AIOU Code 541 Solved Assignments Autumn 2022.pptx

Course: Social Change (541)Semester: Autumn, 2022
Level: M.Sc.
ASSIGNMENT No. 1
Q.1 Discuss the subject of Social Change. How do Social Scientists and philosophers
define the term Social Change? Discuss.
Social change is a concept many of us take for granted or don't really even understand. No
society has ever remained the same. Change is always happening. We accept change as
inevitable, and it is, end of story, right? Well, not exactly.
Sociologists define social change as changes in human interactions and relationships that
transform cultural and social institutions. These changes occur over time and often have
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profound and long-term consequences for society. Well known examples of such change
have resulted from social movements in civil rights, women's rights, and LBGTQ rights,
to name just a few. Relationships have changed, institutions have changed, and cultural
norms have changed as a result of these social change movements. That's pretty heady
stuff. Don't you think?
What interests me, and what I hope interests you, is our collective power to influence social
change. While we accept that change is constant, we do not have to accept that we are
powerless in its wake. It is the extent to which we care about the direction of social change
that we can try to shape it and help to create the kind of "change we wish to see in the
world." Whether or not Gandhi actually uttered these words doesn't matter. What matters
is that the phrase begs the question, what kind of change do we wish to see in the world?
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As executive director of the 43+-year-old nonprofit, Global Citizens Circle (GCC), I think
about this question every day as I work to carry forward the mission of the organization to
foster constructive change in our communities, our nation and our world. I imagine that
our partner and host institution, Southern New Hampshire University (SNHU), also thinks
about this question on a daily basis as it seeks to "transform the lives of students." And
surely, our Belfast-based partner, The Social Change Initiative (SCI), thinks about it as it
strives "to improve the effectiveness of activism for progressive social change." We, all
three institutions, care and understand that we can influence social change for the better.
We may exercise our power to influence change in different ways. GCC does it through
discussion among people of diverse opinions and backgrounds. SNHU does it by offering
affordable and innovative educational social science degree programs online and

similar campus majors, and now even in refugee camps in Africa. SCI exercises its
influence by bringing together social activists with philanthropists around the world.
These are lofty goals to be sure, and they demand our constant attention and unrestricted
imagination to envision a better world. You may think that's great, but wonder why you
should care, why you should take time out of your incredibly busy schedule to take action
and more importantly, how you can even go about helping to create positive social change.
I'd like to suggest that it's not that hard if we begin at the most basic level, that of
relationship building.
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Change Begins With How and When We Interact With Others
When we listen respectfully to others who have different opinions and life experiences than
our own, we take the first step in listening; we accept that there are myriad perspectives
and points of view on most issues of concern. If we truly want to be a participant in real
change, we cannot stop at acceptance, but we must have conversations that push and pull,
that asks us to give and take. And if we are willing to do that, we can find those points of
agreement and come together on them. We needn't concede those points that define our
values but find ways to work together towards positive change that reflects our shared
values. It is the art of principled compromise that has the power to create a more lasting
change.
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Global Citizens Circle has for over four decades brought together diverse groups of
people for challenging discussions on issues ranging from conflict resolution and
reconciliation to education reform and economic equality. We've seen Catholics and
Protestants from Northern Ireland sit down together and discuss their shared hope for
peace. We've hosted South African exiles who were once labeled "terrorists" in their own
country and who later became leaders of that country. At our discussion circles, we've
seated powerful business people next to the homeless and disenfranchised, and activists
next to academics, and we have born witness to the change that has occurred.
The conversation topics often were, but listening and learning from others was not. Change
begins this way. We must nurture civil discourse and work with intentionality to bring
together people with different perspectives. Convening gatherings of people, educating

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students in classrooms and online, and supporting activists who put themselves in the
forefront of advocating for social change are how Global Citizens Circle, Southern New
Hampshire University and The Social Change Initiative use their influence and power to
direct change towards a more equitable and inclusive society. Ultimately, however, it is
not the programs that each of our organizations offers that create lasting change, but it is
the relationships of trust and respect that do.
Building those kinds of relationships, even when, no, especially when, it seems
impossible, is the key to cultivating constructive social change. So take the lead, start now
and stay at it.

Q.2 Define the term ‘Innovation, discovery, Invention and Cultural Setting’, and
explain your answer in light of Ralph Linton reading.
a. Discovery: A new increment to knowledge. In this course we consider three types of
knowledge of physical, biological or social systems. Theoretical knowledge is increasingly
expressed as a mathematical model. Empirical knowledge is obtained from observations of
new phenomenon or observations deliberately taken to test a theoretical hypothesis. Last,
but not least, is practical knowledge. An important economic example is the practical
knowledge acquired by a workforce to make a new manufacturing plant operate efficiently.
This knowledge is intuitive and frequently very difficult to express as equations.
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b. Invention: A new device or process. To qualify for a patent an invention must pass a test
of originality--that is, be sufficiently different from previous inventions. Most inventions
are minor improvements on existing inventions which do not qualify for patents. Only a
small percent of patented inventions have any economic value.
c. Innovation: A better way of doing things. Innovations can occur in all goal-directed
behavior such as profit maximization, reelection politics and personal lifestyles. Thus an
innovation improves performance in goal directed behavior as measured by a criterion. An
example of a criterion would be profit maximization in business. The advanced material at
the end of this section presents a deeper development of innovation. If you want to become
a grader, then I advise you to read this material
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It is important to distinguish between an invention and an innovation. Spreadsheet software
is an invention. A new business application of spreadsheets that increases profits is an
innovation. An example of an innovation in government is submitting tax returns to the
IRS by E-mail instead of regular mail. An example of an innovation in personal lifestyles
is telecommuting by professionals from Telluride, CO.
Many current innovations are the result of applying new technology in (1) manufacturing
and (2) processing of business and government paperwork. Empirically, better
performance is not achieved by the new technology to improve the performance of the old
process. Rather, the manufacturing or paperwork process is redesigned from ground up to
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make optimal use of the new combination of technology and people. A portion of the
performance gain is from carefully analyzing the process to be replaced and asking what
really needs to be done to maximize profits. In the business media, this is the origin of the
word "reorganization".
Interactions
It is important to note several features concerning the interaction between discovery,
invention and innovation.
a. Invention is promoted by discoveries in the natural sciences and more recently the
biological sciences; whereas, innovation is promoted by discoveries in the industrial
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engineering, the social sciences and the business disciplines.
b. The interaction between discovery and invention is a two-way street. Obviously, as
science advances, it produces opportunities to create new inventions. However, the
development of the full economic value of an invention requires massive discoveries for
many inventions. For example, the modern airplane required the scientific development of
aerodynamics. The economic development of superconductivity will require the physicists
to develop a theory of superconductivity.
c. Similarly the interaction between discovery and innovation and between invention and
innovation is two-way.
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Incentives for the promotion of discovery, invention and innovation
It is important to understand that discovery, invention and innovation have very different
incentive systems. Moreover, these differences create problems in transfer from one
activity to another. For example, the culture for discovery and invention are very different
and transfer between the two activities requires incentives.
a. Discovery: Fame. Scientists want to become famous. Such fame brings them both praise
and wealth. With fame as an incentive system, scientists have powerful incentives to
immediately broadcast their results, thus creating a free flow of ideas. This means that
researchers have at their disposal all the current results in conducting their ongoing
research. However, fame does not create a sufficient financial incentive for funding basic
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research.
b. Invention: Intellectual property. There are three important forms of intellectual property:
Patents, copyright, and trade secrets. Without property rights rivals would immediately
copy inventions and the producer with the lowest costs would claim the financial reward.
Incentives to invent would be diminished. However, the creation of a socially efficient
form of intellectual property rights is difficult because such rights can grant excessive
monopoly rights and create an atmosphere of secrecy which impedes the free flow of ideas.
Intellectual property law is modified over time to create better incentives in changing
economic conditions. For example, copyright, which originally was for books, plays and
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other literary works, has been extended to software and integrated circuit masks. In the US,
a patent is issued to the first to discover, not the first to file. As you might expect this leads
to endless law suits. Bell's patent for the telephone is an example. Currently, there is a
debate whether patents should be issued to the first to file, which is the practice in the rest
of the world.
c. Innovation: Better performance. There are no property rights for innovation;
consequently, imitators immediately copy any promising innovation. Imitation has become
more important in the private sector with increasing international competition. The new
buzz word is ``benchmarking'' which means to compare the firm's procedures with the best
practice in the world.
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Evolution of discovery, invention and innovation
During the first hundred years of the republic, there was little need to promote discovery,
invention and innovation because technology could be adapted from England.
Nevertheless, educational developments in the first hundred years created the foundation
for a much higher rate of discovery, invention and innovation in the second hundred years.
These developments were public primary and secondary education in the industrializing
states and research universities.
During the second hundred years the rate of invention was increased by the creation of
corporate research and development. In addition, federal funding of research after WW II,
especially through the National Science Foundation, NSF, further stimulated discovery.
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While NSF funds basic research, government departments such as the Department of
Energy and the Department of Defense fund applied research directly leading to invention.
Another US institutional innovation is the concept of a startup, which is a small company
specializing in new technology. Most startups fail; however, enough succeed in becoming
Fortune 500 companies to create powerful incentives for entrepreneurs. Startups are
financed by another US institutional innovation, venture capital. Venture capitalists pool
their resources and invest in a large number of startups with the expectation that all it takes
is one success to become rich. Also, in 1984 the government relaxed the antitrust laws to
allow firms to form consortia to promote invention. Consortia are also useful to establish
industry standards which promote the industry. Another institutional innovation has been
the creation of incubators that help promote startups in their initial stages of development.
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Q.3 Differentiate between “Organic Growth and Growth in Social Structure”
Explain this phenomenon with examples.
Organic growth is the growth a company achieves by increasing output and enhancing
sales internally. This does not include profits or growth attributable to mergers and
acquisitions but rather an increase in sales and expansion through the company's own
resources. Organic growth stands in contrast to inorganic growth, which is growth related
to activities outside a business's own operations.
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 Organic growth refers to the growth of a business through internal processes, relying
on its own resources.
 Strategies for organic growth include optimization of processes, reallocation of
resources, and new product offerings.
 Measuring organic growth is done by comparing revenues year over year and
comparable store sales.
 Organic growth stands in contrast to inorganic growth, which is external growth, such
as through mergers and acquisitions.

