�with�an�anthology�of�stories�produced�b
y�Precious’s�class,�the�Each
One�Teach�One�crew.�These�stories�are�important�beca
use�they�suggest�different
narrative�preoccupations�in�hip-
hop�literary�aesthetics�from�the�ones�William�Jelani
Cobb�examines�in�the�work�of�black�male�rappers.�Co
bb�asserts�that�“the�MC’s
specific�ability�to�tell�the�stories�of�the�anonymous�cit
y�dweller�is�the�contemporary
extension�of�the�blues�tradition”�(112).�The�gritty�“cur
bside�chronicles”�and�their
always-male�protagonists,�who�constitute�much�of�hip-
hop�artistry,�are�the�“folklore
of�the�twenty-
first�century”�(Cobb�112).�Cobb�continues,�“The�stories
�told�in�that
folklore,�inherited�by�the�blues�and�bequeathed�to�hip�
hop,�relay�the�doings�of
strong�men�who,�by�their�brute�strength�or�brute�wit,
�muscle�their�way�beyond�the
parameters�.�.�.�that�constrain�the�rest�of�us”�(111).�
I�do�not�disagree�with�Cobb’s
account�of�hip�hop’s�blues�inheritance.�In�fact,�much�
of�women’s�street�lit�follows
this�paradigm,�leading�to�representations�of�blackness�a
nd�femininity�that�resist�and
reinscribe�dominant�stereotypes�of�black�womanhood�(M
arshall�31).�However,
female�emcees�have�been�present�since�hip�hop’s�begin
nings,�and�the�stories�that
women�tell�in�hip�hop�are�very�different.�As�Wall�no
tes�of�black�writers,�subject
matter�has�traditionally�differed�between�men�and�wome
n,�such�that�black�men�tend
to�focus�more�on�“healing�the�fractured�bonds�between
�men,�whether�fathers�and
sons�or�son�and�brothers,”�whereas�black�women�writer
s�focus�more�on�the�rifts
between�“men�and�women,�mothers�and�daughters”�(Wal
l�10).
Although�the�blues�bad�man�and�trickster�figures�might
�be�origin�stories�for
men’s�hip-
hop�tales,�women�in�hip�hop�have�a�range�of�origin�
stories,�including�the
sexually�provocative�narratives�of�blues�women�and�the
�empowering�stories�offered
in�texts�such�as�The Color
Purple.�Thus�any�formulation�of�hip-hop�aesthetics�that
relies�primarily�on�men’s�“gritty”�street�narratives�shoul
d�be�treated�as�only�a�partial
and�limited�account.�As�the�history�of�the�global�cultu
ral�movement�that�is�hip�hop
is�being�written,�scholars�have�an�intellectual�obligation
�to�make�sure�that�women’s
lives�are�treated�as�fabric�and�thread�in�the�narrative�
arc.�Black�women�are�not�an
addendum�to�any�hip-
hop�narrative�that�we�might�tell.�We�are�not�merely�h
ip-hop
cheerleaders�relegated�to�the�“sidelines�of�a�stage�we�
built”�(Moore).
Precious�confirms�this�sentiment�in�her�contribution�to�
the�class�anthology.
In�her�closing�poem,�she�celebrates�the�fact�that�she�
“can�see”�and�“can�read,”�and
she�indicates�that�though�“nobody�can�see�now,”�“I�mi
ght�be�a�poet,�rapper.”�It�is
“MAybE I’LL bE A PoEt, RAPPER”: HIP-HoP FEMINISM
ANd LItERARy AEStHEtICS IN PUSH 67
Cooper_Cooper 5/23/2014 6:34 PM Page 67
important�that�a�comma�rather�than�a�conjunction�conjo
ins�these�terms,�because�they
are�the�same�thing�for�Precious.�However,�her�desire�t
o�rap�squarely�situates�her
within�a�hip-
hop�cultural�frame,�so�that�she�desires�to�express�her
�poetry�according�to
the�cultural�dictates�of�hip�hop,�rather�than�the�blues
�or�jazz.�Importantly,�however,
she�does�not�jettison�her�past.�In�her�final�poem,�she
�samples�from�three�key�figures,
Hughes,�Farrakhan,�and�Walker,�taking�the�messages�“h
old�fast�to�your�dreams,”
“get�up�off�your�knees,”�and�“change,”�respectively.�H
er�choice�of�cultural�references
is�a�hip-
hop�sample�of�the�best�messages�from�the�blues/jazz�t
radition,�the�black
nationalist�tradition,�and�the�black�feminist�tradition.�Th
ese�three�aesthetic�and
political�arcs�have�most�dominantly�and�profoundly�infl
uenced�the�art�and�culture
of�hip�hop�in�the�twentieth�century.
