This document discusses the "Hamitic Hypothesis," a discredited racial theory that asserted the inherent inferiority of Black people and that civilization originated from the White race. It outlines the historical development of the Hamitic Hypothesis from biblical ideas to theories used to justify European colonialism and slavery. It then analyzes how respected White intellectuals deployed aspects of the hypothesis to argue the ancient Egyptians were dark-skinned Caucasians, though sometimes resembling "Negroes." Finally, it argues Ridley Scott's film Exodus: Gods and Kings presented ancient Egyptians as thoroughly Caucasian, reflecting the success of the Hamitic Hypothesis in transforming perceptions of ancient Egypt's racial identity.
Macbeth essay. the theme of the natural world vs the discount. Macbeth Essay - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. Macbeth Essay | English - Year 11 VCE | Thinkswap. Macbeth essay. Planning for your Macbeth Essay | EDUTRONIC | Mr Waugh | Year 8 English. ⇉Free Macbeths: The Theme of Masculinity Essay Example | GraduateWay. Macbeth Essay: A "How To" Guide on Constructing an AQA Macbeth Essay .... Macbeth essay - Grade: 9 - Macbeth Written in 1606, Macbeth has been .... Macbeth Essay | Macbeth | Fiction & Literature. Macbeth Essay | English (Advanced) - Year 11 HSC | Thinkswap. Explore how Shakespeare presents Masculinity as an important theme in .... Essay on Macbeth | English (Advanced) - Year 11 HSC | Thinkswap. macbeth essay - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. Macbeth By William Shakespeare is a play of contradiction and ambition .... Macbeth Essay. Macbeth Essay | Literature - Year 12 WACE | Thinkswap. Macbeth Essay Topic. Macbeth Character Revision Flashcards 9-1 | Teaching Resources .... Macbeth Revision Sheets 9-1 | Teaching Resources | Macbeth lessons .... Macbeth Essay | Year 11 SACE - English | Thinkswap. Macbeth Essay | PDF | Macbeth. Macbeth Essay. - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. Macbeth Revision Resources: quotations, themes, context (AQA 9-1 .... Macbeth Analysis Essay | English - Year 11 QCE | Thinkswap. Macbeth Character Collages: An Interactive Digital Activity | Teaching .... Grade 9 Macbeth essays | English Literature - GCSE AQA | Thinkswap. Macbeth essay | English Literature - GCSE Edexcel | Thinkswap.
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Macbeth essay. the theme of the natural world vs the discount. Macbeth Essay - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. Macbeth Essay | English - Year 11 VCE | Thinkswap. Macbeth essay. Planning for your Macbeth Essay | EDUTRONIC | Mr Waugh | Year 8 English. ⇉Free Macbeths: The Theme of Masculinity Essay Example | GraduateWay. Macbeth Essay: A "How To" Guide on Constructing an AQA Macbeth Essay .... Macbeth essay - Grade: 9 - Macbeth Written in 1606, Macbeth has been .... Macbeth Essay | Macbeth | Fiction & Literature. Macbeth Essay | English (Advanced) - Year 11 HSC | Thinkswap. Explore how Shakespeare presents Masculinity as an important theme in .... Essay on Macbeth | English (Advanced) - Year 11 HSC | Thinkswap. macbeth essay - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. Macbeth By William Shakespeare is a play of contradiction and ambition .... Macbeth Essay. Macbeth Essay | Literature - Year 12 WACE | Thinkswap. Macbeth Essay Topic. Macbeth Character Revision Flashcards 9-1 | Teaching Resources .... Macbeth Revision Sheets 9-1 | Teaching Resources | Macbeth lessons .... Macbeth Essay | Year 11 SACE - English | Thinkswap. Macbeth Essay | PDF | Macbeth. Macbeth Essay. - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. Macbeth Revision Resources: quotations, themes, context (AQA 9-1 .... Macbeth Analysis Essay | English - Year 11 QCE | Thinkswap. Macbeth Character Collages: An Interactive Digital Activity | Teaching .... Grade 9 Macbeth essays | English Literature - GCSE AQA | Thinkswap. Macbeth essay | English Literature - GCSE Edexcel | Thinkswap.
How to Write a Satire Essay: Tips amp; Examples HandmadeWriting. 002 Writing Satirical Essay P1 Thatsnotus. example of satire essay. Essay websites: Examples of satire essays. Example Of A Satire Essay. 021 Essay Example Satire Thatsnotus. Excellent Satire Essay Examples Thatsnotus. How To Write A Satire Essay: Learn The Right Techniques To Cope With It. 001 How To Write Satire Essay Example On Popes The Rape Of Lock .... Satire Essay Topics List Funn amp; Easy for school: Examples, Ideas .... Satire Essay On Texting. How To Write Satire Analysis Essay - UNUGTP News. 008 Topics Write Satirical Essay Thatsnotus. Satire Definition: How to Write Satire Examples Writers.com. 013 Essay Example To Kill Mockingbird Parody Paper Satirical Thatsnotus. satire analysis essay Satire Mark Twain. High School Satire Essay Ideas. Satire Throug
Whiteness Studies The New History of Race in AmericaAu.docxpoulterbarbara
Whiteness Studies: The New History of Race in America
Author(s): Peter Kolchin
Source: The Journal of American History, Vol. 89, No. 1 (Jun., 2002), pp. 154-173
Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of Organization of American Historians
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2700788
Accessed: 16-09-2019 15:29 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Organization of American Historians, Oxford University Press are collaborating with
JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of American History
This content downloaded from 144.80.21.94 on Mon, 16 Sep 2019 15:29:43 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Whiteness Studies: The New History
of Race in America
Peter Kolchin
Suddenly whiteness studies are everywhere. The rapid proliferation of a genre that
appears to have come out of nowhere is little short of astonishing: a recent keyword
search on my university library's electronic catalog yielded fifty-one books containing
the word "whiteness" in their titles, almost all published in the past decade and most
published in the past five years.1 All around us, American historians and scholars in
related disciplines from sociology and law to cultural studies and education are writ-
ing books with titles such as The White Scourge, How the Irish Became White, Making
Whiteness, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness, and Critical White Studies.2
Although the term "whiteness studies" might at first glance suggest works that pro-
mote white identity or constitute part of a racist backlash against multiculturalism
and "political correctness," virtually all the whiteness studies authors seek to confront
white privilege-that is, racism-and virtually all identify at some level with the
political Left. Most of them see a close link between their scholarly efforts and the
goal of creating a more humane social order.
Whiteness studies authors manifest a wide variety of approaches. In many of the
disciplines outside history, prescriptive policy goals assume a central position; writing
on whiteness in education, for example, Nelson M. Rodriguez calls for the creation
of "'pedagogies of whiteness' as a counterhegemonic act" predicated on the need to
"refigure whiteness in antiracist, antihomophobic, and antisexist ways."3 Although
Peter Kolchin is Henry Clay Reed Professor of History at the University of Delaware.
I would like to thank Margaret L. Andersen, Anne M. Boylan, Lori Ginzberg, and the graduate students in my
advanced seminar (Tracey Birdwell, .
In our consumption-oriented, mediated society, much of what comes .docxjaggernaoma
In our consumption-oriented, mediated society, much of what comes to pass as important is based often on the stories produced and disseminated by media institutions. Much of what audiences know and care about is based on the images, symbols, and narratives in radio, television, film, music, and other media. How individuals construct their social identities, how they come to understand what it means to be male, female, black, white, Asian, Latino, Native American—even rural or urban—is shaped by commodified texts produced by media for audiences that are increasingly segmented by the social constructions of race and gender. Media, in short, are central to what ultimately come to represent our social realities.
While sex differences are rooted in biology, how we come to understand and perform gender is based on culture.1 We view culture “as a process through which people circulate and struggle over the meanings of our social experiences, social relations, and therefore, our selves” (Byers & Dell, 1992, p. 191). Just as gender is a social construct through which a society defines what it means to be masculine or feminine, race also is a social construction. Race can no longer be seen as a biological category, and it has little basis in science or genetics. Identifiers such as hair and skin color serve as imperfect indicators of race. The racial categories we use to differentiate human difference have been created and changed to meet the dynamic social, political, and economic needs of our society. The premise [Page 298]that race and gender are social constructions underscores their centrality to the processes of human reality. Working from it compels us to understand the complex roles played by social institutions such as the media in shaping our increasingly gendered and racialized media culture. This chapter explores some of the ways mediated communication in the United States represents the social constructions of race and gender and ultimately contributes to our understanding of both, especially race.2
Although research on race, gender, and media traditionally has focused on under-represented, subordinate groups such as women and minorities, this chapter discusses scholarship on media representations of both genders and various racial groups. Therefore, we examine media constructions of masculinity, femininity, so-called people of color, and even white people.3 On the other hand, given the limitations of this chapter and the fact that media research on race has focused on African Americans, we devote greater attention to blacks but not at the exclusion of the emerging saliency of whiteness studies, which acknowledge whiteness as a social category and seek to expose and explain white privilege.4
Our theoretical and conceptual orientation encompasses research that is commonly referred to as “critical/cultural studies.” Numerous theoretical approaches have been used to examine issues of race, gender, and media, but we contend that critical/cultu.
Warning Concerning Copyright Restrictions The copyrig.docxShiraPrater50
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adm135
Text Box
Kellner, Douglas. Aesthetics, Ethics, and Politics in the films of Spike Lee. Spike Lee's Do the Right Thing. Reid, Mark. ed. New York. Cambridge University Press. 1997. 0521559545. Ch. 4. pp. 73-106.
adm135
Text Box
11/14/2019
DOUGLAS KELLNER
4 Aesthetics, Ethics,
and Politics in the
Films of Spike Lee
During the 1980s, Hollywood joined Ronald Reagan
and his administration in neglecting African-American issues
and concems.1 Few serious films during the decade featured
Blacks; instead, Blacks were generally stereotypically portrayed
in comedies, often with an African-American comic like Richard
Pryor or Eddie Murphy playing against a white buddy.2 In this
context, Spike Lee's films constitute a significant intervention
into the Hollywood film system. Addressing issues of race, gen-
der, and class from a resolutely black perspective, Lee's films
provide insights into these explosive problematics missing from
mainstream white cinema. Starting with low-budget indepen-
dent pictures like Joe's Bed-Stuy Barbershop: We Cut Heads and
She's Gotta Have It, Lee moved to Hollywood financing of his
films starting with School Daze, a focus on black college life that
spoofed the college film genre and the musical. His next film, Do
the Right Thing (DRT), was immediately recognized as an im-
portant cinematic statement concerning the situation of Blacks
in contemporary U.S. society, ...
World in 2050 essay. Life In The Future 2050, Essay Sample. 2019-01-19. Life in the future 2050 essays. How to Write My Future Plans Essay: Example Included!. What will the future be like essay. Cars Of The Future Essay Example .... PDF Will Artificial Intelligence Brighten or Threaten the Future. College essay: Essays on world peace. 018 Essay Example My Future Plan Ielts Simon Com General Writing Pcelt .... Essay on Our Earth Our Future for Students, Kids - 500 Words Long Essay. My Future Plans in Life Free Essay Example. Looking towards the future essays. The Future. Pin on Essay. Essay On Future Is Now The Future Is Now by Katherine Anne Porter. Future Essay Essay on Future for Students and Children in English - A .... About future world in the Brave New World - Free Essay Example .... What will the future be like essay. School In Future, Essay Sample .... Technology of the future Research Paper Example Topics and Well .... The Future - Essay - Engelsk - Opgaver.com. Narrative essay: Bright future essay. 010 Essay My Life Future Plan Me And Plans Of Studies A130 School After .... My Dreams For The Future Free Essay Example. Sample essay on the future of digital media. STS Essay: Why does the future doesnt need us - Human beings have .... My Future Plan Essay Doctor Of Philosophy Free 30-day Trial Scribd. Cities of the future sample essay - pollutionvideohive.web.fc2.com. Essay on my future world - researchabout.web.fc2.com. Future world in 2050 essay help. Future world in 2050 essay. the world in 2050 the real future of .... ENGLISH LAEnglish - English Essay- The Lessons We Learn Affect Our .... Essay on my future - Get Help From Custom College Essay Writing and ... Future World Essay Future World Essay
With regards to this article, I agree and disagree on certain leve.docxalanfhall8953
With regards to this article, I agree and disagree on certain levels pertaining to racism in video games. I have been playing video games since the Nintendo days and I have noticed many stereotypes in video games that Evan has pointed out. Although Evan feels that all black characters are subject to stereotypes, there are bunches of game characters that I believe are not under this category and are in fact very ambitious characters. For example, Lee Everett from the Walking Dead: Season 1 game, Captain Anderson from the Mass Effect Trilogy, Franklin from Grand Theft Auto V and Sgt. Johnson from the Halo series. The problem I have with Evan's critique is the fact that he is judging black characters based on how they act and look, something that society does to members of the visible minority in the real world. Majority of the characters that are in question may seem stereotypical at first but if you delve deeper into their character you start to realize that there is depth behind that person rather than just big muscles and a loud mouth. In my opinion, whenever I play a video game I can care less what the race of my character is and I look more towards their development as a character and the story that it is telling. Many "gamers" share this same opinion from research I have done and even in the comment section of this article. I get the notion that he is looking for a character that is "white" but the problem is whenever a black character is given the same characteristics as a white character, they are not well received and are made fun of for being "white washed". There seems to be a double standard with how black characters are portrayed and is also something that will unfortunately never be able to appease to everyone due to the fact that everyone shares a different opinion on how certain types of characters should be portrayed.