An organic growth strategy seeks to maximize growth from within. There are many ways
in which a company can increase sales internally in an organization. These strategies
typically take the form of optimization, reallocation of resources, and new product
offerings.
Optimization of a business focuses on continuing to improve a business's processes to
reduce costs and set appropriate pricing strategies for products or services. Reallocation of
resources involves allocating funds and other materials to the production of best-
performing products, while new product offerings seek to grow a business by introducing
new goods and services that will add to profits and overall growth.
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Organic growth allows for business owners to maintain control of their company whereas
a merger or acquisition would dilute or strip away their control. On the other hand, organic
growth takes longer, as it is a slower process to acquire new customers and expand
business with existing customers. A combination of both organic and inorganic growth is
ideal for a company, as it diversifies the revenue base without relying solely on current
operations to grow market share.
Measuring Organic Growth
Companies will utilize revenue and earnings growth, on a quarterly or yearly basis, as the
performance metrics by which to gauge organic growth. The pursuit of organic sales
growth often includes promotions, new product lines, or improved customer service. This
type of growth is important because investors want to see that a company in which they

are invested in, or plan to invest in, is capable of earning more than it did the prior year—
a feat that often reflects in a higher stock price or increased dividend payouts.
In some industries, particularly in retail, organic growth is measured as comparable
growth or comps in a 13-week period. Comparable-store sales, and sometimes same-store
sales, give the revenue growth of existing stores over a selected period of time. In other
words, comps do not factor in growth from new store openings or mergers and acquisitions
(M&A).
Real World Example
Firms such as Walmart, Costco, and other big-box retailers report comps on a quarterly
basis to give investors and analysts an idea of their organic growth. Walmart grew its comp
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sales by 2.5% in the 53 weeks ending Jan. 31, 2020, excluding fuel—a clear example of
organic growth that Walmart's CEO attributed to a strategic focus on comp sales over new
store openings by improving the in-store experience for customers.
Investment Analysis of Organic Growth vs. Inorganic Growth
If company A is growing at a rate of 5% and company B is growing at a rate of 25%, most
investors would opt to invest in company B. The assumption is that company A is growing
at a slower rate than company B, and therefore has a lower rate of return.
There is, however, another scenario to consider. What if company B grew revenues by
25% because it bought out its competitor for $12 billion? In fact, the reason company B
purchased its competitor is because company B’s sales were declining by 5%.
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Company B might be growing, but there appears to be a lot of risk connected to its growth,
while company A is growing by 5% without an acquisition or the need to take on more
debt. Perhaps company A is the better investment even though it grew at a much slower
rate than company B. Some investors may be willing to take on the additional risk, but
others opt for the safer investment.
In this example, company A, the safer investment, grew revenue by 5% through organic
growth. The growth required no merger or acquisition and occurred due to an increase in
demand for the company’s current products. Company B saw a decrease in revenue by
5%, which is a decline in organic growth. Overall growth increased due to acquisitions by
borrowing money. Company B's growth is completely reliant on acquisitions rather than
on its business model, which may not be favorable to investors.
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Q.4 Discuss in detail Marxist theory of change and Linear theories of change and
highlight its silent features.
Change is the law of nature. What is today shall be different from what it would be
tomorrow. The social structure is subject to incessant change.
Forty years hence government is due to make important changes. Family and religion will
not remain the same during this period because institutions are changing.
Individuals may strive for stability, societies may create the illusion of permanence, the
quest for certainty may continue unabated, yet the fact remains that society is an ever-
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changing phenomenon, growing, decaying, renewing and accommodating itself to
changing conditions and suffering vast modifications in the course of time. Our
understanding of it will not be complete unless we take into consideration this changeable
nature of society, study how differences emerge and discover the direction of change.
I. The Meaning of Social Change:
The word “change” denotes a difference in anything observed over some period of time.
Social change, therefore, would mean observable differences in any social phenomena over
any period of time.
The following are some of its definitions:
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(i) Jones. “Social change is a term used to describe variations in, or modifications of, any
aspect of social processes, social patterns, social interaction or social organisation.”
(ii)Mazumdar, H. T. “Social change may be defined as a new fashion or mode, either
modifying or replacing the old, in the life of a people, or in the operation of a society.”
(iii)Gillin and Gillin. “Social changes are variations from the accepted modes of life;
whether due to alteration in geographical conditions, in cultural equipment, composition
of the population or ideologies and whether brought about by diffusion or inventions within
the group.”
(iv)Davis. By “Social change is meant only such alterations as occur in social organisation,
that is, structure and functions of society.”
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(v) Merrill and Eldredge. “Social change means that large number of persons are engaging
in activities that differ from those which they or their immediate forefathers engaged in
some time before.”
(vi)MacIver and Page. “…Our direct concern as sociologists is with social relationships.
It is the change in these relationships which alone we shall regard as social change.”
(vii)M. D. Jenson. “Social change may be defined as modification in ways of doing and
thinking of people.”
(viii)Koenig, S. “Social change refers to the modifications which occur in the life patterns
of a people.”
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(ix) Lundberg and others. “Social change refers to any modification in established patterns
of inter human relationships and standards of conduct.”
(x)Anderson and Parker. “Social change involves alteration in the structure or functioning
of social forms or processes themselves.”
(xi)Ginsberg, M. “By social change, I understand a change in social structure e.g., the size
of a society, the composition or balance of its parts or the type of its organisation.”
On the basis of these definitions it may be concluded that social change refers to the
modifications which take place in the life patterns of people. It does not refer to all the
changes going on in the society. The changes in art, language, technology; philosophy etc.,
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may not be included in the term ‘Social change’ which should be interpreted in a narrow
sense to mean alterations in the field of social relationships.
Social relationships are social processes, social patterns and social interactions. Thus social
change will mean variations of any aspect of social processes, social patterns, social
interactions or social organisation. It is a change in the institutional and normative structure
of society.
II. Nature of Social Change:
The main characteristics of the nature of social change are as follows:
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(i) Social change is a universal phenomenon:
Social change occurs in all societies. No society remains completely static. This is true of
all societies, primitive as well as civilized. Society exists in a universe of dynamic
influences.
The population changes, technologies expand, material equipment changes, ideologies and
values take on new components and institutional structures and functions undergo
reshaping. The speed and extent of change may differ from society to society. Some change
rapidly, others change slowly.
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(ii) Social change is community change:
Social change does not refer to the change in the life of an individual or the life patterns of
several individuals. It is a change which occurs in the life of the entire community. In other
words, only that change can be called social change whose influence can be felt in a
community form. Social change is social and not individual.
(iii) Speed of social change is not uniform:
While social change occurs in all societies, its speed is not uniform in every society. In
most societies it occurs so slowly that it is often not noticed by those who live in them.
Even in modern societies there seems to be little or no change in many areas. Social change
in urban areas is faster than in rural areas.
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(iv) Nature and speed of social change is affected by and related to time factor:
The speed of social change is not uniform in each age or period in the same society. In
modern times the speed of social change is faster today than before 1947. Thus, the speed
of social change differs from age to age.
The reason is that the factors which cause social change do not remain uniform with the
change in times. Before 1947 there was less industrialization in India, after 1947 India has
become more industrialized. Therefore, the speed of social change after 1947 is faster than
before 1947.
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(v) Social change occurs as an essential law:
Change is the law of nature. Social change also is natural. It may occur either in the natural
course or as a result of planned efforts. By nature we desire change. Our needs keep on
changing. To satisfy our desire for change and our changing needs social change becomes
a necessity. The truth is that we are anxiously waiting for a change. According to Green,
‘The enthusiastic response of change has become almost a way of life.”
(vi) Definite prediction of social change is not possible:
It is difficult to make any prediction about the exact forms of social change. There is no
inherent law of social change according to which it would assume definite forms. We may
say that on account of the social reform movement untouchability will be abolished from
the Indian society; that the basis and ideals of marriage will change due to the marriage
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laws passed by the government; that industrialization will increase the speed of