The�novellas�that�round�out�Push
are�prototypes�for�the�urban�literature�that
comes�to�full�bloom�a�decade�later.�Push’s�stories�and
�characters�are�on�the�whole
more�complex,�dealing�with�issues�of�sexual�abuse,�que
er�sexual�identity,�poverty,
and�AIDS,�among�other�things.�But�the�stories�themsel
ves�are�raw,�unpolished,�and
unapologetically�heavy-
handed.�They�foreshadow�the�stories�to�come,�and�inde
ed
beckon�those�stories�into�existence.�Push
stretches�the�boundaries�of�the�literary�so
that�the�space�will�exist�for�Sistah�Souljah�and�others
�to�write�the�kinds�of�stories
not�being�told�among�the�African�American�literati.�Alt
hough�Push challenges�the
insularity�of�the�Old�Guard�regarding�the�hearing�of�c
ontemporary�stories�of�the
urban�poor,�Sapphire�also�challenges�the�New�School�t
o�create�complex�and�diverse
stories�of�black�female�subjectivity.�Even�so,�Push
bridges�the�gap�by�using�hip-hop
aesthetics�to�worry�the�literary�line�between�black�wom
en�writers�in�generative�ways.
Furthermore,�the�novel�takes�the�stories�of�Alice�Walke
r�and�Toni�Morrison�as�origin
stories�for�female�hip-
hop�protagonists,�a�move�that�challenges�masculinist�im
pulses
in�the�scholarship�on�hip-
hop�aesthetics.�Finally,�Precious�emerges�as�the�prototy
pe
of�a�hip-
hop�feminist,�who�draws�upon�race�and�gender�politics
�in�ways�that�will
help�her�negotiate�her�status�as�an�unwed,�HIV-
positive�mother�and�survivor�of
abuse,�while�projecting�the�possibility�of�a�future�as�a
�poet�and�rapper.�Push thus
challenges�the�African�American�women’s�literary�traditi
on�to�embrace�the�future,
while�demonstrating�unequivocally�that�emerging�hip-
hop�literature�also�has�a
useable�past.
1. Though rapper Nicki Minaj has risen to prominence since
early 2010, winning multiple Grammy
Awards, the awards show still does not give awards in the best
female rapper category. The BET (Black
Entertainment Television) Awards show does.
2. Here I’m using Cobb’s periodization: “the Old School, 1974-
1983, the Golden Age 1984-1992, the
Modern Era, 1992-1997, and the Industrial Era, 1998-2005”
(41).
3. Although Omar Tyree is considered an early novelist in the
street -it tradition, Sistah Souljah’s novel
The Coldest Winter Ever (Simon & Schuster, 1999) is
considered the inaugural text in black women’s street
literature.
4. There has been a longstanding debate among black feminist
literary critics about whether a coherent
African American women’s literary tradition exists. For further
reading, see Barbara Smith, “Towards a
Black Feminist Criticism,” Conditions: Two 1 (October 1977):
25-44, and Hazel Carby’s response in
Reconstructing Womanhood: The Emergence of the Afro-
American Woman as Novelist (New York: Oxford UP,
1987). A range of texts also clarified the importance of jazz and
blues to African American literary traditions.
See Houston A. Baker, Jr., Blues, Ideology, and Afro-American
Literature: A Vernacular Theory (Chicago: U of
Chicago P, 1987). See also Deborah McDowell, The Changing
Same: Black Women’s Literature, Criticism,
and Theory (Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1995).
5. Complete lyrics at Kurtis Blow, “The Breaks” (1980), Lyrics
Depot, 2008, Web.
6. Parody is an (often indirect) reference to and revision of a
prior text with the intention of disagreeing
with and or critiquing the premises of the text. Pastiche eschews
the negative critique (Gates xxvi). Unlike
parody, which is a “motivated” form of Signification, pastiche
is an “unmotivated” form of Signification
that “can imply either homage to an antecedent text or futility in
the face of a seemingly indomitable mode
of representation” (xxvii).