3/25/2014
1/11
The Social Construction of "Race"
As our discussions have revealed over the past few weeks, negative or stereotypical representation in media
has real consequences. Such representations not only reflect but also reinforce the marginality of minority
groups. Thus, it follows that the political empowerment of subordinate groups in society--such as women,
youth, people with disabilities, gays and lesbians, the poor--depends in part on changing the way these
groups are represented.
How can we think about the issues of representation and empowerment in relation to racial minorities? First,
we need to gain a better understanding of the social construction of racial and ethnic identity.
Ethnicity
'Ethnicity' and 'race' are linked but distinct categories. Ethnicity is a broad social category that addresses
one’s perceived membership in a larger group based on an attachment to an actual or possible homeland, its
cultural heritage, belief system, political history, language, myths, customs, manners, food, literature, sport, art
or architectural style. Ethnic affiliations are acknowledged and pa.
Instrumentalisation and Objectification of Human SexualityRemigiuszRosicki
The article discusses the issue of instrumentalisation and objectification of corporeality and sexuality. The issue was considered in the context of forms possible to distribute by the media. The starting point is general tabloidisation in the contemporary culture, which changes due to new technologies of production, recording and distribution. The body, nudity and violence are becoming a tool of inducing shock, dazzling with vulgarity and breaking taboos in order to satisfy sexual needs and curiosity. The ability to access previously restricted content or content which was previously not feasible due to the lack of universality of the media, causes that these forms find their customers. This problem has been reduced to the so called “hard pornography” (pornography using and presenting violence); however, attention should be paid to a broader range of issues which included 1) the actual sexual violence, 2) real sexual relations
of BDSM partners and (3) sexual violence in pornographic films. In fact, in each of
these situations we will talk about different forms of instrumentalisation and objectification of human corporeality.
The text presents the thesis that the legal sphere related toius publicum, which is shaped by participation in the public sphere, has a significant impact on private life. Hence the dominance of particular social narratives (ideology, ethics, etc.) affects the legal sphere, which interferes to a great extent with the private sphere of people. We should also stress the change in the meaning of what was called pornography – from tools to express political ideas to contents aiming at providing amusement
and satisfaction on different levels.
The legal issue related to the so-called hard-core pornography (pornography using and presenting violence) has been generally presented on the example of the Polish Criminal Code. Of particular importance is art. 202 § 3, which defines criminal penalties for distribution, production, recording, importing, storage and possession of “hard pornography” (the text is limited to the analysis of pornography using and presenting violence).
Civil Disobedience Free Essay Example. Essay on Civil Disobedience | Mahatma Gandhi | Civil Disobedience. Civil Disobedience Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 .... Full civil disobedience essay. Civil disobedience. Civil disobedience essay thesis proposal. Civil disobedience main point thesis - euthanasiaessays.web.fc2.com. Essays on Civil Disobedience - Dover Books. Civil Disobedience and Other Essays by Thoreau Henry David Thoreau .... Henry david thoreau civil disobedience essay summary. Civil Disobedience and Other Essays by Henry David Thoreau (English .... Civil Disobedience by Henry David Thoreau - Book - Read Online. College essay: Civil disobedience thoreau essay. On The Duty Of Civil Disobedience. Civil Disobedience And Law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written .... Civil Disobedience, and Other Essays. Civil Disobedience Essay.doc | Civil Disobedience | Civil Disobedience .... Who wrote civil disobedience essay. Civil Disobedience Movement - Civil Disobedience Movement (1930- 31 .... Essay On Civil Disobedience Summary. Excerpt of "Civil Disobedience" by Henry David Thoreau with annotation .... Thoreau Civil Disobedience Essay Questions. Analytical Essay: Essay civil disobedience. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE & OTHER ESSAYS - PREMIUM COLLECTION EBOOK | HENRY ....
You have until April 16th to produce an MLA format research papewalthamcoretta
You have until
April 16th
to produce an MLA format research paper of approximately 1,500 words (minimum 1,000 words), including also a Works Cited and an attached bibliography showing research performed on Barry U. subscription databases. Submit both electronically to Canvas and in hard copy. Sample basic bibliographies are available on my Canvas page for this course. Students will write the paper based on a comparative analysis of
two or more
complementary film and literary texts,
including at least one we have studied this semester, Psycho, the picture of Dorian Gray, Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, and the merchant of Venice
. The essay must display an awareness of recent critical commentary on your texts, and must include reference to at least two secondary sources retrieved via the Barry University library subscription databases (such as the MLA bibliography, ProQuest, EBSCO Academic Search Premier, etc.). Printouts of search results must be included with the paper submission. (This paper represents 20% of your course grade.)
Your paper should advance an original argument about one of the following five topics:
1
The Mask
: In his article “Clowns on the Verge of a Nervous Breakdown” Andrew Stott explains that the clown Grimaldi “extended the idea of face-paint to a white foundation that . . . implied a much stricter division between character and performer than had been presented before” (8-9), and that, later, Grimaldi “made a spectacle of his own unmasked decrepitude” (12). Use at least two examples including one we have studied to explore the extent to which the use of some form of mask is typical of villain figures.
2
The
Devouring Mother
: In
The Hero with a Thousand Faces
, Joseph Campbell suggests that “the hero, whether god or goddess, man or woman . . . discovers and assimilates his opposite (his own unsuspected self) either by swallowing it or being swallowed” (89). Show how at least two complementary fictional figures (including one we have studied) represent the villain as either an eater or one “swallowed up.”
3
The
Trickster
: William Hynes and William Doty note in their introduction to
Mythical Trickster Figures
(1993) that the idea of a trickster archetype is controversial: some believe it is universal, while others see it as culture-specific. Investigate some definitions of the archetype (see also below) and, using particular examples, argue for or against its culture-specificity in American popular culture.
4
The Doppelgänger
: The denouement of Alan Moore’s
Batman: The Killing Joke
(1988) finds the hero and the villain, who have spent the novel in pursuit of each other, sharing a joke, implying an identification of one with the other. There are also doppelgängers in
Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde
,
The Picture of Dorian Gray
, and
Fight Club
: How does the notion of the doppelgänger complicate the relationship of the hero archetype to that of the villain?
5
The Villein’s
territory is the ...
Essay On Streetcar Named Desire.pdfEssay On Streetcar Named Desire. A Streetc...Jodi Hartman
Introduction to A Streetcar Named Desire Free Essay Example. A Streetcar Named Desire Essay English Advanced - Year 11 HSC .... Reality vs. Illusion in quot;A Streetcar Named Desirequot; Free Essay Sample .... 8x A A STREETCAR NAMED DESIRE ESSAYS for A Level English Literature .... Picture of A Streetcar Named Desire 1951. A Streetcar Named Desire English - Year 11 SACE Thinkswap. Streetcar Named Desire Conclusion Essay Example StudyHippo.com. A Streetcar Named Desire Essay on Mitch Teaching Resources. Psychoanalysis Example A Streetcar Named Desire Argumentative Essay .... A Streetcar Named Desire - Essay Package Literature - Year 11 VCE .... A Streetcar Named Desire Analysis A Streetcar Named Desire Overview .... A Streetcar Named Desire - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. A Streetcar Named Desire - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. A essay on A Streetcar Named Desire Teaching Resources. Social Issues in a Streetcar Named Desire Essay Example StudyHippo.com. A Streetcar Named Desire Analysis of scenes 4, 8, 11: - GCSE English .... Streetcar Named Desire Essay - Band 6 English Advanced - Year 11 .... Expository essay: Essay on streetcar named desire. Free essay on streetcar named desire. Gender Roles in a Streetcar .... ᐅ Essays On A Streetcar Named Desire Free Argumentative, Persuasive .... Streetcar Named Desire A Level English Literature essay Teaching .... A Streetcar Named Desire Essay - GCSE English - Marked by Teachers.com. A Streetcar Named Desire - 2 model essays on characters of Stanley and .... A ESSAY ON A STREETCAR NAMED DESIRE AQA Teaching Resources. Streetcar Named Desire Essay Legal Studies - Year 11 HSC Thinkswap. A Streetcar Named Desire is a 1951 American film adaptation of the .... A Streetcar Named Desire Essay - A Level English Literature Teaching .... Example A Streetcar Named Desire essay Teaching Resources. A Streetcar Named Desire Essay Plans A Level Teaching Resources. A Streetcar Named Desire Quotations amp; Analysis SchoolWorkHelper. A Streetcar Named Desire Revision - A Streetcar Named Desire Scenes .... Streetcar Named Desire Essay Example Topics and Well Written Essays .... A Streetcar named Desire English Advanced - Year 11 HSC Thinkswap Essay On Streetcar Named Desire Essay On Streetcar Named Desire. A Streetcar Named Desire Analysis of scenes 4, 8, 11: - GCSE English ...
Whiteness Studies The New History of Race in AmericaAu.docxpoulterbarbara
Whiteness Studies: The New History of Race in America
Author(s): Peter Kolchin
Source: The Journal of American History, Vol. 89, No. 1 (Jun., 2002), pp. 154-173
Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of Organization of American Historians
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/2700788
Accessed: 16-09-2019 15:29 UTC
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms
Organization of American Historians, Oxford University Press are collaborating with
JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The Journal of American History
This content downloaded from 144.80.21.94 on Mon, 16 Sep 2019 15:29:43 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Whiteness Studies: The New History
of Race in America
Peter Kolchin
Suddenly whiteness studies are everywhere. The rapid proliferation of a genre that
appears to have come out of nowhere is little short of astonishing: a recent keyword
search on my university library's electronic catalog yielded fifty-one books containing
the word "whiteness" in their titles, almost all published in the past decade and most
published in the past five years.1 All around us, American historians and scholars in
related disciplines from sociology and law to cultural studies and education are writ-
ing books with titles such as The White Scourge, How the Irish Became White, Making
Whiteness, The Possessive Investment in Whiteness, and Critical White Studies.2
Although the term "whiteness studies" might at first glance suggest works that pro-
mote white identity or constitute part of a racist backlash against multiculturalism
and "political correctness," virtually all the whiteness studies authors seek to confront
white privilege-that is, racism-and virtually all identify at some level with the
political Left. Most of them see a close link between their scholarly efforts and the
goal of creating a more humane social order.
Whiteness studies authors manifest a wide variety of approaches. In many of the
disciplines outside history, prescriptive policy goals assume a central position; writing
on whiteness in education, for example, Nelson M. Rodriguez calls for the creation
of "'pedagogies of whiteness' as a counterhegemonic act" predicated on the need to
"refigure whiteness in antiracist, antihomophobic, and antisexist ways."3 Although
Peter Kolchin is Henry Clay Reed Professor of History at the University of Delaware.
I would like to thank Margaret L. Andersen, Anne M. Boylan, Lori Ginzberg, and the graduate students in my
advanced seminar (Tracey Birdwell, .
In our consumption-oriented, mediated society, much of what comes .docxjaggernaoma
In our consumption-oriented, mediated society, much of what comes to pass as important is based often on the stories produced and disseminated by media institutions. Much of what audiences know and care about is based on the images, symbols, and narratives in radio, television, film, music, and other media. How individuals construct their social identities, how they come to understand what it means to be male, female, black, white, Asian, Latino, Native American—even rural or urban—is shaped by commodified texts produced by media for audiences that are increasingly segmented by the social constructions of race and gender. Media, in short, are central to what ultimately come to represent our social realities.
While sex differences are rooted in biology, how we come to understand and perform gender is based on culture.1 We view culture “as a process through which people circulate and struggle over the meanings of our social experiences, social relations, and therefore, our selves” (Byers & Dell, 1992, p. 191). Just as gender is a social construct through which a society defines what it means to be masculine or feminine, race also is a social construction. Race can no longer be seen as a biological category, and it has little basis in science or genetics. Identifiers such as hair and skin color serve as imperfect indicators of race. The racial categories we use to differentiate human difference have been created and changed to meet the dynamic social, political, and economic needs of our society. The premise [Page 298]that race and gender are social constructions underscores their centrality to the processes of human reality. Working from it compels us to understand the complex roles played by social institutions such as the media in shaping our increasingly gendered and racialized media culture. This chapter explores some of the ways mediated communication in the United States represents the social constructions of race and gender and ultimately contributes to our understanding of both, especially race.2
Although research on race, gender, and media traditionally has focused on under-represented, subordinate groups such as women and minorities, this chapter discusses scholarship on media representations of both genders and various racial groups. Therefore, we examine media constructions of masculinity, femininity, so-called people of color, and even white people.3 On the other hand, given the limitations of this chapter and the fact that media research on race has focused on African Americans, we devote greater attention to blacks but not at the exclusion of the emerging saliency of whiteness studies, which acknowledge whiteness as a social category and seek to expose and explain white privilege.4
Our theoretical and conceptual orientation encompasses research that is commonly referred to as “critical/cultural studies.” Numerous theoretical approaches have been used to examine issues of race, gender, and media, but we contend that critical/cultu.