urbanisation but we cannot predict the exact forms which social relationships will assume
in future. Likewise it cannot be predicted as to what shall be our attitudes, ideas, norms and
values in future.
(vii) Social change shows chain-reaction sequence:
A society’s pattern of living is a dynamic system of inter-related parts. Therefore, change
in one of these parts usually reacts on others and those on additional ones until they bring
a change in the whole mode of life of many people. For example, industrialism has
destroyed the domestic system of production.
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The destruction of domestic system of production brought women from the home to the
factory and the office. The employment of women meant their independence from the
bondage of man. It brought a change in their attitudes and idea. It meant a new social life
for women. It consequent affected every part of the family life.
(viii) Social change results from the interaction of a number of factors:
Generally, it is thought that a particular factor like changes in technology, economic
development or climatic conditions causes social change. This is called monistic theory
which seeks to interpret social change in terms of one single factor.
But the monistic theory does not provide an adequate explanation of the complex
phenomenon of social change. As a matter of fact, social change is the consequence of a
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number of factors. A special factor may trigger a change but it is always associated with
other factors that make the triggering possible.
The reason is that social phenomena are mutually interdependent. None stand out as
isolated forces that bring about change of themselves. Rather each is an element in a
system. Modification of vale part influences the other parts and these influence the rest,
until the whole is involved
Q.5 What are exogenous factors of change? Named them and explain with examples.
Exogenous growth, a key tenet of neoclassical economic theory, states that economic
growth is fueled by technological progress independent of economic forces.
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 Exogenous growth, a key tenet of neoclassical economic theory, states that economic
growth is fueled by technological progress independent of economic forces.
 The exogenous growth model factors in production, diminishing returns of capital,
savings rates, and technological variables to determine economic growth.
 Both the exogenous and endogenous growth models stress the role of technological
progress in achieving sustained economic growth.
 The endogenous growth model differs from the exogenous growth model in that it
suggests that forces within the economic system result in creating the atmosphere for
technological progress.
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The exogenous growth theory states that economic growth arises due to influences outside
the economy. The underlying assumption is that economic prosperity is primarily
determined by external, independent factors as opposed to internal, interdependent factors.
From a broad economic sense, the concept of exogenous growth grew out of
the neoclassical growth model. The exogenous growth model factors in production,
diminishing returns of capital, savings rates, and technological variables to determine
economic growth.
Exogenous Growth vs. Endogenous Growth
The exogenous growth and endogenous growth theories are part of the neoclassical growth
models. Both models stress the role of technological progress in achieving sustained
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economic growth. However, the former posits that technological progress alone, outside
of the economic system, is the key determinant in maximizing productivity, whereas the
latter suggests that an economy's long-term growth is a byproduct of the activities within
that economic system that result in technological progress.
Exogenous (external) growth factors include things such as the rate of technological
advancement or the savings rate. Endogenous (internal) growth factors, meanwhile, would
be capital investment, policy decisions, and an expanding workforce population. These
factors are modeled by the Solow model, the Ramsey model, and the Harrod-Domar
model.
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To sum up these models, given a fixed amount of labor and static technology, economic
growth will cease at some point as ongoing production reaches a state of equilibrium based
on internal demand factors. Once this equilibrium is reached, exogenous factors are then
needed to stoke growth.
Course: Social Change (541)Semester: Autumn, 2022
Level: M.Sc.
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ASSIGNMENT No. 2
Q.1 Describe the evolution process of family and the status of woman in Pakistan society.
Women in Pakistan make up 48.76% of the population according to the 2017 census of
Pakistan. Women in Pakistan have played an important role throughout Pakistan's history and they
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are allowed to vote in elections since 1956. In Pakistan, women have held high offices including
that of the Prime Minister, Speaker of the National Assembly, Leader of the Opposition, as well
as federal ministers, judges, and serving commissioned posts in the armed forces. Major
General Shahida Malik, attaining the highest military post for a woman. Benazir Bhutto was sworn
in as the first woman Prime Minister of Pakistan on 2 December 1988.
The status of women in Pakistan differs considerably across classes, regions and the rural/urban
divide due to the uneven socioeconomic development and the impact of tribal and feudal social
formations on lives of women in Pakistan. Gender Concerns International reports that the overall
women's rights in Pakistan have improved with increasing number of women being educated and
literate.
However, Pakistan does face issues where woman are kept behind in the field of education. This is
also associated with low government funding, less schools and colleges for women, and a low
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enrollment rate of women in educational institutions due to lack of awareness and women rights in
certain areas. Cases of rape, honor killing, murder, and forced marriages in backward areas are also
reported. All these issues are related to constraints due to a lack of education, poverty, a judicial
system of Pakistan that is disrupted, the negligence of government authorities to implement laws
and widespread underperformance of law enforcement agencies such as the Police.
Historically, Muslim reformers such as Syed Ahmad Khan tried to bring education to women,
limit polygamy, and empower women in other ways through education. The founder of
Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, was known to have a positive attitude towards women. After the
independence of Pakistan, women's groups and feminist organisations initiated by prominent
leaders like Fatima Jinnah started to emerge in order to eliminate socio-economic injustices against
women in the country.
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Jinnah pointed out that Muslim women leaders from all classes actively supported the Pakistan
movement in the mid-1940s. Their movement was led by wives and other relatives of leading
politicians. Women were sometimes organized into large-scale public demonstrations. Before
1947, there was a tendency for Muslim women in Punjab to vote for the Muslim League while their
menfolk supported the Unionist Party.
Many Muslim women supported the Indian National Congress Quit India Movement. Some
like Syeda Safia Begum of Muslim Town Lahore started the first English School for Muslim
Children in Muslim Town in 1935. Pakistani women were granted the suffrage in 1947 and they
were reaffirmed the right to vote in national elections in 1956 under the interim Constitution. The
provision of reservation of seats for women in the Parliament existed throughout the constitutional
history of Pakistan from 1956 to 1973.
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Had General Ayub Khan run fair elections, Ms Fatima Jinnah of Pakistan would have become the
first Muslim President of the largest Muslim country in the world. However, despite that setback,
during 1950–60, several pro-women initiatives were taken. Also, the
woman Lambardar or Numberdar (Village Head Person) in West Pakistan Begum
first
Sarwat
Imtiaz took oath in Village 43/12-L in Chichawatni, District Montgomery (now Sahiwal) in 1959.
The 1961 Muslim Family Law Ordinance, which regulated marriage, divorce, and
polygamy continues to have a significant legal impact on the women of Pakistan.
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Government
The regime of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (1970–1977) was a period of liberal attitudes towards women.
All government services were opened to women including the district management group and the
foreign service (in the civil service), which had been denied to them earlier. About 10% of the seats
in the National Assembly and 5% in the provincial assemblies were reserved for women, with no
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restriction on contesting general seats. However, the implementation of these policies was poor as
the Government faced a financial crisis due to war with India and consequent division of the
country.
Gender equality was specifically guaranteed by the Constitution of Pakistan adopted in 1973. The
constitution stipulated that "there shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex alone." The
Constitution additionally affords the protection of marriage, family, the mother and the child as
well as ensuring "full participation of women in all spheres of national life." However, many judges
upheld the "laws of Islam", often misinterpreted, over the Constitution's guarantee of non-
discrimination and equality under the law.
In 1975, an official delegation from Pakistan participated in the First World Conference on
Women in Mexico, which led to the constitution of the first Pakistani Women's Rights Committee.
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Zia-ul-Haq's Military Regime
General Zia ul-Haq, then Army Chief of Staff, overthrew the democratically elected Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto government in a military coup on 5 July 1977. The Sixth Plan during the martial law régime
of General Zia-ul-Haq (1977–1986) was full of policy contradictions. The régime took many steps
toward institutional building for women's development, such as the establishment of the Women's
Division in the Cabinet Secretariat, and the appointment of another commission on the Status of
Women. A chapter on women in development was included for the first time in the Sixth Plan. The
chapter was prepared by a working group of 28 professional women headed by Syeda Abida
Hussain, chairperson of the Jhang District council at that time. The main objective as stated in the
Sixth Plan was "to adopt an integrated approach to improve women's status". In 1981, General Zia-
ul-Haq nominated the Majlis-e-Shoora (Federal Advisory Council) and inducted 20 women as