68 AFRICAN AMERICAN REVIEW
Notes
Cooper_Cooper 5/23/2014 6:34 PM Page 68
7. Post-soul aesthetics encompass hip-hop music and culture but
is not limited to hip hop. Because
Push draws on soul music, using post-soul here fits within the
aesthetic trajectory of the novel, while not
precluding a primarily hip-hop analysis. For further discussion
of the post-soul aesthetic, see Neal 1-22.
8. Precious’s spelling of Ms. Rain’s name is inconsistent in the
text, due in part to her progress toward
literacy. Sometimes the name is spelled “Mz. Rain,” or
alternately “Ms Rain” or “Miz Rain.”
9. Queen Latifah actually would not have been a major rap
figure based on the timeline given in the text.
She released her first album in 1989.
Chang, Jeff. Can’t Stop, Won’t Stop: A History of the Hip-Hop
Generation. New York: St. Martin’s, 2005.
—-, ed. Total Chaos: The Art and Aesthetics of Hip-Hop. New
York: BasicCivitas, 2006.
Cheney, Charise. Brothers Gonna Work It Out: Sexual Politics
in the Golden Age of Rap Nationalism. New York:
New York UP, 2005.
Cobb, William Jelani. To the Break of Dawn: A Freestyle on the
Hip Hop Aesthetic. New York: New York UP,
2007.
Cole, Johnnetta Betsch, and Beverly Guy-Sheftall. Gender Talk:
The Struggle for Women’s Equality in African
American Communities. New York: One World/Ballantine,
2003.
Dubey, Madhu. Signs and Cities: Black Literary
Postmodernism. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2003.
Gates, Henry Louis, Jr. The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of
Afro-American Literary Criticism. New York:
Oxford UP, 1988.
Harris-Perry, Melissa V. Sister Citizen: Shame, Stereotypes and
Black Women in America. New Haven: Yale UP,
2011.
Henderson, Mae Gwendolyn. “Speaking in Tongues: Dialogics,
Dialectics, and the Black Women Writer’s
Literary Tradition” African American Literary Theory: A
Reader. Ed. Winston Napier. New York: New York
UP, 2000. 348-68.
Kelley, Robin D. G. Yo’ Mama’s Disfunktional: Fighting the
Culture Wars in Urban America. Boston: Beacon,
1997.
Mansbach, Adam. “On Lit Hop.” Chang, Total Chaos 92-101.
Marshall, Elizabeth, Jeanine Staples, and Simone Gibson.
“Ghetto Fabulous: Reading Black Adolescent
Femininity in Contemporary Urban Street Fiction.” Journal of
Adolescent and Adult Literacy 53.1
(September 2009): 28-36.
Moore, Jessica Care. “I’m a Hip Hop Cheerleader.” YouTube. 5
Jan. 2011. Web. 2 Jan. 2014.
Morgan, Joan. When Chickenheads Come Home to Roost: A
Hip-Hop Feminist Breaks It Down. New York:
Touchstone, 1999.
Morrison, Toni. Jazz. 1992. New York: Vintage Books, 2004.
—-. Love. New York: Knopf, 2003.
Morrison, Toni, and Cornel West. “Blues, Love, and Politics.”
The Nation 278.20 (24 May 2004): 18-28.
Neal, Mark Anthony. Soul Babies: Black Popular Culture and
the Post-Soul Aesthetic. New York: Routledge,
2002.
Pough, Gwendolyn D. Check It While I Wreck It: Black
Womanhood, Hip-Hop Culture and the Public Sphere.
Boston: Northeastern UP, 2004.
Rountree, Wendy A. “Overcoming Violence: Blues Expression
in Sapphire’s PUSH.” Violence and
Aggression. Ed. Nandita Batra. Spec. issue of Atenea 24.1 (June
2004): 133-43.
Sapphire. Push. New York: Vintage Books, 1996.
Smith, Danyel. “Black Talk and Hot Sex: Why ‘Street Lit’ is
Literature.” Chang, Total Chaos 188-97.
Wall, Cheryl. Worrying the Line: Black Women Writers,
Lineage, and Literary Tradition. Chapel Hill: U of
North Carolina P, 2005.
Westbrook, Alonzo. Hip Hoptionary: The Dictionary of Hip Hop
Terminology. New York: Broadway, 2002.