Warning Concerning Copyright Restrictions The copyrig.docxShiraPrater50
Warning Concerning Copyright Restrictions
The copyright law of the United States (Title 17, United States Code) governs the
reproduction of copyrighted material.
Under certain conditions specified in the law, libraries and archives are permitted to
furnish a reproduction if used for “private study, scholarship or research.” A second
condition is that only single articles or chapters of a work totaling no more than 15% of
the total number of pages be reproduced. Any use of a reproduction that exceeds these
guidelines may be considered copyright infringement.
This institution reserves the right to refuse any request for reproduction that is
deemed a violation of current copyright guidelines.
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adm135
Text Box
Kellner, Douglas. Aesthetics, Ethics, and Politics in the films of Spike Lee. Spike Lee's Do the Right Thing. Reid, Mark. ed. New York. Cambridge University Press. 1997. 0521559545. Ch. 4. pp. 73-106.
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Text Box
11/14/2019
DOUGLAS KELLNER
4 Aesthetics, Ethics,
and Politics in the
Films of Spike Lee
During the 1980s, Hollywood joined Ronald Reagan
and his administration in neglecting African-American issues
and concems.1 Few serious films during the decade featured
Blacks; instead, Blacks were generally stereotypically portrayed
in comedies, often with an African-American comic like Richard
Pryor or Eddie Murphy playing against a white buddy.2 In this
context, Spike Lee's films constitute a significant intervention
into the Hollywood film system. Addressing issues of race, gen-
der, and class from a resolutely black perspective, Lee's films
provide insights into these explosive problematics missing from
mainstream white cinema. Starting with low-budget indepen-
dent pictures like Joe's Bed-Stuy Barbershop: We Cut Heads and
She's Gotta Have It, Lee moved to Hollywood financing of his
films starting with School Daze, a focus on black college life that
spoofed the college film genre and the musical. His next film, Do
the Right Thing (DRT), was immediately recognized as an im-
portant cinematic statement concerning the situation of Blacks
in contemporary U.S. society, ...
World in 2050 essay. Life In The Future 2050, Essay Sample. 2019-01-19. Life in the future 2050 essays. How to Write My Future Plans Essay: Example Included!. What will the future be like essay. Cars Of The Future Essay Example .... PDF Will Artificial Intelligence Brighten or Threaten the Future. College essay: Essays on world peace. 018 Essay Example My Future Plan Ielts Simon Com General Writing Pcelt .... Essay on Our Earth Our Future for Students, Kids - 500 Words Long Essay. My Future Plans in Life Free Essay Example. Looking towards the future essays. The Future. Pin on Essay. Essay On Future Is Now The Future Is Now by Katherine Anne Porter. Future Essay Essay on Future for Students and Children in English - A .... About future world in the Brave New World - Free Essay Example .... What will the future be like essay. School In Future, Essay Sample .... Technology of the future Research Paper Example Topics and Well .... The Future - Essay - Engelsk - Opgaver.com. Narrative essay: Bright future essay. 010 Essay My Life Future Plan Me And Plans Of Studies A130 School After .... My Dreams For The Future Free Essay Example. Sample essay on the future of digital media. STS Essay: Why does the future doesnt need us - Human beings have .... My Future Plan Essay Doctor Of Philosophy Free 30-day Trial Scribd. Cities of the future sample essay - pollutionvideohive.web.fc2.com. Essay on my future world - researchabout.web.fc2.com. Future world in 2050 essay help. Future world in 2050 essay. the world in 2050 the real future of .... ENGLISH LAEnglish - English Essay- The Lessons We Learn Affect Our .... Essay on my future - Get Help From Custom College Essay Writing and ... Future World Essay Future World Essay
With regards to this article, I agree and disagree on certain leve.docxalanfhall8953
With regards to this article, I agree and disagree on certain levels pertaining to racism in video games. I have been playing video games since the Nintendo days and I have noticed many stereotypes in video games that Evan has pointed out. Although Evan feels that all black characters are subject to stereotypes, there are bunches of game characters that I believe are not under this category and are in fact very ambitious characters. For example, Lee Everett from the Walking Dead: Season 1 game, Captain Anderson from the Mass Effect Trilogy, Franklin from Grand Theft Auto V and Sgt. Johnson from the Halo series. The problem I have with Evan's critique is the fact that he is judging black characters based on how they act and look, something that society does to members of the visible minority in the real world. Majority of the characters that are in question may seem stereotypical at first but if you delve deeper into their character you start to realize that there is depth behind that person rather than just big muscles and a loud mouth. In my opinion, whenever I play a video game I can care less what the race of my character is and I look more towards their development as a character and the story that it is telling. Many "gamers" share this same opinion from research I have done and even in the comment section of this article. I get the notion that he is looking for a character that is "white" but the problem is whenever a black character is given the same characteristics as a white character, they are not well received and are made fun of for being "white washed". There seems to be a double standard with how black characters are portrayed and is also something that will unfortunately never be able to appease to everyone due to the fact that everyone shares a different opinion on how certain types of characters should be portrayed.
3/25/2014
1/11
The Social Construction of "Race"
As our discussions have revealed over the past few weeks, negative or stereotypical representation in media
has real consequences. Such representations not only reflect but also reinforce the marginality of minority
groups. Thus, it follows that the political empowerment of subordinate groups in society--such as women,
youth, people with disabilities, gays and lesbians, the poor--depends in part on changing the way these
groups are represented.
How can we think about the issues of representation and empowerment in relation to racial minorities? First,
we need to gain a better understanding of the social construction of racial and ethnic identity.
Ethnicity
'Ethnicity' and 'race' are linked but distinct categories. Ethnicity is a broad social category that addresses
one’s perceived membership in a larger group based on an attachment to an actual or possible homeland, its
cultural heritage, belief system, political history, language, myths, customs, manners, food, literature, sport, art
or architectural style. Ethnic affiliations are acknowledged and pa.
Instrumentalisation and Objectification of Human SexualityRemigiuszRosicki
The article discusses the issue of instrumentalisation and objectification of corporeality and sexuality. The issue was considered in the context of forms possible to distribute by the media. The starting point is general tabloidisation in the contemporary culture, which changes due to new technologies of production, recording and distribution. The body, nudity and violence are becoming a tool of inducing shock, dazzling with vulgarity and breaking taboos in order to satisfy sexual needs and curiosity. The ability to access previously restricted content or content which was previously not feasible due to the lack of universality of the media, causes that these forms find their customers. This problem has been reduced to the so called “hard pornography” (pornography using and presenting violence); however, attention should be paid to a broader range of issues which included 1) the actual sexual violence, 2) real sexual relations
of BDSM partners and (3) sexual violence in pornographic films. In fact, in each of
these situations we will talk about different forms of instrumentalisation and objectification of human corporeality.
The text presents the thesis that the legal sphere related toius publicum, which is shaped by participation in the public sphere, has a significant impact on private life. Hence the dominance of particular social narratives (ideology, ethics, etc.) affects the legal sphere, which interferes to a great extent with the private sphere of people. We should also stress the change in the meaning of what was called pornography – from tools to express political ideas to contents aiming at providing amusement
and satisfaction on different levels.
The legal issue related to the so-called hard-core pornography (pornography using and presenting violence) has been generally presented on the example of the Polish Criminal Code. Of particular importance is art. 202 § 3, which defines criminal penalties for distribution, production, recording, importing, storage and possession of “hard pornography” (the text is limited to the analysis of pornography using and presenting violence).
Civil Disobedience Free Essay Example. Essay on Civil Disobedience | Mahatma Gandhi | Civil Disobedience. Civil Disobedience Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 .... Full civil disobedience essay. Civil disobedience. Civil disobedience essay thesis proposal. Civil disobedience main point thesis - euthanasiaessays.web.fc2.com. Essays on Civil Disobedience - Dover Books. Civil Disobedience and Other Essays by Thoreau Henry David Thoreau .... Henry david thoreau civil disobedience essay summary. Civil Disobedience and Other Essays by Henry David Thoreau (English .... Civil Disobedience by Henry David Thoreau - Book - Read Online. College essay: Civil disobedience thoreau essay. On The Duty Of Civil Disobedience. Civil Disobedience And Law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written .... Civil Disobedience, and Other Essays. Civil Disobedience Essay.doc | Civil Disobedience | Civil Disobedience .... Who wrote civil disobedience essay. Civil Disobedience Movement - Civil Disobedience Movement (1930- 31 .... Essay On Civil Disobedience Summary. Excerpt of "Civil Disobedience" by Henry David Thoreau with annotation .... Thoreau Civil Disobedience Essay Questions. Analytical Essay: Essay civil disobedience. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE & OTHER ESSAYS - PREMIUM COLLECTION EBOOK | HENRY ....
You have until April 16th to produce an MLA format research papewalthamcoretta
You have until
April 16th
to produce an MLA format research paper of approximately 1,500 words (minimum 1,000 words), including also a Works Cited and an attached bibliography showing research performed on Barry U. subscription databases. Submit both electronically to Canvas and in hard copy. Sample basic bibliographies are available on my Canvas page for this course. Students will write the paper based on a comparative analysis of
two or more
complementary film and literary texts,
including at least one we have studied this semester, Psycho, the picture of Dorian Gray, Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, and the merchant of Venice
. The essay must display an awareness of recent critical commentary on your texts, and must include reference to at least two secondary sources retrieved via the Barry University library subscription databases (such as the MLA bibliography, ProQuest, EBSCO Academic Search Premier, etc.). Printouts of search results must be included with the paper submission. (This paper represents 20% of your course grade.)
Your paper should advance an original argument about one of the following five topics:
1
The Mask
: In his article “Clowns on the Verge of a Nervous Breakdown” Andrew Stott explains that the clown Grimaldi “extended the idea of face-paint to a white foundation that . . . implied a much stricter division between character and performer than had been presented before” (8-9), and that, later, Grimaldi “made a spectacle of his own unmasked decrepitude” (12). Use at least two examples including one we have studied to explore the extent to which the use of some form of mask is typical of villain figures.
2
The
Devouring Mother
: In
The Hero with a Thousand Faces
, Joseph Campbell suggests that “the hero, whether god or goddess, man or woman . . . discovers and assimilates his opposite (his own unsuspected self) either by swallowing it or being swallowed” (89). Show how at least two complementary fictional figures (including one we have studied) represent the villain as either an eater or one “swallowed up.”
3
The
Trickster
: William Hynes and William Doty note in their introduction to
Mythical Trickster Figures
(1993) that the idea of a trickster archetype is controversial: some believe it is universal, while others see it as culture-specific. Investigate some definitions of the archetype (see also below) and, using particular examples, argue for or against its culture-specificity in American popular culture.
4
The Doppelgänger
: The denouement of Alan Moore’s
Batman: The Killing Joke
(1988) finds the hero and the villain, who have spent the novel in pursuit of each other, sharing a joke, implying an identification of one with the other. There are also doppelgängers in
Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde
,
The Picture of Dorian Gray
, and
Fight Club
: How does the notion of the doppelgänger complicate the relationship of the hero archetype to that of the villain?
5
The Villein’s
territory is the ...
Essay On Streetcar Named Desire.pdfEssay On Streetcar Named Desire. A Streetc...Jodi Hartman
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Francesca Gottschalk - How can education support child empowerment.pptxEduSkills OECD
Francesca Gottschalk from the OECD’s Centre for Educational Research and Innovation presents at the Ask an Expert Webinar: How can education support child empowerment?
Operation “Blue Star” is the only event in the history of Independent India where the state went into war with its own people. Even after about 40 years it is not clear if it was culmination of states anger over people of the region, a political game of power or start of dictatorial chapter in the democratic setup.
The people of Punjab felt alienated from main stream due to denial of their just demands during a long democratic struggle since independence. As it happen all over the word, it led to militant struggle with great loss of lives of military, police and civilian personnel. Killing of Indira Gandhi and massacre of innocent Sikhs in Delhi and other India cities was also associated with this movement.
Unit 8 - Information and Communication Technology (Paper I).pdfThiyagu K
This slides describes the basic concepts of ICT, basics of Email, Emerging Technology and Digital Initiatives in Education. This presentations aligns with the UGC Paper I syllabus.
June 3, 2024 Anti-Semitism Letter Sent to MIT President Kornbluth and MIT Cor...Levi Shapiro
Letter from the Congress of the United States regarding Anti-Semitism sent June 3rd to MIT President Sally Kornbluth, MIT Corp Chair, Mark Gorenberg
Dear Dr. Kornbluth and Mr. Gorenberg,
The US House of Representatives is deeply concerned by ongoing and pervasive acts of antisemitic
harassment and intimidation at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). Failing to act decisively to ensure a safe learning environment for all students would be a grave dereliction of your responsibilities as President of MIT and Chair of the MIT Corporation.