members, however Majlis-e-Shoora had no power over the executive branch. In 1985, the National
Assembly elected through non-party elections doubled women's reserved quota (20 percent).
However, Zia-ul-Haq initiated a process of Islamization by introducing discriminatory legislation
against women such as the set of Hudood Ordinances and the Qanun-e-Shahadat Order (Law of
Evidence Order). He banned women from participating and from being spectators of sports and
promoted purdah. He suspended all fundamental rights guaranteed in the 1973 Constitution. He
also proposed laws regarding Qisas and Diyat, Islamic penal laws governing retribution (qisas) and
compensation (diyat) in crimes involving bodily injury. The Offence of Zina (Enforcement of
Hudood) Ordinance, 1979 was a subcategory of the Hudood Ordinance. Zina is the crime of non-
marital sexual relations and adultery.
A woman alleging rape was initially required to provide eyewitnesses of good standing and moral
character (tazkiyah-al-shuhood) and the witnesses would have to witness "the act of penetration"
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for the death penalty to apply to the Rapist or if there was no witnesses then Ta'zir would
apply. However failure to find such proof of the rape could place her at risk of prosecution for
another hudood ordinance, qazf for accusing an innocent man of adultery. Qazf does not require
such strong evidence. In principal, the failure to find such proof of rape does not place the woman
herself at risk of prosecution. According to Mufti Taqi Usmani, who was instrumental in the
creation of the ordinances:
If anyone says that she was punished because of Qazaf (false accusation of rape) then Qazaf
Ordinance, Clause no. 3, Exemption no. 2 clearly states that if someone approaches the legal
authorities with a rape complaint, she cannot be punished in case she is unable to present four
witnesses. No court of law can be in its right mind to award such a punishment.
However, in practice, these safeguards have not always worked. In September 1981, the first
conviction and sentence under the Zina Ordinance, of stoning to death for Fehmida and Allah

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Bakhsh were set aside under national and international pressure. In September 1981, women came
together in Karachi in an emergency meeting to oppose the adverse effects on women of martial
law and the Islamization campaign. They launched what later became the first full-fledged national
women's movement in Pakistan, the Women's Action Forum (WAF). WAF staged public protests
and campaigns against the Hudood Ordinances, the Law of Evidence, and the Qisas and Diyat laws
(temporarily shelved as a result).
In 1983, an orphaned, thirteen-year-old girl, Jehan Mina was allegedly raped by her uncle and his
sons, and became pregnant. She was unable to provide enough evidence that she was raped. She
was charged with adultery and the court considered her pregnancy as the proof of adultery. She was
awarded the Tazir punishment of one hundred lashes and three years of rigorous imprisonment.
In 1983, Safia Bibi, a nearly blind teenage domestic servant was allegedly raped by her employer
and his son. Due to lack of evidence, she was convicted for adultery under the Zina ordinance,

while the rapists were acquitted. She was sentenced to fifteen lashes, five years imprisonment, and
a fine of 1,000 rupees. The decision attracted so much publicity and condemnation from the public
and the press that the Federal Shariah Court of its own motion, called for the records of the case
and ordered that she should be released from prison on her own bond. Subsequently, on appeal, the
finding of the trial court was reversed and the conviction was set aside.
The International Commission of Jurists' December 1986 mission to Pakistan called for the repeal
of the sections of the Hudood Ordinances relating to crimes and of Islamic punishments that
discriminate against women and non-Muslims.
There is considerable evidence that legislation during this period has negatively impacted Pakistani
women's lives and made them more vulnerable to extreme violence. The majority of women in
prison had been charged under the Hudood Ordinance. Similarly, a national study found that 21%
of those residing in shelters for women (Darul Aman) had Hudood cases against them. According
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to a 1998 report by Amnesty International, more than one-third of all Pakistani women in prison
were being held due to having been accused or found guilty of zina.
Benazir Bhutto Government
After Zia-ul-Haq's regime, there was a visible change in the policy context in favour of women.
The Seventh, Eighth, and Ninth plans formulated under various democratically elected
governments have clearly made efforts to include women's concerns in the planning process.
However, planned development failed to address gender inequalities due to the gap between policy
intent and implementation.
In 1988, Benazir Bhutto (Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's daughter) became the first female Prime Minister of
Pakistan, and the first woman elected to head a Muslim country. During her election campaigns,
she voiced concerns over social issues of women, health and discrimination against women. She
also announced plans to set up women's police stations, courts and women's development banks.
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She also promised to repeal controversial Hudood laws that curtailed the rights of women.
However, during her two incomplete terms in office (1988–90 and 1993–96), Benazir Bhutto did
not propose any legislation to improve welfare services for women. She was not able to repeal a
single one of Zia-ul-Haq's Islamisation laws. By virtue of the eighth constitutional amendment
imposed by Zia-ul-Haq, these laws were protected both from ordinary legislative modification and
from judicial review.
In early 1988, the case of Shahida Parveen and Muhammad Sarwar sparked bitter public criticism.
Shahida's first husband, Khushi Muhammad, had divorced her and the papers had been signed in
front of a magistrate. The husband however, had not registered the divorce documents in the local
council as required by law, rendering the divorce not legally binding. Unaware of this, Shahida,
after her mandatory 96-day period of waiting (iddat), remarried. Her first husband, rebounding from
a failed attempt at a second marriage, decided he wanted his first wife Shahida back. Shahida's