“MAybE I’LL bE A PoEt, RAPPER”: HIP-HoP FEMINISM
ANd LItERARy AEStHEtICS IN PUSH 69
Works
Cited
Cooper_Cooper 5/23/2014 6:34 PM Page 69
Contributors
Kristiana Colón is a poet, playwright, actor, and educator living
and working in
Chicago. She has served as an adjunct English and humanities
professor at Chicago
State University, Malcolm X College, and Tribeca Flashpoint
Academy. Colón has also
performed on HBO’s Def Poetry Jam. The poems “safe word”
and “stranger fruit,”
appearing herein, will also be published in her forthcoming
promised instruments
(Northwestern UP).
Brittney Cooper is an assistant professor of women’s and
gender studies and
Africana studies at Rutgers University. She is also co founder of
the Crunk Feminist
Collective blog.
Curtis L. Crisler was born and raised in Gary, Indiana. His
books are Pulling Scabs,
Tough Boy Sonatas, and Dreamist: a mixed-genre novel. His
chapbook Soundtrack to
Latchkey Boy was recently released by Finishing Line Press.
He’s been published in
many magazines, journals, and anthologies. He is an assistant
professor of English at
Indiana University-Purdue University Fort Wayne (IPFW), and
a Cave Canem fellow.
Gail Dore is a retired teacher living in Johannesburg, South
Africa. Her passion for
writing is equaled only by her interest in the diverse tribal
customs and cultures of
the South African people. In her stories, she uses lesser -known
facts and beliefs to
illustrate the simple beauty of precolonial Africa.
Sara Hakeem Grewal is a Ph.D. candidate in the department of
comparative litera-
ture at the University of Michigan. Her academic interests
include Urdu and Persian
poetry, translation, lyric theory, and historical poetics.
Eunice Hargett was born in Cove City, North Carolina
(population 402). She is an
assistant professor of English at Broward College in Davie,
Florida. Her latest book,
Lessons from a Dirt Road: A Memoir in Poetry, will be
published in 2014.
Casey Hayman is a doctoral candidate in the English department
at the University
of Massachusetts, Amherst. His research and teaching interests
include contemporary
African American literature and popular culture, intersections
of black music and
literature, and hip-hop studies. His essays can be found in The
Massachusetts Review
and MELUS (forthcoming).
R. Scott Heath is an assistant professor in the department of
English at Georgia
State University, where he specializes in African American
literature, black popular
culture, and speculative race theory. His book Head Theory:
Hip_Hop Discourse and
Black-Based Culture is under contract with Oxford University
Press. His next mono-
graph is provisionally titled Automatic Black: Technologies of
Race and Futurism.
Candice M. Jenkins is an associate professor of English at
Hunter College, CUNY.
Her first book, Private Lives, Proper Relations: Regulating
Black Intimacy (U of Minnesota
P, 2007), was awarded the William Sanders Scarborough Prize
by the Modern Language
Association in 2008. She is currently completing a new
manuscript exploring black
middle-class embodiment in post-civil rights-era African
American fiction, and
developing another project that uses principles from reader
response and narrative
theory to reimagine hip-hop listening.
F. Geoffrey Johnson, poet and visual artist, has been published
in several literary
journals and anthologies. Johnson self-published two collections
of poetry, SMELLS I
SEE (2004) and RESTORATION (2005). Visit
http://www.smellsisee.com to gain
more insight into F. Geoffrey Johnson’s literary and visual
artistry.
199contributors
Author Bios_Author Bios.qxd 4/23/2014 6:24 PM Page 199
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further
reproduction prohibited without
permission.
Copyright © 2008 by Tricia Rose
Published by Basic Books,
A Member of the Perseus Books Group
All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No
part of this book may be
reproduced in any manner whatsoever without written
permission except in the case of
brief quotations embodied in critical articles and reviews. For
information, address
BasicCivitas Books, 387 Park Avenue South, New York, NY
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Rose, Tricia.
The hip hop wars: what we talk about when we talk about hip
hop / Tricia Rose.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-465-00897-1 (alk. paper)
1. Hip-hop-Social aspects- United States. 2. Rap (Music) -
Social aspects- United
States. 3. Social change-United States. 4. Subculture-United
States. 5. African
Americans-Social conditions. 6. United States-Social
conditions. 1. Title.