This Congress will not stand idly by and allow an environment hostile to Jewish students to persist. The House believes that your institution is in violation of Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, and the inability or
unwillingness to rectify this violation through action requires accountability.
Postsecondary education is a unique opportunity for students to learn and have their ideas and beliefs challenged. However, universities receiving hundreds of millions of federal funds annually have denied
students that opportunity and have been hijacked to become venues for the promotion of terrorism, antisemitic harassment and intimidation, unlawful encampments, and in some cases, assaults and riots.
The House of Representatives will not countenance the use of federal funds to indoctrinate students into hateful, antisemitic, anti-American supporters of terrorism. Investigations into campus antisemitism by the Committee on Education and the Workforce and the Committee on Ways and Means have been expanded into a Congress-wide probe across all relevant jurisdictions to address this national crisis. The undersigned Committees will conduct oversight into the use of federal funds at MIT and its learning environment under authorities granted to each Committee.
• The Committee on Education and the Workforce has been investigating your institution since December 7, 2023. The Committee has broad jurisdiction over postsecondary education, including its compliance with Title VI of the Civil Rights Act, campus safety concerns over disruptions to the learning environment, and the awarding of federal student aid under the Higher Education Act.
• The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is investigating the sources of funding and other support flowing to groups espousing pro-Hamas propaganda and engaged in antisemitic harassment and intimidation of students. The Committee on Oversight and Accountability is the principal oversight committee of the US House of Representatives and has broad authority to investigate “any matter” at “any time” under House Rule X.
• The Committee on Ways and Means has been investigating several universities since November 15, 2023, when the Committee held a hearing entitled From Ivory Towers to Dark Corners: Investigating the Nexus Between Antisemitism, Tax-Exempt Universities, and Terror Financing. The Committee followed the hearing with letters to those institutions on January 10, 202
Palestine last event orientationfvgnh .pptxRaedMohamed3
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Instructions for Submissions thorugh G- Classroom.pptxJheel Barad
This presentation provides a briefing on how to upload submissions and documents in Google Classroom. It was prepared as part of an orientation for new Sainik School in-service teacher trainees. As a training officer, my goal is to ensure that you are comfortable and proficient with this essential tool for managing assignments and fostering student engagement.
Acetabularia Information For Class 9 .docxvaibhavrinwa19
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2024.06.01 Introducing a competency framework for languag learning materials ...Sandy Millin
http://sandymillin.wordpress.com/iateflwebinar2024
Published classroom materials form the basis of syllabuses, drive teacher professional development, and have a potentially huge influence on learners, teachers and education systems. All teachers also create their own materials, whether a few sentences on a blackboard, a highly-structured fully-realised online course, or anything in between. Despite this, the knowledge and skills needed to create effective language learning materials are rarely part of teacher training, and are mostly learnt by trial and error.
Knowledge and skills frameworks, generally called competency frameworks, for ELT teachers, trainers and managers have existed for a few years now. However, until I created one for my MA dissertation, there wasn’t one drawing together what we need to know and do to be able to effectively produce language learning materials.
This webinar will introduce you to my framework, highlighting the key competencies I identified from my research. It will also show how anybody involved in language teaching (any language, not just English!), teacher training, managing schools or developing language learning materials can benefit from using the framework.
Welcome to TechSoup New Member Orientation and Q&A (May 2024).pdfTechSoup
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The French Revolution, which began in 1789, was a period of radical social and political upheaval in France. It marked the decline of absolute monarchies, the rise of secular and democratic republics, and the eventual rise of Napoleon Bonaparte. This revolutionary period is crucial in understanding the transition from feudalism to modernity in Europe.
For more information, visit-www.vavaclasses.com
Macroeconomics- Movie Location
This will be used as part of your Personal Professional Portfolio once graded.
Objective:
Prepare a presentation or a paper using research, basic comparative analysis, data organization and application of economic information. You will make an informed assessment of an economic climate outside of the United States to accomplish an entertainment industry objective.
Model Attribute Check Company Auto PropertyCeline George
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A Strategic Approach: GenAI in EducationPeter Windle
Artificial Intelligence (AI) technologies such as Generative AI, Image Generators and Large Language Models have had a dramatic impact on teaching, learning and assessment over the past 18 months. The most immediate threat AI posed was to Academic Integrity with Higher Education Institutes (HEIs) focusing their efforts on combating the use of GenAI in assessment. Guidelines were developed for staff and students, policies put in place too. Innovative educators have forged paths in the use of Generative AI for teaching, learning and assessments leading to pockets of transformation springing up across HEIs, often with little or no top-down guidance, support or direction.
This Gasta posits a strategic approach to integrating AI into HEIs to prepare staff, students and the curriculum for an evolving world and workplace. We will highlight the advantages of working with these technologies beyond the realm of teaching, learning and assessment by considering prompt engineering skills, industry impact, curriculum changes, and the need for staff upskilling. In contrast, not engaging strategically with Generative AI poses risks, including falling behind peers, missed opportunities and failing to ensure our graduates remain employable. The rapid evolution of AI technologies necessitates a proactive and strategic approach if we are to remain relevant.
2. Religions 2021, 12, 712 2 of 20
to Arabs. There are many different theories about the ethnicity of the Egyptian people, and
we had a lot of discussions about how best to represent the culture” (Yahoo Movies Australia
2014). Ultimately, Scott’s reference to the diversity of ancient Egypt did not assuage public
concerns because the issue was more than just the inclusion of diversity in his film. While
the casting of White people to play ancient Africans and Southwest Asians has become a
frustrating norm for Hollywood films, Okaka Opio Dokotum asserts that audiences were
most enraged by Scott’s decision to cast Africans to play only the roles of mute and exotic
servants, lower class civilians, a thief, and an assassin swiftly killed by Moses (Dokotum
2020, pp. 226–27). These combined elements—a prominent White ruling class over an
ancient African civilization served by a largely insignificant Black caste—project the same
metanarrative that has been used as ideological support for Western colonialism and the
enslavement of African people. It is a construction of reality that scholars call the Hamitic
Hypothesis or Hamitic Myth.
In this essay, I will reflect on Scott’s film in dialogue with this racist legacy. In the
abovementioned book by Dokotom, the author dedicates one chapter to considering the
impact of cyber-activism incited by Scott’s casting. Dokotum focuses on audiences’ recep-
tion and reaction to the casting and how it instigated the hashtag #BoycottExodusMovie,
which successfully drew people together to hurt Ridley Scott’s box office performance
(Dokotum 2020, pp. 225–30). In an edited volume on Scott’s film, other scholars have
already explored different issues aside from the casting controversy, such as the politics
of gender representation and the depiction of God in the film (Tollerton 2017a). In the
introduction to that work, David C. Tollerton acknowledges that the accusation of racist
casting is one of the primary issues that has drawn attention to the film, but he avoids
any sustained engagement with the racial politics of Exodus (2014) and instead references
several online pieces written for popular audiences (Lilly 2015; Edwards 2014; Canning
2014; Tollerton 2017b). Among these works, the brief CNN.com article by Joel Baden and
Candida Moss comes closest to my essay. Baden and Moss critique the ways in which
Scott’s film does more than simply miss the opportunity to cast a more historically accurate
or racially sensitive ensemble; Scott’s film actually supplies visual imagery that would be
embraced by nineteenth-century slavery apologists (Baden and Moss 2014). This essay
delves deeper into the topic of seeing Scott’s film in dialogue with a history of contentious
racial discourse in the United States.
The outline of the essay contains three main parts. First, I define the Hamitic Hypoth-
esis by considering the historical trajectory of its development from ideas in the Hebrew
Bible that had not yet congealed into a racial theory into the two main articulations of
the Hamitic Hypothesis that coincide with European enslavement of African people and
imperial domination of various indigenous groups into the nineteenth century. In this
section, I add the twentieth-century experiences of biblical scholar Charles Copher (1913–
2003) to demonstrate the endurance of the Hamitic Hypothesis after American slavery
had been abolished. Beyond the end of Copher’s scholarship in the 1990s, I consider the
ways that the Hamitic Hypothesis has continued to challenge biblical scholarship in the
twenty-first century. In the next section, I take a closer look at the ways in which some of
the most respected White intellectuals in several disciplines have deployed racial (il)logics
in the Hamitic Hypothesis to describe the ruling White race in Egypt as dark-skinned
Caucasians.6 By focusing on this detail, I highlight what is missing from the analysis of
Baden and Moss as well as many other scholars: prominent White intellectuals’ arguments
in favor of their racial kinship with ancient Egyptians were frequently burdened with the
insecure admission that these ancient Egyptian Caucasians sometimes resembled Negroes
in certain respects—most frequently noted being skin color. In the concluding section of
this essay, I return to Scott’s film with this strain of the Hamitic Hypothesis in mind. I point
out that the success of the Hamitic Hypothesis in accomplishing the primary goal of its
White adherents—showing a shared racial identity with ancient Egyptians—has generated
a racial perception of the ancient Egyptians as thoroughly Caucasian in appearance akin to
Northern European White people.
3. Religions 2021, 12, 712 3 of 20
2. What Is the Hamitic Hypothesis?
Scholars have used the term “Hamitic Hypothesis” to describe one overarching
worldview—that civilization is antithetical to the Black race and uniquely consonant
with the White race—expounded in two related but distinct racial theories that are now
discredited. In Edith R. Sanders’ oft-referenced article on the topic, she explains that,
chronologically, the first concept of the Hamitic Hypothesis describes a theory where
people are racialized as Negro and Hamites for a large period of history and the second is
one where people are racialized as Caucasian and Hamites during a later period of history.
In both cases, the nomenclature derives from the biblical story of Noah and his three sons,
Shem, Ham, and Japheth. Yet the function of identification with Ham entails opposite
consequences in the “Negro-Hamite” concept vs. the “Cacasoid-Hamite” concept (Sanders
1969). In order to grasp the differences, it is helpful to consider the relevant biblical texts
and how they are weaponized against Black people in each concept.
In one of the most popular stories from the Hebrew Bible, Noah survives the flood
along with his wife, three sons, and their wives (Genesis 6–9). As the story of Noah’s
life draws to a close, readers are privy to one final event with a very disturbing history
of consequences. After God’s rainbow covenant with Noah, Genesis 9:18–29 narrates a
story in which Noah becomes drunk and disrobes; then, one of Noah’s sons, Ham, sees
his father’s nakedness. After Ham tells his two brothers, Shem and Japheth, they cover
Noah without seeing his nakedness. The plot climaxes with Noah cursing Canaan—Ham’s
son and his own grandson—as a “slave of slaves”
ʿ ʿ ʿ
ebed
ʿ ʿ ʿ
ǎbadîm) and proclaiming that
Canaan will serve Shem and Japheth. Although the text reads that Noah literally curses
Canaan, interpreters have used various details within the text in a long history of reading
Ham as cursed by God (Reed 2020, pp. 130–32). With this passage as the central focus,
identification with Ham entails a cursed, servile, and degenerate state of being.
Many Jewish, Christian, and Muslim sources have identified Black people with Ham
because the biblical text describes all the earth as peopled by Noah’s three sons (Genesis
9:19), and Ham’s sons are the eponymous ancestors of African peoples in Kush, Egypt,
and Punt (Genesis 10:6). This identification was strengthened when readers as far back
as the third century began to associate the biblical name, “Ham” (h
. am) and the color h
. wm
with the root h
. mm, “to be hot,” with the implication that Ham is the ancestor of people
who are dark-skinned like an object that is burned or blackened by heat (Goldenberg 2003,
pp. 144–56). However, it would be a mistake to consider the identification of African people
with Ham as self-evident or consistent across history. Popular depictions of Ham over the
centuries include seeing him as the forefather of Jews, Muslims, Asians, religious heretics,
sinners, sodomites, monstrous creatures (with a horse head or two heads or leprechauns),
Native Americans, serfs, and European royalty in addition to Ham representing Black
people and Africans (Allen 1963, p. 120; Braude 1997, pp. 120–21, 133, 138–40; Braude
2005, p. 81; Freedman 1999, pp. 89, 94, 97–100; Goldenberg 2017, pp. 33–41, 174–83; Kaplan
2019, pp. 1–18, 103–34; Whitford 2009, pp. 39–42, 70). As Benjamin Braude notes, “the
racial identities the sons [of Noah] have borne have been remarkably unstable” (Braude
1997, p. 142). Furthermore, the cases in which Ham is associated with Africa did not
automatically entail associating African people or blackness with a cursed state of being. In
fact, a survey of biblical texts dealing with Africans shows that many authors of the Hebrew
Bible associated African nations such as Kush and Egypt with military might, political
stability, wealth, and human wisdom (Bailey 1991). Early post-biblical Jewish sources
continued to mention Black people without engrained negative evaluations (Goldenberg
2003, pp. 46–75). In other words, the biblical text did not necessitate the Black-Hamite
version of the Hamitic Hypothesis for readers.