second marriage was ruled invalid. She and her second husband, Sarwar were charged with
adultery. They were sentenced to death by stoning. The public criticism led to their retrial and
acquittal by the Federal Shariah Court.
The Ministry of Women's Development (MWD) established Women's Studies centres at five
universities in Islamabad, Karachi, Quetta, Peshawar, and Lahore in 1989. However, four of these
centers became almost non-functional due to lack of financial and administrative support. Only the
center at the University of Karachi (funded by the Canadian International Development Agency)
was able to run a master of arts programme.
The First Women Bank Ltd. (FWBL) was established in 1989 to address women's financial needs.
FWBL, a nationalized commercial bank, was given the rôle of a development finance institution,
as well as of a social welfare organisation. It operates 38 real-time online branches across the
country, managed and run by women. MWD provided a credit line of Rs 48 millions to FWBL to
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finance small-scale credit schemes for disadvantaged women. The Social Action Programme
launched in 1992/93 aimed at reducing gender disparities by improving women's access to social
services.
Pakistan acceded to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW) on 29 February 1996. The Ministry of Women Development (MWD) was the
designated national focal machinery for its implementation. However MWD faced a lack of
resources initially. Pakistan failed to submit its initial report that was due in 1997. Pakistan neither
signed nor ratified the Optional Protocol of the Women's Convention, which has led to non-
availability of avenues for filing grievances by individuals or groups against Pakistan under
CEDAW.
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Nawaz Sharif Government
In 1997, Nawaz Sharif was elected as Prime Minister. He had also held office for a truncated term
(1990–1993), during which he had promised to adopt Islamic law as the supreme law of Pakistan.
In 1997, the Nawaz Sharif government formally enacted the Qisas and Diyat Ordinance, which
institutes shariah-based changes in Pakistan's criminal law. The ordinance had earlier been kept in
force by invoking the president's power to re-issue it every four months.
Sharif then proposed a fifteenth amendment to the Constitution that would entirely replace the
existing legal system with a comprehensive Islamic one and would override the "constitution and
any law or judgment of any court." The proposal was approved in the National Assembly (lower
house), where Sharif's party has a commanding majority, but, it remained stalled in the Senate after
facing strong opposition from women's groups, human rights activists, and opposition political
parties.

A 1997 ruling by the Lahore High Court, in the highly publicised Saima Waheed case, upheld a
woman's right to marry freely but called for amendments to the 1965 Family Laws, on the basis of
Islamic norms, to enforce parental authority to discourage "love marriages".
The report of the Inquiry of the Commission for Women (1997) clearly stated that the Hudood
legislation must be repealed as it discriminates against women and is in conflict with their
fundamental rights. A similar commission during Benazir Bhutto's administration had also
recommended amending certain aspects of Hudood Ordinance. However, neither Benazir Bhutto
nor Nawaz Sharif implemented these recommendations.
The enhancement of women's status was stated as one of the 16 goals listed in the Pakistan 2010
Program (1997), a critical policy document. However, the document omits women while listing 21
major areas of interests. Similarly, another major policy document, the "Human Development and
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Poverty Reduction Strategy" (1999), mentioned women as a target group for poverty reduction but
lacks gender framework.
The country's first all-women university, named after Fatima Jinnah, was inaugurated on 6 August
1998. It suffered from delays in the release of development funds from the Federal Government.
Pervez Musharraf's regime
In 2000, the Church of Pakistan ordained its first women deacons. In 2002 (and later during court
trials in 2005), the case of Mukhtaran Mai brought the plight of rape victims in Pakistan under an
international spotlight. On 2 September 2004, the Ministry of Women Development was made an
independent ministry, separating from the Social Welfare and Education Ministry.
In July 2006, General Pervez Musharraf asked his Government to begin work on amendments to
the controversial 1979 Hudood Ordinance introduced under Zia-ul-Haq's régime. He asked the Law
Ministry and the Council of Islamic Ideology (under the Ministry of Religious Affairs) to build a
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consensus for the amendments to the laws. On 7 July 2006, General Musharraf signed an ordinance
for the immediate release on bail of around 1,300 women who were currently languishing in jails
on charges other than terrorism and murder.
In late 2006, the Pakistani parliament passed the Women's Protection Bill, repealing some of the
Hudood Ordinances. The bill allowed for DNA and other scientific evidence to be used in
prosecuting rape cases. The passing of the Bill and the consequent signing of it into law by President
General Pervez Musharraf invoked protests from hard-line Islamist leaders and
organisations. Some experts also stated that the reforms would be impossible to enforce.
The Cabinet approved reservation of 10% quota for women in Central Superior Services in its
meeting held on 12 July 2006. Earlier, there was a 5% quota for women across the board in all
Government departments. In December 2006, Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz approved the proposal
by the Ministry of Women Development to extend this quota to 10%.
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In 2006, The Protection of Women (Criminal Laws Amendment) Act was also passed. In December
2006, for the first time, women cadets from the Military Academy Kakul assumed guard duty at
the mausoleum of Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
The Women's Protection Bill, however, has been criticised by many including human rights and
women's rights activists for only paying lipservice and failing to repeal the Hudood Ordinances.
Q.2 Write short notes on the following:
a. Demographic transition
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In demography, demographic transition is a phenomenon and theory which refers to the historical
shift from high birth rates and high death rates in societies with minimal technology, education
(especially of women) and economic development, to low birth rates and low death rates in societies
with advanced technology, education and economic development, as well as the stages between
these two scenarios. Although this shift has occurred in many industrialized countries, the theory
and model are frequently imprecise when applied to individual countries due to specific social,
political and economic factors affecting particular populations.
However, the existence of some kind of demographic transition is widely accepted in the social
sciences because of the well-established historical correlation linking dropping fertility to social
and economic development. Scholars debate whether industrialization and higher incomes lead
to lower population, or whether lower populations lead to industrialization and higher incomes.
Scholars also debate to what extent various proposed and sometimes inter-related factors such as

higher per capita income, lower mortality, old-age security, and rise of demand for human
capital are involved.
History
The theory is based on an interpretation of demographic history developed in 1929 by the American
demographer Warren Thompson (1887–1973). Adolphe Landry of France made similar
observations on demographic patterns and population growth potential around 1934. In the 1940s
and 1950s Frank W. Notestein developed a more formal theory of demographic transition. By
2009, the existence of a negative correlation between fertility and industrial development had
become one of the most widely accepted findings in social science.
The Jews of Bohemia and Moravia were the among the first populations to experience a
demographic transition, in the 18th century, prior to changes in mortality or fertility in
other European Jews or in Christians living in the Czech lands.
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The transition involves four stages, or possibly five.
 In stage one, pre-industrial society, death rates and birth rates are high and roughly in balance. All
human populations are believed to have had this balance until the late 18th century, when this balance
ended in Western Europe. In fact, growth rates were less than 0.05% at least since the Agricultural
Revolution over 10,000 years ago. Population growth is typically very slow in this stage, because the
society is constrained by the available food supply; therefore, unless the society develops new technologies
to increase food production (e.g. discovers new sources of food or achieves higher crop yields), any
fluctuations in birth rates are soon matched by death rates.
Stage one
In pre-industrial society, death rates and birth rates were both high, and fluctuated rapidly according
to natural events, such as drought and disease, to produce a relatively constant and young
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population. Family planning and contraception were virtually nonexistent; therefore, birth rates
were essentially only limited by the ability of women to bear children. Emigration depressed death
rates in some special cases (for example, Europe and particularly the Eastern United States during
the 19th century), but, overall, death rates tended to match birth rates, often exceeding 40 per 1000
per year. Children contributed to the economy of the household from an early age by carrying water,
firewood, and messages, caring for younger siblings, sweeping, washing dishes, preparing food,
and working in the fields. Raising a child cost little more than feeding him or her; there were no
education or entertainment expenses. Thus, the total cost of raising children barely exceeded their
contribution to the household. In addition, as they became adults they became a major input to the
family business, mainly farming, and were the primary form of insurance for adults in old age. In
India, an adult son was all that prevented a widow from falling into destitution. While death rates