HN59.2.R682008
305.S96'07301732-dc22
10987654321
2008031637
THE
HIP
HOP
WARS
What We Talk About When
We Talk About Hip Hop
- and Why It Matters
TRICIAROSE
8
CIVITAS
ilCX)KS
A Member of the Perseus Books Group
New York
Introduction
I'd like to say to all the industry people out there that control
what we call hip hop, I'd like for people to put more of an effort
to make hip hop the culture of music that it was, instead of the
culture of violence that it is right now. There's a lot of people
that put in a lot of time, you know the break-dancers, the graf-
fiti artists, there's people rapping all over the world . ... All my
life I've been into hip hop, and it should mean more than just
somebody standing on the corner selling dope-I mean that
mayor may not have its place too because it's there, but I'm
just saying-I ain't never shot nobody, I ain't never stabbed
nobody, I'm forty-five years old and I ain't got no criminal
record, you know what I mean? The only thing I ever did was
be about my music. So I mean, so, while we're teaching people
what it is about life in the ghetto, then we should be teaching
people about what it is about life in the ghetto, me trying to
grow up and to come up out of the ghetto. And we need every-
body's help out there to make that happen.
-Melle Mel, lead rapper of and main songwriter for the
seminal rap group Grandmaster Flash and the Furious
Five, in an acceptance speech during the group's
induction into the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, March
2007
H IP HOP IS IN A TERRIBLE CRISIS. Although its overall
fortunes have risen sharply, the most commercially promoted
and fi-
nancially successful hip hop-what has dominated mass-media
out-
lets such as television, film, radio, and recording industries for
a
dozen years or so-has increasingly become a playground for
carica-
tures of black gangstas, pimps, and hoes. Hyper-sexism has
increased
1
2 THE HIP HOP WARS
dramatically, and homophobia along with distorted, antisocial,
self-
destructive, and violent portraits of black masculinity have
become
rap's calling cards. Relying on an ever-narrowing range of
images and
themes, this commercial juggernaut has played a central role in
the
near-depletion of what was once a vibrant, diverse, and complex
pop-
ular genre, wringing it dry by pandering to America's racist and
sexist
lowest common denominator.
This scenario differs vastly from the wide range of core images,
at-
titudes, and icons that defined hip hop during its earlier years of
pub-
lic visibility. In the 1980s, when rap's commercial value began
to
develop steam, gangsta rappers were only part of a much larger
iconic tapestry. There were many varieties of equally positioned
styles of rap-gangsta as well as party, political, afrocentric, and
avant-garde, each with multiple substyles as well. However, not
only
were many styles of rap driven out of the corporate-promoted
main-
stream, but since the middle to late 1990s, the social, artistic,
and po-
litical significance of figures like the gangsta and street hustler
substantially devolved into apolitical, simple-minded, almost
comic
stereotypes. Indeed, by the late 1990s, most of the affirming,
creative
stories and characters that had stood at the defining core of hip
hop
had been gutted. To use a hip hop metaphor, they were driven
un-
derground, buried, and left to be dug up only by the most deeply
in-
vested fans and artists.
Gangstas, hustlers, street crimes, and vernacular sexual insults
(e.g.,
calling black women "hoes") were part of hip hop's storytelling
long
before the record industry really got the hang of promoting rap
music.
Gangstas and hustlers were not invented out of whole cloth by
corpo-
rate executives: Prior to the ascendance of corporate
mainstream hip
hop, these figures were more complex and ambivalent. A few
were in-
teresting social critics. Some early West Coast gangsta rappers -
N.W.A., and W.C. and the Maad Circle, for example-featured
stories that emphasized being trapped by gang life and spoke
about
why street crime had become a "line of work" in the context of
chronic black joblessness. Thwarted desires for safe
communities and
meaningful work were often embedded in street hustling tales.
Even-
Introduction 3
tually, though, the occasional featuring of complicated
gangstas, hus-
tlers, and hoes gave way to a tidal wave of far more simplistic,
dispro-
portionately celebratory, and destructive renderings of these
characters. Hip hop has become buried by these figures and "the
life"
associated with them.
This trend is so significant that if the late Tupac Shakur were a
newly signed artist today, I believe he'd likely be considered a
socially
conscious rapper and thus relegated to the margins of the
commer-
cial hip hop field. Tupac (who despite his death in 1996 remains
one
of hip hop's most visible and highly regarded gangsta rappers)
might
even be thought of as too political and too "soft." Even as he
ex-
pressed his well-known commitment to "thug life," his rhymes
are
perhaps too thoughtful for mainstream "radio friendly" hip hop
as it
has evolved since his death.