Changing historical circumstances precipitated a shift in the discourse. Whereas some
early sources did note dark-skinned people in connection with slavery, scholars point out
that the times when different cultures engaged in a dramatic increase in the enslavement of
Black people correlate with an increase in interpreting Ham (or Canaan) as Black in order to
justify or explain this enslavement (Evans 1980; Goldenberg 2003, pp. 174–75).7 In the case
4. Religions 2021, 12, 712 4 of 20
of Muslims, conquests in Africa around the mid-seventh century generated this increase
(Goldenberg 2017, pp. 87–104); for Christians the exponential increase of Black enslavement
by Europeans in the sixteenth century was the catalyst (Goldenberg 2017, pp. 105–45).
In two appendices to his monograph Black and Slave, David Goldenberg includes more
than 100 quotations of authors from the eighteenth century to the twentieth century in
Europe and the United States engaging in discourse on the association between contempo-
rary Black people and Ham (or Canaan) (Goldenberg 2017, pp. 207–37). Jonathan Schorsch
lists more than forty sources from 1400–1700 that fit the same category (Schorsch 2004,
pp. 135–38). Many of these writers use the connection between Ham and contemporary
Black people to explain the enslavement and subjugation of Black people that they see,
others aim to justify continuing that enslavement, and still others are writing to refute the
explanations and justifications that they claim are widespread among their contemporaries.
Henry William Martin typifies the use of the Black-Hamite hypothesis to justify Black
enslavement when, in refuting William Wilberforce’s assertion that slavery in the West
Indies is unjust, he begins, “First, that slavery was not unjust in its origin, and is not
unjust in its continuance, nor displeasing to God.” He then supports his thesis by quoting
Genesis 9:25–27 and adding, “This prophetical curse is still fulfilling in the descendants
of Ham and Canaan” (Martin 1823, pp. 2–3). In the context of the United States, Josiah
Priest’s widely read Slavery, as It Relates to the Negro is one of the more famous uses of
the Black-Hamite hypothesis to justify slavery (Priest 1843). The use of Noah’s curse to
rationalize enslavement of Black people became so common that Theodore Dwight Weld
commented, the “prophecy of Noah is the vade mecum of slaveholders, and they never
venture abroad without it [ . . . ]” (Weld 1838, p. 46); and Alexander Crummell called it a
“general, almost universal, opinion in the Christian world [ . . . ] found in books written by
learned men; and it is repeated in lectures, speeches, sermons, and common conversation”
(Crummell 1853, pp. 3–4). In this iteration of the Hamitic Hypothesis, Black people are
Hamites, distinguishable by their physical features and their divinely sanctioned, eternal
servile character. As with the overarching idea of the Hamitic Hypothesis, Black people as
Hamites are inherently uncivilized and in need of domination by the master White race.
Even while this version of the Hamitic Hypothesis continued to influence thought
well into the twentieth century (Goldenberg 2003, pp. 142–43; Goldenberg 2017, pp. 235–
37; Reed 2020, pp. 40–43), another version of the Hamitic Hypothesis developed in
which White people are described as Hamites. According to Sanders, a shift to the
Caucasoid-Hamite concept in European thought can largely be attributed to the influ-
ence of Enlightenment philosophy in raising scientific reasoning and natural observation
to epistemological prominence over theological reasoning through appeals to scripture
(Sanders 1969, p. 523). This shift in method continued the trend of the Negro-Hamite
concept in justifying slavery by asserting Black people’s inherent inferiority and even
went further in questioning their full humanity. Although Sanders attributes the White-
Hamite concept to science rather than scripture, many of its main proponents welcomed
the fact that it generated the same conclusion as the previous concept with regard to Blacks.
Furthermore, many pro-slavery Christians integrated these scientific theories into their
interpretations of the Bible such that Negroes—if they are not from Ham—are unmen-
tioned in the Bible, a race created before Adam, or even beasts in God’s natural economy
(Fredrickson 1972, pp. 71–96).
The appeal to science could have operated alongside identification of Black people as
a Hamitic race, but questions raised by Napoleon’s 1798 invasion of Egypt complicated the
issue. Prior to Napoleon’s expedition, some observers in ancient and modern times (such
as Herodotus and Volney mentioned below) had commented on the ancient Egyptians as
being a race of Black people and highly civilized, but these voices were not the center of
attention when ethnologists described the degenerate state of the Black race. However,
when Napoleon brought scientists on his expedition, they sparked a sustained interest
in Egypt that would make the issue of ancient Egyptians’ race unavoidable (Sanders
1969, pp. 524–25; Copher 1993, pp. 22–24). One of Napoleon’s accompanying observers
5. Religions 2021, 12, 712 5 of 20
and artists, Dominique Vivant, Baron Denon (1747–1825), described the Copts (whom he
considered to be the most direct, although mixed, ancestors of the ancient Egyptians) as
people with dark skin and facial features akin to how his contemporaries describe Negroes
(Denon 1803a, vol. 1, pp. 206–7). Furthermore, Denon produced a sketch of the Sphinx
about which he wrote, “the character is African, but the mouth, the lips of which are thick,
has the softness and delicacy of execution truly admirable” (Denon 1803b). Remarks like
these implied that Western civilization owed its greatness to the genius of an ancient Black
race.
White people’s responses to the growing interest in Egypt varied. In associating
Egyptians with Africa, some scholars argued that they were the opposite of the prevail-
ing value of progress: “Egypt represented an earlier, lower and strangely dead stage of
human evolution which had been raised by the European genius of Hellas [Greece] to a
qualitatively higher level” (Bernal 1987, vol. 1, p. 214). Later this prejudice was replaced by
depictions of ancient Egyptians as childlike: “gay, pleasure-loving, childishly boastful and
essentially materialistic” (Bernal 1987, vol. 1, pp. 30, 265). The solution that I would like to
focus on involves the reaction to transform the Hamitic Hypothesis. While still using the
language of Genesis 10:6 to group ancient Egyptians with other descendants of the biblical
Ham, scholars transitioned to arguing that these Hamites were White. Thus, the great
civilization of Egypt (and any later achievements that were discovered in Africa) could
be attributed to White people (whether autochthonous or invaders), and the ideological
underpinnings for White domination through enslavement and imperialism could remain
secure since civilization remained the unique property of the White race (Burrell 2020,
pp. 47–52).
While the above historical development of the White-Hamite version of the Hamitic
Hypothesis shows the importance of material interests in slavery and colonialism to its
general acceptance, Robin Law adds that African people—through their own interests
and prior traditions—contributed to its construction. Europeans did not simply invent a
diffusionary model to convince Africans of the foreign origins of their civilizations; many
African people were already describing themselves as descended from biblical Hamites
prior to contact with European versions of the Hamitic Hypothesis. These Africans knew
of biblical traditions due to earlier Muslim influences, and had adopted diffusionary origin
stories that fit their own agendas (Law 2009, pp. 298–306). The Fulani, for example, claimed
that they were “white,” which in their own context “denoted (patrilineal) Arab descent and
free status, rather than skin color;” and this self-designation informed Europeans rather
than reflecting a simple acceptance of European prejudices (Law 2009, pp. 305–6). Thus, the
White-Hamite version of the Hamitic Hypothesis became a standard racial theory across
the many contexts of Africa, Europe, and the Americas.
In the United States, the Hamitic Hypothesis influenced the development of several
academic disciplines and impacted the general public as well. Charles Copher, often
treated as one of the founders of African American biblical studies (Bailey 2000, pp. 697–
98; Brown 2004, pp. 25–34; Reid 2008, pp. 485–87; Smith 2017, pp. 26–27), describes
the profound influence of the Hamitic Hypothesis on his intellectual development. In a
somewhat autobiographical journal article, Charles Copher reviews his own life trajectory
as it intersects with his major academic interest in recovering the Black presence in the Bible
and the ancient world (Copher 1995). As Copher explains, his early academic development
was heavily influenced by the racist writings that served as the official scholarship of his
day. According to Copher, at the age of 10, he read two books on ancient history in which
Phillip Van Ness Myers (1846–1937) claimed that the Black race lived south of the Sahara
and had been slaves to stronger races since time immemorial (Myers 1898, pp. 2, 7; Myers
1904, pp. 15, 19). Copher adds, “These flagrant assertions concerning the servile, inferior
character of Blacks made an indelible impression upon me” (Copher 1995, p. 4). In a
context in which Copher could look to his grandparents’ marks from the enslavers’ whips,
and where he knew of others in his community who experienced slavery, Myers’ racist
narrative of history would have a profound grip on Cophers’ young mind.
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When Copher attended high school, James Henry Breasted’s (1865–1935) textbooks,
Ancient Times and The Conquest of Civilization, were the standard. In them, Copher read that
“the Great White Race” created all civilization, including those in the valley of the Nile,
and the “Negro peoples of Africa were therefore without any influence in the development
of early civilization” (Breasted 1935, p. 133; Breasted 1938, p. 44; Copher 1995, pp. 5–7).
As Copher makes clear, iterations of the Hamitic Hypothesis (or more specifically, what
he called the “New Hamitic Hypothesis”) like those found in the works of Myers and
Breasted “were representative of the historical studies that I pursued throughout my
years in high school, college, seminary, and even graduate school” (Copher 1995, p. 7).
Copher’s experience was far from unique; the textbooks written by Myers and Breasted
were some of the most widely read by high school and college students in the United
States (The Cincinnati Enquirer 1937; Ambridge 2012, pp. 19–20). Furthermore, as Lindsay J.
Ambridge makes clear in her essay contextualizing Breasted’s Ancient Times, the integration
of the Hamitic Hypothesis into their writing was far from incidental. In its correlation to
Breasted’s stance on imperialism and resource exploitation, this racialized reading was an
essential element of the entire historical project (Ambridge 2012).
Copher describes himself as “indoctrinated” by these white supremacist beliefs. The
consequences included an elevated valuation of whiteness—a desire to be integrated into,
accepted by, and applauded within White society. It was not until the 1968–1969 academic
year (two decades after earning his PhD) that student protests—fueled by the assassination
of Martin Luther King, Jr., and the beliefs of the Black Power Movement—catalyzed a shift
in Copher’s perspective (Copher 1995, pp. 8–9). As Copher was “re-born” into a new
embrace of his own Black identity, he began his studies on Black people in the ancient
world and the Bible in order to assemble critical and objective proof to overturn the racist
metanarratives that had plagued his academic development. Copher’s publications on this
subject began in the 1970s and carried on into the early 1990s (cf. Copher 1993, 1991).
In biblical studies, Copher’s scholarship has been the main source of publications
directly addressing and aiming to attenuate the power of the White-Hamite myth in
the minds of Bible readers. In the decades since Copher began to pioneer Black biblical
interpretation, new voices have emerged that continue his goals of countering racist
metanarratives engrained in biblical studies and popular culture. However, the many
African American, African, Afro-diasporic, and non-Black scholars who have carried
on this task in the twenty-first century tend to accept an African presence in the Bible
and to generate scholarship beyond Copher’s method of uncovering the Black presence.
Newer methods include analyzing how Africans are depicted in religious texts (Byron 2002);
paying attention to issues of gender, class, and sexuality in biblical texts as well as the
contexts of writers and readers (Bailey 2009, 2010; Byron and Lovelace 2016; Gafney 2017);
interrogating the liberatory potential of biblical texts for marginalized people (Bennett
2003; Masenya 2005; Weems 2003); and studying the psychological, social, cultural, and
political meanings of scripture for Africana peoples (Bowens 2020; Love 2013; Junior 2020;
Junior and Schipper 2020; Marbury 2015; Powery and Sadler 2016; Schipper 2017; Wimbush
2000). Thus, Copher’s more narrow focus on deconstructing the Hamitic Hypothesis by
demonstrating the Black presence in the Bible is no longer a central aim of Africana biblical
interpretation.
It is true that a few biblical scholars in the twenty-first century explicitly refer to the
influence of some version of the Hamitic Hypothesis and the need for continued scholarship
to challenge it. Edwin Yamauchi, for example, notes the consequences of the White-Hamite
concept on African people, including its role in ongoing enmity between Tutsi and Hutu
people in Rwanda (Yamauchi 2004, pp. 29–30, 206–7). Although he does not use the
term “Hamitic Hypothesis,” J. Daniel Hays describes the influence of both versions on
biblical studies in old publications that are still in print as well as cases in which scholars
insert their prejudiced assumption of Black slavery into texts that simply mention Kushites
(Hays 2007, pp. 316–17, 322–26). At times, Rodney Sadler does come close to Copher’s
method when he attempts to expand reader’s appreciation for the African context and
7. Religions 2021, 12, 712 7 of 20
characters in the New Testament (Sadler 2007). In other works, Sadler demonstrates how
the anti-Black racial prejudices engrained in the Hamitic Hypothesis (and other areas of
modern thought) are absent from the Hebrew Bible’s rhetoric concerning the Kushites
(Sadler 2005, 2006). Most recently, Kevin Burrell charts the historical development of the
Hamitic Hypothesis when he examines the evolution of racial ideas in Western history
as a background to understand the lacunae and inaccuracies in scholarship on Kushite
and Egyptian history (Burrell 2020, pp. 25–59). Even though there are important parallels
between the two, Burrell’s work diverges in important ways from Copher’s search for the
Black presence in the Bible.