remained high there was no question as to the need for children, even if the means to prevent them
had existed.
During this stage, the society evolves in accordance with Malthusian paradigm, with population
essentially determined by the food supply. Any fluctuations in food supply (either positive, for
example, due to technology improvements, or negative, due to droughts and pest invasions) tend to
translate directly into population fluctuations.
Stage two
This stage leads to a fall in death rates and an increase in population. The changes leading to this
stage in Europe were initiated in the Agricultural Revolution of the eighteenth century and were
initially quite slow. In the twentieth century, the falls in death rates in developing countries tended
to be substantially faster. Countries in this stage include Yemen, Afghanistan, and Iraq and much
of Sub-Saharan Africa (but this does not include South
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Africa, Zimbabwe, Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Namibia, Kenya, Gabon and Ghana, which have
begun to move into stage 3).
The decline in the death rate is due initially to two factors:
 First, improvements in the food supply brought about by higher yields in agricultural practices and better
transportation reduce death due to starvation and lack of water. Agricultural improvements included crop
rotation, selective breeding, and seed drill technology.
 Second, significant improvements in public health reduce mortality, particularly in childhood. These are
not so much medical breakthroughs (Europe passed through stage two before the advances of the mid-
twentieth century, although there was significant medical progress in the nineteenth century, such as the
development of vaccination) as they are improvements in water supply, sewerage, food handling, and
general personal hygiene following from growing scientific knowledge of the causes of disease and the
improved education and social status of mothers.
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A consequence of the decline in mortality in Stage Two is an increasingly rapid growth in
population growth (a.k.a. "population explosion") as the gap between deaths and births grows wider
and wider. Note that this growth is not due to an increase in fertility (or birth rates) but to a decline
in deaths. This change in population occurred in north-western Europe during the nineteenth
century due to the Industrial Revolution. During the second half of the twentieth century less-
developed countries entered Stage Two, creating the worldwide rapid growth of number of living
people that has demographers concerned today. In this stage of DT, countries are vulnerable to
become failed states in the absence of progressive governments.
Stage three
In Stage 3 of the Demographic Transition Model (DTM), death rates are low and birth rates
diminish, as a rule accordingly of enhanced economic conditions, an expansion in women's status
and education, and access to contraception. The decrease in birth rate fluctuates from nation to

nation, as does the time span in which it is experienced. Stage Three moves the population towards
stability through a decline in the birth rate. Several fertility factors contribute to this eventual
decline, and are generally similar to those associated with sub-replacement fertility, although some
are speculative:
 In rural areas continued decline in childhood death meant that at some point parents realized that they
didn't need as many children to ensure a comfortable old age. As childhood death continues to fall and
incomes increase, parents can become increasingly confident that fewer children will suffice to help in
family business and care for them at old age.
 Increasing urbanization changes the traditional values placed upon fertility and the value of children in
rural society. Urban living also raises the cost of dependent children to a family. A recent theory suggests
that urbanization also contributes to reducing the birth rate because it disrupts optimal mating patterns. A
2008 study in Iceland found that the most fecund marriages are between distant cousins. Genetic
incompatibilities inherent in more distant out breeding makes reproduction harder.
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 In both rural and urban areas, the cost of children to parents is exacerbated by the introduction of
compulsory education acts and the increased need to educate children so they can take up a respected
position in society. Children are increasingly prohibited under law from working outside the household
and make an increasingly limited contribution to the household, as school children are increasingly
exempted from the expectation of making a significant contribution to domestic work. Even in equatorial
Africa, children (age under 5) now required to have clothes and shoes, and may even require school
uniforms. Parents begin to consider it a duty to buy children(s) books and toys, partly due to education and
access to family planning, people begin to reassess their need for children and their ability to raise them.
Stage four
This occurs where birth and death rates are both low, leading to a total population stability. Death
rates are low for a number of reasons, primarily lower rates of diseases and higher production of
food. The birth rate is low because people have more opportunities to choose if they want children;

this is made possible by improvements in contraception or women gaining more independence and
work opportunities. The DTM is only a suggestion about the future population levels of a country,
not a prediction.
Countries that were at this stage (total fertility rate between 2.0 and 2.5) in 2015 include: Antigua
and Barbuda, Argentina, Bahrain, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Cabo Verde, El Salvador, Faroe Islands,
Grenada, Guam, India, Indonesia, Kosovo, Libya, Malaysia, Maldives, Mexico, Myanmar, Nepal,
New Caledonia, Nicaragua, Palau, Peru, Seychelles, Sri Lanka, Suriname, Tunisia, Turkey and
Venezuela.
Stage five
The original Demographic Transition model has just four stages, but additional stages have been
proposed. Both more-fertile and less-fertile futures have been claimed as a Stage Five.
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Some countries have sub-replacement fertility (that is, below 2.1–2.2 children per woman).
Replacement fertility is generally slightly higher than 2 (the level which replaces the two parents,
achieving equilibrium) both because boys are born more often than girls (about 1.05–1.1 to 1), and
to compensate for deaths prior to full reproduction. Many European and East Asian countries now
have higher death rates than birth rates. Population aging and population decline may eventually
occur, assuming that the fertility rate does not change and sustained mass immigration does not
occur.
Using data through 2005, researchers have suggested that the negative relationship between
development, as measured by the Human Development Index (HDI), and birth rates had reversed
at very high levels of development. In many countries with very high levels of development,
fertility rates were approaching two children per woman in the early 2000s. However, fertility rates
declined significantly in many very high development countries between 2010 and 2018, including

in countries with high levels of gender parity. The global data no longer support the suggestion that
fertility rates tend to broadly rise at very high levels of national development.
b. Change and stratification systems
Sociologists distinguish between two systems of stratification. Closed systems accommodate little
change in social position and are typically based on ascribed status or some trait from birth. They
do not allow people to shift levels and do not permit social relationships between levels. Open
systems, which are based on achievement, allow movement and interaction between layers and
classes. These different systems reflect, emphasize, and foster certain cultural values and shape
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individual beliefs. Some stratification systems include slavery, caste systems, feudal/estate
systems, and class systems.
Slavery
In examining social stratification, we can begin by looking at slavery in the U.S., which was based
on race and resulted in a social stratification system—people were not enslaved because of crimes
they committed, debts they owed, or lost wars. Chattel slavery occurs when one person owns
another as property. Slaves were taken from West Africa beginning in the 17th century and brought
to U.S. colonies, mostly to work as laborers in the growing agricultural economy. The system was
maintained by birth, so children born to slaves were automatically slaves and considered property–
or “chattel”–of the slaveowner.
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While the slave trade was discontinued in 1808, slavery was not abolished until the 13th
Amendment was ratified in 1865 (the same year the Civil War ended), and vestiges of slavery
persisted through the Reconstruction era and beyond[1]. The racial stratification of Americans
continued through Jim Crow segregation laws, which faded in the 1950s and 1960s as the Civil
Rights Movement emerged, and through the convict lease system, which was also gradually phased
out in the 20th century. The South African apartheid system is another example of social
stratification based on race, or skin color. Apartheid officially began in 1948, and gave the minority
white population political and cultural power, while oppressing Blacks, “Coloured” (i.e., people of
mixed race), Indian, and Asian peoples. It did not end until 1994. Both of these systems used race
to justify closed systems of stratification.
The global watchdog group Anti-Slavery International recognizes other forms of slavery: human
trafficking (in which people are moved away from their communities and forced to work against