This consolidation and "dumbing down" of hip hop's imagery
and
storytelling took hold rather quickly in the middle to late 1990s
and
reached a peak in the early 2000s. The hyper-gangsta-ization of
the
music and imagery directly parallels hip hop's sales ascendance
into
the mainstream record and radio industry. In the early to middle
1990s, following the meteoric rise of West Coast hip hop music
pro-
ducer Dr. Dre and of N.W.A., widely considered a seminal
gangsta
rap group, West Coast gangsta rap solidified and expanded the
al-
ready well-represented street criminal icons-thug, hustler,
gangster,
and pimp-in a musically compelling way. This grab bag of street
criminal figures soon became the most powerful and, to some,
the
most "authentic" spokesmen for hip hop and, then, for black
youth
generally.
For the wider audience in America, which relies on mainstream
outlets for leaming about and participating in commercially
distrib-
uted pop culture, hip hop has become a breeding ground for the
most
explicitly exploitative and increasingly one-dimensional
narratives of
black ghetto life. The gangsta life and all its attendant violence,
crimi-
nality, sexual "deviance," and misogyny have, over the last
decade es-
pecially, stood at the heart of what appeared to be ever -
increasing hip
hop record sales. Between 1990 and 1998, the Recording
Industry
4 THE HIP HOP WARS
Association of America (RIM) reported that rap captured, on
average,
9-10 percent of music sales in the United States. This figure in-
creased to 12.9 percent in 2000, peaked at 13.8 percent in 2002,
and
hovered between 12 and 13 percent through 2005. To put the
impor-
tance of this nearly 40 percent increase in rap/hip hop sales into
con-
text, note that during the 2000-2005 period, other genres,
including
rock, country, and pop, saw decreases in their market
percentage. The
rise in rap/hip hop was driven primarily by the sale of images
and sto-
ries of black ghetto life to white youth: According to
Mediamark Re-
search Inc., increasing numbers of whites began buying hip hop
at
this point. Indeed, between 1995 and 2001, whites comprised
70-75
percent of the hip hop customer base-a figure considered to
have re-
mained broadly constant to this day. j
I am not suggesting that all commercial hip hop fits this
descrip-
tion, nor do I think that there is no meaningful content in
commer-
cial hip hop. I am also not suggesting that commercially
successful
gangsta-style artists such as Jay-Z, Ludacris, 50 Cent, T.I., and
Snoop
Dogg lack talent. It is, in fact, rappers' lyrical and performative
tal-
ents and the compelling music that frames their rhymes-
supported
by heavy corporate promotion-that make this seduction so
powerful
and disturbing. They and many others whose careers are based
on
these hip hop images are quite talented in different ways:
musically,
lyrically, stylistically, and as entrepreneurs. The problems
facing
commercial hip hop today are not caused by individual rappers
alone; if we focus on merely one rapper, one song, or one video
for
its sexist or gangsta-inspired images we miss the forest for the
trees.
Rather, this is about the larger and more significant trend that
has
come to define commercial hip hop as a whole: The trinity of
com-
mercial hip hop-the black gangsta, pimp, and ho-has been pro-
moted and accepted to the point where it now dominates the
genre's
storytelling worldview.
The expanded commercial space of these three street icons has
had a profound impact on both the direction of the music and
the
conversation about hip hop-a conversation that has never been
just
Introduction 5
about hip hop. On the one hand, the increased profitability of
the
gangsta-pimp-ho trinity has inflamed already riled critics who
per-
ceive hip hop as the cause of many social ills; but, on the other,
it has
encouraged embattled defenders to tout hip hop's organic
connec-
tion to black youth and to venerate its market successes as
examples
of pulling oneself up by the bootstraps. The hyperbolic and
polarized
public conversation about hip hop that has emerged over the
past
decade discourages progressive and nuanced consumption,
participa-
tion, and critique, thereby contributing to the very crisis that is
facing
hip hop. Even more important, this conversation has become a
pow-
erful vehicle for the channeling of broader public discussion
about
race, class, and the value of black culture's role in society.
Debates
about hip hop have become a means for defining poor, young
black
people and thus for interpreting the context and reasons for
their
clearly disadvantaged lives. This is what we talk about when we
talk
about hip hop.