The main difference between Copher and Burrell is the latter’s reticence to foreground
race in relationship to ancient people and the biblical text. Like Copher, Burrell clearly
understands the importance of racial theories that have supplied the ideological support
for Western domination around the world (Burrell 2020, pp. 25–59). In fact, he begins
his book by noting the importance of race, epistemology, and historiography for highly
contentious modern issues (Burrell 2020, pp. 1–4). Yet, when he turns to the Hebrew
Bible and the ancient historical contexts surrounding the Bible, he does not focus on
race. Instead, Burrell, like many other scholars in biblical studies (Sparks 1998; Johnson
2011; Rainey 2018), theorizes on the ways in which ethnicity supplies a better foundation
for theories of group identity and othering in the biblical text and the ancient world.8
When Burrell does feel pressed to spend a few pages discussing what he refers to as the
“thorny issue of physiognomy and skin colour” (Burrell 2020, pp. 80–86), he exhibits
caution in emphasizing that any racial categorization in ancient contexts is a modern
imposition of racial ideas that are specific and relevant in completely foreign modern
contexts. Consequently, Burrell’s main point that he shares with many scholars (especially
Stuart Tyson Smith and Bruce Trigger, whom he cites often) is that biological evidence and
primary sources from ancient Egypt show that they and their Kushite neighbors shared
similar physical characteristics that would relegate an Egyptian and Kushite to the back
of the bus if they took a hypothetical trip to the segregated Jim Crow South (Burrell 2020,
p. 82). In other words, Burrell will call ancient Egyptians (and Kushites) Black in reference
to how race functions in a specific time and context; and he does it based on ancient and
modern evidence but not the testimony of the Bible.
Michael Joseph Brown’s 2004 introduction to African American biblical scholarship
demonstrates some of the reasons why Copher’s focus on proving race from the Bible
has not been adopted wholeheartedly by Burrell and other twenty-first-century biblical
scholars who note the dangers of the Hamitic Hypothesis. Brown analyzes two essays by
Copher, the first of which is not an attempt to show the Black presence in the Bible and
the ancient world. Instead that essay is a general reception history of biblical texts as they
relate to Black people (Copher 1989). Although he applauds Copher’s judicious arguments
that unmask Eurocentric deficiencies in interpretation, Brown’s “most serious question”
for this essay is about whether there is any real foundation for African Americans—whose
African ancestry derives largely from sub-Saharan Africa—to see themselves in the biblical
text when Black people from Northeast Africa (Egypt and Kush) are mentioned (Brown
2004, pp. 28–29). In other words, Copher’s essay does not theorize racial classification
in a way that makes a convincing connection between the modern African American
reader and biblical subjects. As noted above, Burrell and others diverge from Copher by
including more sophisticated theorization about groupness, which leads to the frequent
use of ethnicity rather than race as the subject for engagement.
In the other essay that Brown discusses, Copher does note some of the major difficulties
with theorizing about race. He points out the problem of how racial classification has been
“confused and contradictory” in the United States (Copher 1991, pp. 146–47). The solution
Copher supplies here (and explains in more detail elsewhere) is to assert his own agency
over epistemologies that had previously been leveraged by White researchers against Black
people. Copher takes contemporary methods meant to exclude Black people from the
benefits protected for Whites and applies those same methods to the biblical text in order
8. Religions 2021, 12, 712 8 of 20
to include Black people in the annals of history: he defines the Black race by using White
people’s focus on dark skin color, putatively distinctive Negro physical features, any trace
of such appearance, any known Negro ancestry, or even one drop of Negro blood (Copher
1995, pp. 25–26). By applying these modern racial categories and distinctions that he
knows are anachronistic, Copher racializes a host of biblical characters as Black and directly
counters the White-Hamite concept that all (or almost all) of the characters in the Bible are
White. When considering how Copher uses this reasoning to argue that Mesopotamians
were Black, Brown points out a substantial problem in how Copher’s delineation of race
influences his results: “From a different perspective, however, such racial classification is
misleading at best” (Brown 2004, p. 31). However, Brown’s biggest problem with Copher’s
essay is that “Copher makes a mistake common to historical critics of the Hebrew Bible: He
accepts the biblical narrative on its face and uses it as the basis for writing history” (Brown
2004, pp. 32–34). Although Copher is well aware of this issue with excessive confidence
in the historicity of the biblical witness (Copher 1993, pp. 47–49), it does not deter him
from drawing conclusions about Black historical figures from the Bible. Sadler, Burrell,
and other scholars that look at the biblical text in relation to issues of race tend to show
more caution in looking at the biblical text as a record of Israelite and Judean thought and
looking to other sources to establish history.
A decade after Brown’s book, Ron Hendel adopts Brown’s critiques of Copher during
an argument against postmodern ideological criticism of the Bible, but Hendel seems to
miss the underlying issue of the Hamitic Hypothesis. Hendel quotes Brown’s statements:
“this argument [that Moses and his family were Black] is far from historically convincing”
and “serious questions of method and proof (independent or otherwise) lie behind any
such attempt to make historically valid ethnic claims” (Hendel 2014, p. 434; Brown 2004,
pp. 32, 34). Although Hendel accurately quotes Brown’s critique, he leaves out the nuances
of Brown’s conclusion. Brown concludes his assessment of Copher’s lack of historical
evidence by conceding the overall accuracy of Copher’s description of the biblical texts:
Returning to Copher’s conclusion, we must say that the claim that the ancient
Israelites were black is based on a particular reading and appropriation of the
Hebrew Bible. As it stands, there is little or no verifiable connection between the
literary forms and world of the Hebrew Bible and the historical one to which
a claim such as this by necessity refers. Copher is correct when he says that in
the various narratives, poems, and prophesies of the Old Testament there is an
incredible amount of mixing between Israelites and Africans, specifically Egyp-
tians and Ethiopians. And although the real historical questions surrounding this
literature are in dispute, Copher’s arguments are undeniably correct with respect
to the biblical story (Brown 2004, p. 34).
In other words, Brown concludes that Copher’s particular reading of the Hebrew Bible
does counteract the White-Hamite hypothesis at the level of the biblical story even though it
proves nothing about history. According to Brown, it would not, as Hendel conjectures,
“be just as untenable to claim that Moses and his family were white Aryans or Hasidic
Jews” (Hendel 2014, p. 433) because—even though these claims might also lack any proof
of their historical accuracy—it is not a foregone conclusion that such assertions would have
the same level of evidence within biblical texts.
Hendel also deserves critique here because his citation of Nazi German arguments for
an Aryan Jesus as examples of problematic ethno-racial exegesis analogous to Copher’s
(Hendel 2014, pp. 433–34; Heschel 2008) shows a blind spot regarding the pervasiveness
of the White-Hamite concept much closer to home. Although the writings of a Third
Reich group aiming to show how Nazis can hate Jews and love Jesus might be summarily
discounted by a twenty-first-century reader because of its obvious connotations as white
supremacist, Copher’s writing was not directed at critiquing foreign ideologies or fringe
ideas. As illustrated above, Copher worked to counteract mainstream scholarship em-
braced in the United States—works that he was taught were standards in his academic
career. This includes works like a popular commentary on Genesis by John Skinner (1851–
9. Religions 2021, 12, 712 9 of 20
1925) (which Hendel would easily recognize considering his many publications on Genesis
since the 1980s) and an essay by William Foxwell Albright (1891–1971) (the famous Dok-
torvater of Hendel’s famous Doktorvater, Frank Moore Cross (1921–2012)) (Copher 1995,
pp. 12–13; Skinner 1910, p. 192; Albright 1952, pp. 238–39). By asserting his opposition to
white supremacist exegesis (Hendel 2014, p. 433) but also keeping references to such work
at a “safe” distance, Hendel does not take note of the impact of the Hamitic Hypothesis on
mainstream scholarship. The legacies of the Hamitic Hypothesis are not as distant in time
or space as some might think.
In fact, the White-Hamite version of the Hamitic Hypothesis can even be found in a
recent work with the laudable aim of encouraging appreciation for Africans in the Bible. In
2019, Tim Welch, who served as a missionary in Côte d’Ivoire for more than three decades,
translated and revised his earlier (2001) publication L’Afrique et les Africains dans la Bible,
a book intending to show that Africans are central to much of the story of the Bible and,
therefore, the Bible and Christianity cannot be understood as “the white man’s” scripture
or religion. In his introductory chapter, Welch concludes that the ancient Egyptians and
Kushites “can legitimately be called African.” Even though he asserts “‘African’ is not
synonymous with ‘black,’” the Egyptians’ geographical presence and strains of “black
African roots” are enough to justify this belief (Welch 2019, pp. 6–7). In route to arriving at
this conclusion, Welch quotes language from the French Nouveau dictionaire biblique révisé
that expresses the explicitly racialized version of the White-Hamite concept: “In prehistoric
times, Ham’s descendants of the white race moved into Egypt in successive waves and
supplanted the natives” (Pache 1992, p. 384; Welch 2019, p. 3). In contrast to his critique of
the logical deficiencies in many Afrocentric claims (Welch 2019, pp. 2–3), Welch presents
no contextualization of this idea as it relates to Flinders Petrie’s (1853–1942) currently
discounted “Dynastic Race Theory” (Burrell 2020, p. 52), no interrogation of its historical
context in supporting White people’s interests, nor a deconstruction of its racist (il)logic.
Welch simply proceeds to accept this as one scholarly explanation in competition with
others and shows how scholars agree on the presence of mixing in early Egyptian history.
Although Africans and Africa in the Bible was not written by a scholar with a PhD in
biblical studies, Welch’s book is endorsed by respected biblical scholars such as Edwin
Yamauchi (mentioned above) and M. Daniel Carroll R., who wrote the forward. Welch’s
citation of the Hamitic Hypothesis as a valid theory with its explicit racial language does
not implicate these other scholars as if they harbor the same views. As already noted,
Yamauchi (whom Welch cites extensively) briefly describes and critiques the apparent
racism of the White-Hamite version of the Hamitic Hypothesis (Yamauchi 2004, pp. 29,
206; Yamauchi 2009, pp. 56–57). However, the fact that Welch’s book was written for the
purpose of celebrating Africans in the Bible and that it has the approval of bona fide biblical
scholars means that this work is not one readers can easily dismiss as fringe scholarship.
Consequently, biblical studies continues to be an area in which the Hamitic Hypothesis
presents a challenge two decades into the twenty-first century.
In bringing the discussion back to Ridley Scott’s film, there are several internet articles
that note the issue of race with some historical context in mind (Dennis 2014; Desta 2014;
Larsen 2015a, 2015b). Among such works for popular audiences, Joel Baden and Candida
Moss, two biblical scholars, dedicate the most space to contextualizing the film in terms of
the Hamitic Hypothesis (though they do not use this label). As Baden and Moss make clear,
the Antebellum claim that ancient Egyptians were White people solved the incongruity of
slavery apologists claiming that Black people were inherently inferior and ancient Egypt
was a great civilization. In short, the problem with Scott’s movie is that “the tableau
produced in ‘Exodus,’ unfortunately, is the one favored by 19th-century slave traders”
(Baden and Moss 2014). In other words, what makes this film so problematic is that it
supplies twenty-first-century visual imagery to continue to normalize the White-Hamite
version of the Hamitic Hypothesis.
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3. Dark-Skinned Caucasians in the Hamitic Hypothesis
Although Baden’s and Moss’ critiques are helpful, there is one detail from the White-
Hamite version of the theory that deserves further exploration, especially in terms of its
relationship to Scott’s film. Proponents of the Hamitic Hypothesis frequently made their
arguments in favor of Caucasian ancient Egyptians while at the same time conceding
that these Caucasians looked in certain regards—most notably skin color—like Black
people. From the earliest examples of racial science before this version of the Hamitic
Hypothesis became the standard, through the nineteenth-century publications most famous
for claiming White Hamites, and into the twentieth-century works that reproduce these
racial theories, one can see examples from some of the most well-respected scholars in their
fields sharing this seemingly hypocritical assertion that ancient Egyptians specifically, or
Hamites more generally, were dark-skinned Caucasians.
Consider, for example, Francois Bernier (1620–1688), whom many scholars regard
as the first person to use race in the modern sense of the term (Baum 2006, p. 52)—that
is, as “a major division of humanity displaying a distinctive combination of physical
traits transmitted through a line of descent” (Bernasconi and Lott 2000, p. viii). In his
1684 publication, he does not label the race as “White” or “Caucasian,” but his first racial
group collects such disparate people as contemporary Egyptians, Indians, and Europeans.