their will), child domestic work and child labor, and certain forms of servile marriage, in which
women are effectively property, or chattel slaves (Anti-Slavery International 2012).
Another type of slavery is debt bondage, or bonded labor, in which the poor pledge themselves as
servants in exchange for the cost of basic necessities like transportation, room, and board. In this
scenario, people are paid less than they are charged for room and board. When travel is required,
they can arrive in debt for their travel expenses and be unable to work their way free, since their
wages do not allow them to ever get ahead.
The Estate System
The ninth century gave rise to feudal societies. These societies contained a strict hierarchical
system of power based around land ownership and protection. The nobility, known as lords, placed
vassals in charge of pieces of land called fiefdoms. In return for the resources that the land provided
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and a guaranteed place to live, vassals promised to fight for their lords. Feudalism was a closed
system where land ownership was inherited. The peasants who worked the land served lords for
generations and generations as the estate system hierarchy was automatically reproduced at birth.
Like slavery in the U.S., a person’s birth determined his or her social standing. In the estate system,
this meant a person could be born a peasant, a commoner, or with access to more property and
opportunity, such as a member of the clergy or nobility might have. The justification for this rigid
hierarchy was often based on certain religious beliefs, especially that of “divine right,” or the idea
that some men rule by God’s will. Ultimately, the social and economic system of feudalism failed
and was replaced by capitalism and the technological advances of the industrial era.
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The Caste System
Caste systems are closed stratification systems in which people can do little or nothing to change
their social standing. A caste system is one in which people are born into their social standing
category, or “caste,” and will remain in it their whole lives. People are assigned occupations
regardless of their talents, interests, or potential. There are virtually no opportunities to improve a
person’s social position.
In the Hindu caste tradition, people were expected to work in the occupation of their caste and to
enter into marriage according to their caste. Endogamy refers to the practice of marrying within
one’s own caste category. Accepting this social standing was considered a moral duty. Cultural
values reinforced the system. Caste systems promote beliefs in fate, destiny, and the will of a higher
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power, rather than promoting individual freedom as a value. A person who lived in a caste society
was socialized to accept his or her social standing.
Although the caste system in India has been officially dismantled, its residual presence in Indian
society is deeply embedded. In rural areas, aspects of the tradition are more likely to remain, while
urban centers show less evidence of this past. In India’s larger cities, people now have more
opportunities to choose their own career paths and marriage partners. With India’s emergence as
an economic power, corporations have introduced merit-based hiring and employment standards to
the nation.
Q.3 Critically evaluate the educational revolution in light of Peter F. Druker reading and assess the
educational/ curriculum measures adopted by Govt. of Pakistan.
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When it comes to measuring student learning outcomes, you often hear critics refrain “you can’t
fatten a cow by weighing him all the time,” in an attempt to say that you cannot truly educate
students by spending all the time getting ready for testing and recording test scores. Of course not.
But as the management guru Peter Drucker famously said, “If you can't measure it, you can't
manage it.”
If you don’t measure, then how do you know how you are doing? How do you know if you are
doing well? Or poorly? Without adequate information about learning outcomes, students, families,
teachers cannot properly decide on what actions should be taken to improve learning outcomes.
And improving cognitive skills is important for economic development.
In my experience visiting schools over the years, I have spoken to teachers who use assessment
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results to gauge their teaching and decide on allocating inputs. I have also been to schools where
teachers have no test scores. How are they expected to make choices about what they do in the
classroom without any information?
I suppose the criticism against measurement is directed at high stakes testing and over-reliance on
assessments.
But high-stakes testing is one way of using information to improve outcomes. There is some
evidence that in some states in the United States such as Florida and New York school actors
respond through accountability systems. Another high-stakes example has come to be known as
“naming and shaming” school leaders. This has been used in Great Britain and a policy change led
to a unique natural experiment in England and Wales. Prior to devolution in 1999 in Great Britain,
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the governance of schools (and hospitals) in England and Wales was similar. After devolution, the
funding and organization continued to be similar, but the two governments adopted different
policies in the pursuit of common objectives. A study of these two “natural experiments” compared
outcomes in the two countries before and after these policy changes. The governance model of
“trust and altruism” resulted in worse reported performance in Wales as compared with England
on what were each government's key objectives. “Naming and shaming” school leaders worked in
England, as compared with Wales, resulting in improved examination performance.
In school systems where parents choose schools, information is vital for the decision. But it can
also be used as an accountability measure and prod providers into improving outcomes. In
the Netherlands, the school quality scores not only improve school choice, they also lead to school
improvement. Both average grades and the number of diplomas awarded increase after receiving a

negative score, and these responses cannot be attributed to gaming activities of the school. For
schools that receive the most negative ranking, the short-term effects (one year after a change in
the ranking of schools) of quality transparency on final exam grades equal 10 to 30 percent of a
standard deviation increase.
But what about simply providing information on learning outcomes? Would that be enough to
improve what is going on?
The use of information from international student assessments helped reform an education system.
It wasn’t that there was no interest in learning. It’s a case of lack of information. Over the past two
decades, the Jordanian education system has made significant advances. Net enrollment in basic
education increased from 89 percent in 2000 to 97 percent in 2012. Transition rates to secondary
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education increased from 63 to 79 percent during the same period. At the same time, Jordan made
significant gains on international surveys of student achievement, with a particularly impressive
gain of almost 30 points on the science portion of the Third International Mathematics and Science
Study (TIMSS). Benchmarking their education system and constant feedback between researchers
and policymakers contributed to this achievement.
Jordan was the first Arab country to participate in an international student assessment. This took
place at the same time that the country launched its comprehensive system reform. The assessment
results were alarming as performance was extremely poor. As a follow up, Jordan sped up their
efforts on reforming the education system. The curriculum was targeted, reviewed, and new
textbooks were developed. Teacher qualifications were reviewed and evaluated, and teacher
upgrading through a university bridging program was implemented. Benchmarks for 13-year-olds’
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achievement were established. Jordanian authorities developed a feedback loop between those
researching the education system and those implementing change through to teachers. Teachers
were supported with guides and feedback. In fact, teacher confidence was one of the factors
associated with improvements in learning outcomes.
But even just information, even low stakes testing can lead to improvements. This is the case
in Mexico prior to the introduction of national and universal student assessments. Holding
everything else constant, states with tests and accountability systems performed significantly better
than states without tests. Furthermore, such simple accountability measures are demonstrably cost-
effective measures for improving outcomes. Even in Finland, where there is no high-states testing
until the end of secondary school, assessments are used to improve learning and they are
“encouraging and supportive by nature.”
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This conforms to international evidence. Differences in educational institutions explain the
large international differences in student performance in cognitive achievement tests.
Moreover, test based accountability – be it high stakes, low stakes, or simply information – is cost-
effective. "Even if accountability costs were 10 times as large as they are, they would still not
amount to 1 percent of the cost of public education!" argues Caroline Hoxby in an influential paper.
According to the Association of American Publishers, total revenues from the sales of tests, related
teaching materials, and services amounted to $234 million in 2000. Hoxby calculates that the
revenues amount to less than $5 a student. In relation to the overall average cost of educating a
child, payments to all test makers represented just 0.07 percent (seven-hundredths of 1 percent) of
the cost of basic education in the United States.
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Globally, it has been shown that testing is among the least expensive innovations in education
reform. In fact, in no country does testing cost more than 0.3 percent of the national education
budget at the basic education level.
But measure what is important. That is, tests should inform teachers about how their students are
progressing and this feedback should be timely and useful. In other words, avoid teaching to the
“bad” test. Policymakers have a role to play, too, as Hoxby points out, as they should “encourage
teaching the curriculum, but they should discourage teaching the test.”
Q.4 Discuss the historical background of Land Reforms in Pakistan; to what extent you think these
reforms have been effective agents of social change in Pakistan?
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LAND reforms in Pakistan have a long and somewhat chequered history. The British had less of an interest
in the matter as they relied on the support of several influential landlords. Although there had been some
limited reforms in the years leading up to 1947, all major reforms date from the years after independence.
Almost immediately the various provincial legislatures passed several statutes whereby the jagirdari systems
were abolished and tenants protected. The major reforms, however, came in three stages: the first during
Ayub Khan's martial law in 1959; the second and third during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's rule in the 1970s.
Ayub Khan's government passed the first major piece of legislation concerning land reforms in Pakistan. This
legislation was the West Pakistan Land Reforms Regulation 1959 (Regulation 64 of 1959). The salient
features of this regulation included a ceiling on individual holdings. No one individual could own more than
500 acres of irrigated and 1,000 acres of unirrigated land or a maximum of 36,000 Produce Index Units (PIU),
whichever was greater. It further allowed that land be redistributed amongst tenants and others. In addition,
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the regulation contained provisions which provided for security of tenants as well as for preventing the
subdivision of land holdings.
Bhutto, despite being a major landowner himself, was determined to institute reforms, having been a minister
under Ayub Khan. Bhutto, seeing the former's land reforms as inadequate, was responsible for two major
land reform regimes. The first was by way of a martial law regulation, the Land Reform Regulation 1972 by
which the West Pakistan Land Reforms Regulation 1959 was repealed through paragraph 32.
As per paragraph 8(1) no individual holdings were to be in excess of 150 acres of irrigated land or 300 of
unirrigated land, or irrigated and unirrigated land the aggregate area of which exceeded 150 acres of irrigated
land (one acre of irrigated land being reckoned as the equivalent of two acres of unirrigated land), or an area
equivalent to 15,000 PIU of land, whichever was greater. Paragraph 18(1) of the regulations also provided