The State of the Conversation on Hip Hop
The excessive blame leveled at hip hop is astonishing in its
refusal to
consider the culpability of the larger social and political
context. To
many hot-headed critics of hip hop, structural forms of deep
racism,
corporate influences, and the long-term effects of economic,
social,
and political disempowerment are not meaningfully related to
rap-
pers' alienated, angry stories about life in the ghetto; rather,
they are
seen as "proof" that black behavior creates ghetto conditions.
So
decades of urban racial discrimination (the reason black ghettos
exist
in the first place), in every significant arena - housing,
education,
jobs, social services-in every city with a significant black
popula-
tion, simply disappear from view. In fact, many conservative
critics of
hip hop refuse to acknowledge that the ghetto is a systematic
matrix
of racial, spatial, and class discrimination that has defined black
city
life since the first half of the twentieth century, when the Great
Black
Migration dramatically reshaped America's cities. For some, hip
hop
6 THE HIP HOP WARS
itself is a black-created problem that promotes unsafe sex and
repre-
sents sexual amorality, infects "our" culture and society,
advocates
crime and criminality, and reflects black cultural dysfunction
and a
"culture of poverty." As hip hop's conservative critics would
have it,
hip hop is primarily responsible for every decline and crisis
world-
wide except the war in Iraq and global warming.
The defenses are equally jaw-dropping. For some, all expression
in commercialized hip hop, despite its heavy manipulation by
the
record industry, is the unadulterated truth and literal personal
ex-
perience of fill-in-the-blank rapper; it reflects reality in the
ghetto;
its lyrics are the result of poverty itselrz And my favorite, the
most ag-
gravating defense of commercial hip hop's fixation on
demeaning
black women for sport- "well, there are bitches and hoes." What
do fans, artists, and writers mean when they defend an
escalating,
highly visible, and extensive form of misogyny against black
women
by claiming that there are bitches and hoes? And how have they
gotten away with this level of hateful labeling of black women
for so
long?
The big media outlets that shape this conversation, such as
TimelWarner, News Corporation, Bertelsmann, General
Electric,
and Viacom, do not frame hip hop's stories in ways that allow
for a
serious treatment of sexism, racism, corporate power, and the
real
historical forces that have created ghettos. When well -informed,
progressive people do get invited to appear on news and public
af-
fairs programs, they wind up being pushed into either "pro" or
"con" positions-and as a result, the complexity of what they
have
to say to one side or the other is reduced. Although the
immaturity
of "beef" (conflict between rappers for media attention and
street
credibility) is generally considered a hip hop phenomenon, it
actu-
ally mirrors much of the larger mainstream media's approach to
is-
sues of conflict and disagreement. Developing a thoughtful,
serious, and educated position in this climate is no easy task,
since
most participants defend or attack the music - and, by
extension,
young black people-with a fervor usually reserved for religion
and
patriotism.
Introduction 7
Why We Should Care About Hip Hop
The inability to sustain either a hard-hitting, progressive
critique of
hip hop's deep flaws or an appreciation for its extraordinary
gifts is a
real problem, with potentially serious effects that ripple far
beyond
the record industry and mass-media corporate balance sheets.
We
have the opportunity to use the current state of commercial hip
hop
as a catalyst to think with more care about the terms of cross-
racial
exchanges and the role of black culture in a mass-mediated
world.
Indeed, we should be asking larger questions about how hip
hop's
commercial trinity of the gangsta, pimp, and ho relates to
American
culture more generally. But, instead, we have allowed hip hop
to be
perceived by its steadfast defenders as a whipping boy (unfairly
beaten for all things wrong with American society and blamed
as a
gateway to continued excessive criticisms of black people's
behavior)
and charged by its critics as society's career criminal
(responsible for
myriad social ills and finally being caught and brought to trial).
Npt
much beyond exhaustion, limited, and one-sided vicious
critique,
and nearly blind defense is possible in this context. Very little
honest
and self-reflective vision can emerge from between this rock
and
hard place.
Why should we care about hip hop and how should we talk
about
it? Serial killer, whipping boy, whatever, right? It's just
entertain-
ment-it generates good ratings and makes money for rappers and
the sputtering record industry, but it doesn't matter beyond that.
Or
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
Brittney CooperMaybe I’ll Be a Poet, Rapper” Hip-Hop Fem
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