Furthermore, he does so while at the same time admitting that some of “the Egyptians
[ . . . ] and the Indians are very black, or rather copper coloured [ . . . ]” (Bernier 2000,
pp. 1–2). Bernier attempts to justify such a designation by rationalizing that the darker
skin color of some Egyptians and Indians is not natural to them, but rather the result of
constant exposure to the sun (Bernier 2000, p. 2). (At the early stages in the history of racial
sciences applied to human diversity, it became common to assert the mutability of physical
variations while asserting the influence of climate or other factors.) According to Bruce
Baum, Bernier’s most distinctive criteria for grouping people into his first race appears
to have been “a Eurocentric aesthetic of ‘beauty’ or ‘handsomeness’ and the presence or
absence of the accoutrements of ‘civilization’ as Europeans understood them” (Baum
2006, p. 55). In other words, the importance of recognizing civilization as the unique
possession of the White race was one of the key factors influencing Bernier to racialize
people with “very black, or rather copper coloured” skin, like Indians and Egyptians,
alongside Europeans.
Another scholar worth noting for his claims about ancient dark-skinned Caucasians is
Samuel George Morton (1799–1851), known as the father figure of the American school
of ethnology and often cited for his influence on the Hamitic Hypothesis (Sanders 1969,
pp. 527–28; Trafton 2004, p. 17; Baden and Moss 2014). Morton built upon Johann Friedrich
Blumenbach’s (1752–1840) emphasis on skull measurements as a more accurate indicator
of racial distinction than other factors like skin color (although he diverged radically
from Blumenbach’s belief in the mutability of physical features and the full humanity of
Black people). By charting different measurements of his large collection of human skulls,
Morton set up patterns for dividing the races with a patina of scientific credibility. In
Morton’s Crania Americana (Morton 1839) and Crania Aegyptiaca (Morton 1844), he—like his
contemporaries—theorized about United States identity through the lens of racial discourse
about ancient Egypt. One of the key aims of ethnology was to show that the Black race was
naturally and eternally unfit for equality with Whites, so that White people could govern
the world in accordance with nature (Trafton 2004, p. 17).
Like many of his predecessors, Morton was certain that the ancient Egyptians must
have been a Caucasian race. Noting that other writers have seen the Copts as the closest con-
temporary group in appearance to the ancient Egyptians, Morton cautions against drawing
too close of conclusions from observing the Copts because this “Nilotic” branch of the Cau-
casian race degenerated on account of mixing with those that conquered them—Persians,
Greeks, Romans, Arabians, and Turks—leaving the present people as “the degenerate
remains, both physically and intellectually, of that mighty people who have claimed the
admiration of all ages” (Morton 1839, p. 25). Morton also reproduces the theory that
11. Religions 2021, 12, 712 11 of 20
contemporary Nubians of a “brown or reddish brown” or even “a copper color” best
represent ancient Egyptians. Although Morton concedes this might be true about some
ancient Egyptians, he argues that it is not the case for all (Morton 1844, pp. 28, 57–59).
Furthermore, he describes Nubians’ appearance with constant qualification about its differ-
ence from Negroes. “His face is rather dark, though far removed from African blackness
[ . . . ] The hair of the Nubian is thick and black, often curled either by nature or by art,
and sometimes partially frizzled, but never woolly.” Morton adds that ancient Nubian
art shows that “the ancient Nubians, like the modern, were in no respect analogous to
the Negroes, excepting in the occasional blackness of their skin.” Finally, Morton insists
that ancient Nubians are distinct from the Negroes whom they triumphed over (Morton
1839, p. 26). With these repeated appeals to the Nubian distinction from Negroes, Morton’s
claims of Caucasian-Nubian identity smack of an anxiety that simple divulging of the
physical evidence would lead any rational reader to conclude that the Nubians—with
their dark faces, thick curled or frizzy hair, and occasional slipping into the blackness of
Negroes—are, in fact, a Negro race of people.
When Morton turns his attention from contemporary people to specifically consider
ancient Egyptian complexion, he describes them as like “Hindoos” (Indians) in many ways
including that their skin color appears “to have been swarthy or brown, with a tinge of red,”
and they also possessed a variety of complexions in correlation to class “from nearly white
to a very dark brown, even black” (Morton 1839, pp. 28, 32; 1844, p. 29). Through these
references to Caucasian Nubians and ancient Egyptians as occasionally matching Negroes
in their blackness, Morton holds onto the idea that civilization is uniquely Caucasian even
though some of these civilized Caucasians are “black.”
As noted in reference to Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt, the physical evidence of people
and monuments could lead one to argue the converse of Morton’s conclusions. Well aware
of detractors, Morton included a special note to dispel the suspicions of any observer
who might interpret the ancient Egyptian as a Negro. He describes such a deduction
as “a vulgar error which has found support in the superficial observations of some men,
and the misplaced benevolence of others” (Morton 1839, p. 29). In this section, Morton
seeks to discount assertions by African American contemporaries whom he will not name
(such as Frederick Douglass (1817–1895), James Theodore Holly (1829–1911), and Henry
Highland Garnet (1815–1882)) as well as ancient and relatively contemporary Europeans
whose writings suggest, or assert, ancient Egyptians were Black. Morton begins with a
critique of French scholar and traveler Constantin-François Chasseboeuf, Comte de Volney
(1747–1825), whose observations based upon looking at modern Egyptians and ancient
monuments have been frequently quoted. Like Morton, Volney believed that the conquest
of ancient Egyptians by others (“the Persians, the Macedonians, the Romans, the Greeks, the
Arabs, the Georgians, and [ . . . ] the Ottoman Turks”) meant that contemporary Egyptians
exhibited mixed features (Volney 1788, vol. 1, p. 74). Unlike Morton, Volney asserts that
the mixing resulted in the Copts—the people he says most closely relate to the ancient
Egyptians—having a “yellowish, dusky complexion [ . . . ] a puffed visage, swollen eyes,
flat noses, and thick lips, in short the exact countenance of a Mulatto” (Volney 1788, vol. 1,
p. 80). In other words, Volney concludes that the intermixture of other people (all from the
north) lightened the skin of ancient Egypt’s descendants, even while they retained other
features that distinguish the Black race. These observations lead Volney to produce his
most famous quote:
How are we astonished when we behold the present barbarism and ignorance of
the Copts, descended from the profound genius of the Egyptians, and brilliant
imagination of the Greeks; when we reflect that to the race of negroes, at present
our slaves, and the objects of our extreme contempt, we owe our arts, sciences,
and even our very use of speech; and when we recollect that, in the midst of
those nations that call themselves the friends of liberty and humanity, the most
barbarous of slaveries is justified; and that it is even a problem whether the
12. Religions 2021, 12, 712 12 of 20
understanding of negroes be of the same species with that of white men! (Volney
1788, vol. 1, pp. 82–83).
Morton disregards Volney’s assertions that the ancient Egyptians were Negroes as
rooted in Volney’s hasty observations of the Sphinx. Instead of demonstrating that the
Sphinx is not Negro, Morton points out that Egyptians have been like many peoples
throughout history (including Buddhists, Greeks, and Romans) who have borrowed
their myths and gods from others. In this case, Egyptians borrowed from their south-
ern neighbors (Morton 1839, p. 27). Elsewhere, Morton comes to the same conclusion as
Volney about a large proportion of Copts being a mix of Negro and Caucasian ancestry
(Morton 1844, pp. 17, 55–57).
Morton continues his aside by countering a description from the ancient historian
Herodotus (fifth century BCE), who comments that the fact that Colchians look “black
and have hair short and curling” lends credence to the theory that they descended from
Sesostris’ Egyptian troops (2.104). Morton avers that Greeks could have described anyone
darker than themselves as “black” or that “real Negroes” may have been part of Sesostris’
army as members of the “servile or Negro caste in Egypt, and not of the Egyptian race”
(Morton 1839, p. 27). Morton elaborates on this point in his Crania Aegyptiaca (Morton 1844),
where he comes to the conclusion that “Negroes were numerous in Egypt, but their social
position in ancient times was the same that it now is, that of servants and slaves” (Morton
1844, p. 66). With such words, Morton emphasizes the ideological interest of cataloging the
races of ancient Egypt as support for the modern institution of race-based slavery. However,
Morton must qualify this statement earlier in his book. He notes that Negroes in ancient
Egypt sometimes were able to elevate in class as servants—especially as eunuchs—and
that intermarriage between Caucasian Egyptians and Negro slaves sometimes produced
Negro offspring who inherited the privileges of their Caucasian parent (Morton 1844, p. 60).
Again, the efforts to constrain the facts of history into the concise germ of the Hamitic
Hypothesis—that Black people are inherently inferior and civilization is uniquely White—
could not be securely grasped by Morton without exception. Morton felt unable to ignore
the fact that some “real Negroes” (as judged by his measurements of skulls and analysis of
art) had apparently ascended from their lowly state in Egypt in spite of the fact that race
generally can be trusted to predict an eternal nature and place limits on advancement.
In one of his final paragraphs on the subject, Morton quotes George Curvier to
emphasize the truth of his claim about Egyptians as Caucasian. According to Curvier,
[no race of Negroes] produced the celebrated people who gave birth to the
civilization of ancient Egypt, and of whom we may say that the whole world
has inherited the principles of its laws, sciences, and perhaps also religion. It
is easy to prove, that whatever may have been the hue of their skin, they belonged
to the same race with ourselves. I have examined in Paris, and in the various
collections of Europe, more than fifty heads of mummies, and not one amongst
them presented the characters of the Negro or Hottentot (Morton 1839, p. 31).
With emphasis, Morton, the father of American ethnology, seems to thinly veil his anxiety
about skin color by insisting that the Caucasian identity of ancient Egyptians—their shared
racial essence with the European inheritors of their civilizing influence—is not contingent
upon (and cannot be disqualified based upon) complexion. An expert like Curvier or
Morton will assure any dilettante who thinks otherwise that skulls are what determines
race; and the skulls of ancient Egyptians indicate their White race.
With the transition from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the Hamitic Hypoth-
esis became more entrenched. Other scholars built upon Morton’s writings, and, with
the help of Josiah Clark Nott (1804–1873) and George Robins Gliddon (1809–1857), the
emerging field of Egyptology adopted and refined the White-Hamite concept (Gliddon
and Nott 1854). By 1879, Jean Louis Armand de Quatrefages (1810–1892) could comment
on the irony of dark-skinned Caucasians while still accepting this racialization as a fact.
He writes, “Amongst the Whites there are entire populations, whose skin is as black as
that of the darkest Negro” (de Quatrefages 1879, p. 48). For example, he describes the
13. Religions 2021, 12, 712 13 of 20
Bishareen, a contemporary Egyptian tribe of people, as having “even a darker hue than
the true Negro,” and later he notes that he finds it inconceivable that the ancient Egyptian
looked any different from these dark Egyptians of his day (de Quatrefages 1879, pp. 50,
257). Thus, by the close of the nineteenth century, the Hamitic Hypothesis had established
a well-respected racial (il)logic capable of circumventing its own admitted anxieties that
the ancient Egyptians’ skin color (or other features) should lead them to be classified with
other dark-skinned Africans rather than Europeans.
In Black Folk: Then and Now (Du Bois [1939] 2007), W. E. B. Du Bois (1868–1963) perfectly
summarizes how the particular strain of the Hamitic Hypothesis that described Hamites
as dark-skinned White people had become accepted as fact in the early twentieth century:
“Africa had no history. Wherever there was history in Africa or civilization, it was of white
origin; and the fact that it was civilization proved that it was white. If black Pharaohs sat
on the throne of Egypt they were not really black men but dark white men” (Du Bois [1939]
2007, p. 159). Although Du Bois writes these words to mock a belief that he considers
to be an example of historiography in service to economic interests, the language of his
parody matches well with the twentieth-century proponents of the Hamitic Hypothesis.
For example, Charles Gabriel Seligman (1873–1940), considered the founding father of the
London School of Economics Anthropology Department, presented what would become
the most notorious articulation of the Hamitic Hypothesis in his extremely popular Races
of Africa first published (1930) and then revised (1939) in the same decade as Du Bois’
comments. According to Seligman:
[ . . . ] the civilizations of Africa are the civilizations of the Hamites, its history
the record of these peoples and of their interactions with the two more primitive
African stocks, the Negro and the Bushman, whether this influence was exerted by
highly civilized Egyptians or by such wilder pastoralists as are represented at the
present day by the Beja and the Somali. [ . . . ] The Hamites [ . . . ] are Caucasian,
i.e., belong to the same great branch of mankind as almost all Europeans [ . . . ]
(Seligman 1930, pp. 96–97).
In describing the Eastern Hamites (whom he equates with the ancient and modern
Egyptians) as Caucasian, Seligman repeatedly insists that their physical characteristics
should not lead us to think that they are Negroes—at least not originally. If they have any
features resembling a true Negro, then Seligman must indicate its non-Negro distinction or
hypothesize its origin through mixing. Their face “apart from Negro admixture is never
prognathous; [ . . . ] their lips are often thick but never everted as in the Negro, [ . . . ] the
colour of the skin varies, it may be yellowish, coppery, reddish-brown through every shade
of café-au-lait to black, according to the amount of miscegenation that has taken place”
(Seligman 1930, pp. 97–98). As with Morton, Seligman’s argument about White Hamites
depends upon ways he can disregard physical features that they share with Black people.