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for excess land to be surrendered and utilised for the benefit of tenants shown to be in the process of
cultivating it.
By 1977, the country had an elected parliament. It would be this body which passed the last major piece of
legislation dealing with land reforms; the Law Reforms Act 1977 (Act II of 1977) and the only one ironically
which came the way of a democratically elected legislature as opposed to a military junta. It did not repeal
the 1972 regulations, but was designed to operate concurrently with the same.
The most important and relevant change it made was that individual holdings, including shares in shamilat ,
if any, in excess of 100 acres of irrigated land or 200 acres of unirrigated land, or irrigated and unirrigated
land the aggregate of which exceeded 100 acres of irrigated land (again, one acre of irrigated land being
reckoned as equivalent to two acres of unirrigated land). Furthermore, notwithstanding the above, no land

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holding could (per section 3) be greater than an area equivalent to 8,000 PIU of land calculated on the basis
of classification of soil as entered in the revenue records for kharif.
The end of the Bhutto era also signalled the end of the era of statutory land reform in Pakistan.
During Ziaul Haq's reign only major new laws were passed. Only two amending ordinances came into being.
The first in 1979 declared that where the provincial government had decided to lease out surrendered land,
the person who surrendered it would have first priority, and the second allowed the federal government to
exempt any educational institution or cooperative farming society from the operation of the 1977 act.
Land reforms were always controversial. It was alleged by opponents that they were un-Islamic and that they
infringed on the right to own, use and enjoy property as protected by the constitution. Matters finally came

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to a head before the Supreme Court in the case of Qazalbash Waqf v Chief Land Commissioner in which
both the 1972 regulations were attacked as being against Islamic injunctions and unconstitutional. The
Supreme Court agreed.
Of the 1972 regulations, the Supreme Court declared that paragraphs 7, 8, 9, 10, 13 and 14 and thus
consequently 18 were unconstitutional as being against Islamic injunctions. The striking down of paragraphs
8 and 18 overturned the main reforms achieved.
Similarly in the same case the Supreme Court overturned the entire sections — 3, 4, 5, 6, 7(5), 8, 9, 10 —
and consequently sections 11-17 of the act as being unconstitutional and against Islamic injunctions. The
striking down of sections 3 and 17 undid the main reforms promulgated in the act. The laws stated to be
unconstitutional ceased to have effect on March 23, 1990 (the day the judgement was handed down).

The net result of the Qazalbash Waqf v Chief Land Commissioner is that land reforms in Pakistan are now
at the same level as they were in 1947, as the 1972 regulations and the 1977 act have seen their main
provisions being struck down and the 1959 regulations have been repealed.
To commence land reforms and to ensure they contain at least the same measure of reforms as the 1972
regulations and the 1977 act did will at the very least require a constitutional amendment which allows
parliament to enact legislation regarding land reform notwithstanding the relevant constitutional provisions.
Failing the above, any proposed reforms would have to be more limited in their ambit than the previous
reforms to avoid unconstitutionality or their lordships would have to overrule the judgment in the Qazalbash
Waqf v Chief Land Commissioner in another case.
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These land reforms stayed in force until 1972 and the next great wave of land reforms.
Q.5 Discuss the theory of Modernization and Motivational Aspects of Development in light of Neil J.
Smelser & Willbert E. Moore research.
Haferkamp is grateful to Angelika Schade for her fruitful comments and her helpful assistance in
editing this volume and to Geoff Hunter for translating the first German version of parts of the
Introduction; Smelser has profited from the research assistance and critical analyses given by
Joppke.
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1. Social Change and Modernity
Those who organized the conference on which this volume is based—including the editors—
decided to use the terms "social change" and "modernity" as the organizing concepts for this
project. Because these terms enjoy wide usage in contemporary sociology and are general and
inclusive, they seem preferable to more specific terms such as "evolution" "progress,"
"differentiation," or even "development," many of which evoke more specific mechanisms,
processes, and directions of change. Likewise, we have excluded historically specific terms such
as "late capitalism" and "industrial society" even though these concepts figure prominently in many
of the contributions to this volume. The conference strategy called for a general statement of a
metaframework for the study of social change within which a variety of more specific theories
could be identified.

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2. Theories of Social Change
Change is such an evident feature of social reality that any social-scientific theory, whatever its
conceptual starting point, must sooner or later address it. At the same time it is essential to note
that the ways social change has been identified have varied greatly in the history of thought.
Furthermore, conceptions of change appear to have mirrored the historical
realities of different epochs in large degree. In his essay for this volume Giesen shows that even
though ideas of time existed and evolved over thousands of years—ranging from the identification
of time as a period of action and a period of living to the differentiation of time according to
hierarchical position (the gods are eternal; empires rise, prosper, and fall; humans have a time
lifespan), to the conception of time as progress—stability and order were the norm and changes
were exceptional. But in more recent centuries the dominant conceptions of change itself have

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changed. Social change as a concept for comprehending a continual dynamic in social units became
salient during the French Revolution and the industrial revolution in England, both periods of
extraordinary dynamism. Comprehensive change became normal, and, accordingly, social
philosophers and later sociologists gradually replaced the older ideas of natural constants and the
contractual constructions of natural and rational order with conceptions of social change, even
though precise formulations were slow to appear. For these thinkers social change was "a property
of social order, known as change" (Luhmann 1984, 471). Moreover, in the midst of change
observers began to look in retrospect to the dramatic changes that had occurred in earlier epochs,
for examples, in the development of the Egyptian Empire or the Western Roman Empire.
Contemporary theories of social change have become more generalized in order to explain far-
reaching processes of change in past and present. In a review of contemporary theories of change
Hermann Strasser and Susan C. Randall have identified the following attributes for these changes:

"magnitude of change, time span, direction, rate of change, amount of violence involved" (1981,
16). In our view any theory of change must contain three main elements that must stand in definite
relation to one another:
1. Structural determinants of social change, such as population changes, the dislocation
occasioned by war, or strains and contradictions.
2. Processes and mechanisms of social change, including precipitating mechanisms, social
movements, political conflict and accommodation, and entrepreneurial activity.
3. Directions of social change, including structural changes, effects, and consequences.
Even this rendition of the metaframework for models of change is overly simple, for among the
structural determinants of different processes of social change are the accumulated consequences
of previous sequences of change.
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Wiswede and Kutsch (1978, vii) argue that although "the analysis of social change represents
the touchstone of sociology," it "obviously still appears to be underdeveloped today." The editors
accept this judgment and advance two reasons for it. The first reason is that despite the evident fact
that comprehensive social changes cannot be explained by monocausal theories, such theories still
survive in one form or another: cultural emanationist theories, materialist theories, and more
specific examples such as the explanation of social changes by the size and composition of the
population of a society (Cipolla 1978) or by changes in key actors' attitudes (Opp 1976). Such
theories generally break down when confronted with explaining unexpected changes or when they
are used for predicting or forecasting. The second reason for the underdevelopment of the study of
social changes is those who accept the necessity of multicausal explanations face a formidable task
in arranging the great arsenal of determinants, mechanisms, processes, and consequences into
sufficiently complex interactive and predictive models. Simple theories are easier to create but are

more likely to be inadequate, whereas complex theories are more likely to be realistic but are more
difficult to construct formally.
Another point of tension in the scientific study of social change is that between the striving for
general theories and the carrying out of specialized studies dealing with certain societies and
periods of time. Certainly the more comprehensive theories of the sociological masters still survive
and inform the research of many scholars, even though the focus of these scholars has become more
limited. Examples of the more focused study of changes in economic structure and stratification
are found in the contributions of Goldthorpe, Haferkamp, and Münch to this volume; examinations
of changes in political and social structures are found in the contributions of Touraine and Eyerman.
This volume strikes a kind of balance between comprehensiveness and specialization. Although
the contributors and editors have kept in mind Wilbert E. Moore's cautionary words about "the
myth of a singular theory of change" (Moore 1963, 23), we have nonetheless been able to organize
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the volume around some general themes in the contemporary study of social change. These themes
are the persistence of evolutionary thought, structural differentiation and cultural change, theories
of modernity, modernity and new forms of social movements, modernity and social inequality, and
international and global themes. This introduction takes up these themes in the order listed.
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