Other highly influential twentieth-century scholars adopt the concept of dark-skinned
Caucasian Hamites without attempts to rationalize these features like Seligman and his
forerunners. James Henry Breasted’s abovementioned textbook Ancient Times introduces
“the Great White Race” as the people who, following the glacial recession that ended
the Ice Age, “inhabited the whole Northwest Quadrant, where eventually was produced
the civilization which is ours today.” In establishing this direct racial link between the
ancient progenitors of civilization and his implied White audience, Breasted adds, “In
North Africa these people were dark-skinned, but nevertheless physically they belong to
the Great White Race” (Breasted 1935, pp. 12, 130). In a section titled “The Quarter of
the Globe Where Civilization Grew Up and Developed,” Breasted repeatedly emphasizes
this connection between ancients and the modern White people of Europe and the United
States who have inherited civilization from them (Breasted 1935, pp. 129, 131). Rather than
summarize the arguments of racial sciences on why skull shape shows White people of
various complexions belong to the same race (as Morton and others had done), Breasted
actually uses skull shape to show the diversity of the White race! In Figure 80, Breasted
contrasts drawings of an ancient Egyptian skull with one from “an Ancient Highland Zone
14. Religions 2021, 12, 712 14 of 20
Man” and asserts, “The people of the Great White Race differ markedly in certain physical
characteristics. Scientists have found, for example, that there is a striking variation in the
shape of the skull” (Breasted 1935, p. 131). Thus, Ambridge argues,
‘White,’ in Breasted’s formulation, was less a construct of skin color and more a
construct of achievement and control. The populations that comprised Breasted’s
Great White Race could have a variety of skin colors and physical features; the
common denominator was their achievement [ . . . ] He constructed a narrative
of human history in which the advancement of societies [ . . . ] was given order
by imposing a unity upon the bearers of this progress. That unity was the Great
White Race (Ambridge 2012, pp. 29–30).
In other words, the White-Hamite concept seems to have gained such approval that
Breasted has no qualms about using the evidence of craniology—which Curvier and
Morton emphasized as showing Egyptian’s kinship with Europeans—to show ancient
Egyptians’ difference from other White people.
One of the most influential scholars in twentieth-century biblical studies and biblical
archeology, William Foxwell Albright, also racializes ancient North Africans as dark-
skinned Caucasians. In an article on “The Old Testament World” in The Interpreters Bible,
adjoining pages penned by Albright state that, on the one hand, ancient Egyptians have
the same reddish-brown skin color as many modern Egyptians and, on the other hand,
these Egyptians and “all known ancient races in the region that concern us here belonged
to the so called ‘white’ or ‘Caucasian’ race, with the exception of the Cushites (‘Ethiopian’)
who were strongly Negroid in type, as we know from many Egyptian paintings” (Albright
1952, pp. 238–39).
In these twentieth-century examples from Breasted and Albright, one can see a contin-
uation of the racial discourse about dark-skinned White Hamites; however, these sources
are not like the writings of Bernier, Morton, or Seligman, who each attempt to explain how
these dark-skinned Caucasians differ from potentially similar dark-skinned Negroes. In
part, this is the nature of their works. Bernier, Morton, and Seligman were writing about
human variation and needed to establish theories from their data; Breasted and Albright
were mentioning races in works on the history of human civilization and the context of
the Old Testament, respectively. However, another reason for the difference might have to
do with the fact that the idea of the White Hamite had thoroughly taken root. Since the
Hamitic Hypothesis was common knowledge, Breasted and Albright could simply assert
the congruity between whiteness and civilization without further citation or argument.
4. Conclusions
As critical race theorists have thoroughly demonstrated, race is a social construct,
which entails that the process of constructing race (racialization) has varied in its particular
details across time and space as well as in its application to different groups (Harris 1993).
This brief foray into one strain of the racialization involved in the Caucasian version of
the Hamitic Hypothesis exemplifies this point about the social construction of race. To
conclude this paper, I adopt a framework from Matthew Frye Jacobson’s Whiteness of a
Different Color as a way to place the racializing discourse of the White-Hamite concept
in dialogue with three elements of the racial politics of casting in Exodus: Gods and Kings
(2014): “race as an organizer of power whose vicissitudes track power relationships through
time; race as a mode of perception contingent upon the circumstances of the moment; and
race as the product of specific struggles for power at specific cultural sites” (Jacobson 1998,
p. 11).
The two elements involving power can be discussed first. As I have asserted above,
the Hamitic Hypothesis is a racial theory that organizes humanity in specific reference
to power relationships and has transformed in response to the vicissitudes of historical
circumstances that might threaten to deconstruct its persuasiveness. With an identification
of Black people as cursed Hamites, race has functioned to denigrate Blacks under Whites.
However, the potential of identifying an ancient civilization like Egypt as Black led to a new
15. Religions 2021, 12, 712 15 of 20
configuration of White people as civilized Hamites. In the course of these changes over
time, racialization steadily functions to justify White people’s social, political, and economic
power. Furthermore, the way that this racial discourse organizes relationships of power
functions quite independently of the flesh-and-blood Egyptians being racialized. Neither
past centuries’ assertions that ancient (or modern) Egyptians are dark-skinned Caucasians
nor contemporary debates around Scott’s film function to leverage actual benefits for real
Egyptians. Indicative of this point—although by a slightly removed analogy—is the 1923
case of United States v. Bhagat Singh Thind. In this case, Thind was not Egyptian but Indian,
another group often considered by scientists to be included in the White race regardless
of skin color or other features. Although scholars in 1923 would consider Aryan ethnicity
(which Thind possessed) as a feature of the White race, the Supreme Court ruled that
Thind was not White according to common knowledge and, therefore, not worthy of
citizenship, which was a privilege reserved for White people (Jacobson 1998, p. 236). The
court acknowledged his whiteness according to ethnology, but not in a way that could gain
him material benefits because the court had the power, at that moment, to ensure that the
established racial discourse was not put to use in leveraging power for the party it was
never engineered to support.
Control over the discourse continues to be an issue of power. The arguments concern-
ing Egyptians (or even Indians) as Caucasian in racial sciences emerged from the specific
cultural struggle to uphold or deconstruct ideological supports for white supremacy. At its
core, debates about the race of ancient Egyptians are one arena (among many) in which
Black people attempt to destabilize White people’s hegemony over epistemologies (and
White people attempt to maintain this hegemony). In the case of the United States before
the Civil Rights Movement, the clear material circumstances intertwined with these debates
included Jim Crow, slavery, and other forms of state-sanctioned violence that was often
coupled with explicitly articulated language about Black inferiority or White superiority.
In the case of Exodus: Gods and Kings (2014), the contemporary cultural context of that
year included the widespread protests and organizing by the Black Lives Matter (BLM)
movement. The attention generated around police killings of Eric Garner (1970–2014),
John Crawford III (1992–2014), Michael Brown (1996–2014), Tamir Rice (2002–2014), and
many others galvanized people to declare that “Black Lives Matter” in the face of evidence
to the contrary. Not only has there been resistance to the BLM movement, but there has
also been resistance to affirming the statement itself. These protests and counter-protests
formed the cultural background to the critiques of racist casting in the Exodus movie.
When Ridley Scott coarsely dismissed calls to boycott his film,9 his comments added fuel
to the fire of many people (not just Black people) incensed with White hegemonic control
over racializing narratives. Thus, the racial imagery presented in the film and the response
in the #BoycottExodusMovie campaign can be understood as cultural struggles over the
power to present racial discourses, and its historical concurrence with 2014–2015 BLM
protests likely resulted in greater intensity in this contention against the film.
Finally, transitioning from the two elements of power to the element of perception, I
conclude by commenting on the anxiety with affirming ancient Egyptians as dark-skinned
White people and its connection to Scott’s film. As already noted, a major insecurity
motivating the scholarship concerning dark-skinned Caucasians was the fact that this
presumably natural racial perception seemed to have eluded—or held the ever-present
potential to elude—audiences. As Trafton notes, regardless of the lack of explicit documen-
tary evidence to prove the case, one can see that “early American Egyptologists certainly
believed that the proposal of a ‘supposed affinity between the Egyptians and Negroes’ was
an organized and insistent threat” (Trafton 2004, p. 56). Even without naming them, these
White writers were responding to the published claims of ancient and modern opponents,
including Black intellectuals who exposed the insecurities in Whites’ racializing project
with quips like the following from Holly: “Let them prove by the subtlest refinement of
reasoning that those ancient darkies were pure white men” (Holly 1859, p. 186; Trafton
2004, p. 63). As an outgrowth of this anxiety that a wider culture indoctrinated with equat-
16. Religions 2021, 12, 712 16 of 20
ing dark skin with the Black race would believe—and had believed—Egyptians are Black,
White scholars attempted to inculcate a deeply engrained notion of ancient Egyptians as
definitively White in spite of appearances otherwise.
One can see that this change in perception has been thoroughly accomplished for
some people, as evinced by the casting of Scott’s Exodus: Gods and Kings (2014), and most
pointedly in the defense of this casting on Twitter by the former chairman and CEO of
21st Century Fox, Rupert Murdoch: “Since when are Egyptians not white? All I know are”
(Rawlinson 2014). After receiving negative responses, Murdoch continues, “Everybody
attacks last tweet. Of course Egyptians are Middle Eastern but far from black. They treated
blacks as slaves” (Rawlinson 2014). Without interrogating the important issues of historical
population migrations and the politics of racial nomenclature that would be important
for claims about modern Egyptian racial classification Murdoch seems to point to in the
first tweet, we can at least state the following: Murdoch has followed the tradition of
the Hamitic Hypothesis in defining ancient Egyptian racial identity as White through
insistence on negating its connection to Blacks and, with Blacks, slavery. Furthermore, with
the issue of racial perception, the dark complexion that caused so much anxiety and need
of explanation for previous audiences has disappeared completely in the eyes of Murdoch
(and those who share his view). As Jacobson astutely notes, people are conditioned by
practices and traditions to see race in ways that are variable from one racializing context to
another (Jacobson 1998, pp. 9–10). The idea that one could see an ancient Egyptian as a
“real Negro” is what Morton would call “a vulgar error” in need of correction by an expert
who knows better; by the time of Scott’s twenty-first-century film, Murdoch had become so
thoroughly trained by traditions to believe in the unqualified veracity of a White ancient
Egypt that he cannot perceive that such an “error” would even happen.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Conflicts of Interest: The author declares no conflict of interest.
Notes
1 Thanks are due to many people who read or listened to earlier presentations of this research and generously provided constructive
criticism: Lawrence Anglin, Meghan Alexander Beddingfield, David Carr, Isabel Cranz, Vanessa Davies, Catherine Howard,
Brian Rainey, Matodzi Gift Ramashia, and the people at Myrtle Baptist Church in West Newton, MA.
2 Some of the most popular examples include Mel Gibson’s The Passion of the Christ (2004); Roma Downey and Mark Burnett’s The
Bible (2013) miniseries on the History Channel, and its adaptation by Christopher Spencer into the film Son of God (2014); Darren
Aronofsky’s Noah (2014); and Kevin Reynold’s Risen (2016).
3 Some of the most popular examples include Stephen Sommers’ The Mummy Returns (2001); Chuck Russell’s The Scorpion King
(2002); and Alex Proyas’ Gods of Egypt (2016). Patty Jenkins’ Cleopatra is still in production but might deserve inclusion in this list
in the near future.
4 Ridley Scott’s Exodus: Gods and Kings (2014).
5 I capitalize “White” and “Black” as racial descriptors of people, but for different reasons. Like Latino, Asian, and other ethno-
racial terms, Black deserves capitalization in the ways that it functions to demarcate an ethnic, racial, or cultural identity. Aside
from vocal proponents of white supremacy, today’s White people do not profess an analogous sense of shared “White” ethnic,
racial, or cultural identity. However, this general posturing of whiteness as neutral or invisible contributes to the maintenance of
power and privilege for White people. Therefore, I capitalize “White” to highlight the fact that—in spite of perceptions of its
neutrality—it functions as a racialized identity.
6 I prefer to use the terms “Black” and “White” as racial terms rather than the more dated and potentially offensive “Negro” and
“Caucasian.” However, I occasionally shift to these antiquated labels when quoting or referencing scholarship that uses these
terms.
7 Adding further specificity to this claim, Benjamin Braude argues that the precise moment of increased acceptance of the curse of
Ham (or Canaan) as justification for Black enslavement happened in each culture when they could blame some other group for
this degrading interpretation: Muslims blamed Jewish sources and Christians blamed Muslim (and even Hindu) sources (Braude
2002, pp. 124–25; Braude 2003, pp. 50–63).
8 As Katherine Southwood explains, “Despite the conceptual and analytical similarities between the three concepts [ethnic-
ity, nationalism, and race], the discredited, pseudo-scientific application of the term ‘race’, which suggests the existence of
insurmountable ontological and biological differences, makes it an illigimate concept to work with” (Southwood 2012, p. 41).
17. Religions 2021, 12, 712 17 of 20
9 To those who protest his movie because of its racist casting, Scott wrote, “Get a life” (BigStory.AP.Org 2014).
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