Adult College Students: Changes in Economic, Social and Cultural Capital from High School to College

ADULT COLLEGE STUDENTS:
CHANGES IN ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CAPITAL
FROM HIGH SCHOOL TO COLLEGE
A Dissertation
Presented to
The Faculty of the Curry School of Education
University of Virginia
by
Andrea Spreter
B.A. Penn State University, 1991
M.A. DePaul University, 1999
May 2006
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Andrea Spreter
All Rights Reserved
May 2006

Center for the Study of Higher Education
Curry School of Education
University of Virginia
Charlottesville, Virginia
APPROVAL OF THE DISSERTATION
This dissertation, "Adult College Students: Changes in
Economic, Social and Cultural Capital from High School to
College", has been approved by the Graduate Faculty of the
Curry School of—Sdyoation in partial fulfillment of the
requirement^for tiyd degree of Doctor of Philosophy.
Brian Pusser, Ph.D., Advisor
Hal Burbach, Ph.D.
Bruce Gansneder, Ph.D.
UjLIX.(—
Margaret Miller, Ph.D.
Date

ABSTRACT
70 percent of all jobs in the United States require
some form of postsecondary education; however, only 24
percent of adult Americans have an undergraduate degree.
If educational leaders and policy makers wish to extend
equality of opportunity to all citizens, they need to find
ways to encourage greater rates of postsecondary
participation by the adult population.
The purpose of this study was to investigate if adult
undergraduate students had greater degrees of economic,
social and/or cultural capital than they did when they
graduated high school and to assess to what degree
respondents believed these factors influenced their return
to college. Academic research suggests that these three
forms of capital are significantly correlated with academic
achievement and the pursuit of college. However, this
research has been limited to the traditional-aged college
student.
A survey was delivered to adult college students
participating in a baccalaureate degree program at an
urban, private university. 186 of the 202 students who

received the survey completed it, for a response rate of 92
percent.
The adult college students in this sample had
significantly gained economic, social and cultural capital
since graduating high school and entering college.
Overall, respondents experienced increases in all forms of
capital; however, non-economic factors had increased the
most. Financial resources (economic capital) were
certainly significant but they were not as significant as
were non-financial resources such as family, a greater
understanding of the importance of an education and
encouragement from social networks.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This dissertation would not have been possible without the
support and encouragement of many people. My husband, Mans
Backman, deserves credit for being my rock and my sounding board
and for sacrificing a great deal of himself to allow me to be a
success in this program. My dear friend, Luis Galarza, saw
something in me that I did not see in myself. He persuaded me
see it and encouraged me to pursue it and for that I am very
grateful. My dad and stepmother deserve a tremendous deal of
thanks as do my aunt, my grandmother, and my brother for helping
me believe that I could accomplish anything, no matter what the
obstacles. I also express thanks to my colleagues and very good
friends in the program, who understand this academic journey
better than anyone and who were always available to listen,
encourage and gently push. Special thanks go to John Donnelly
for traveling with me to Chicago to collect data and for being by
my side throughout the process. I thank Brian Pusser, my advisor
and dissertation chair, for his sound counsel and steadfast
support of my research and of adult learners; Bruce Gansneder for
devoting many hours of his time to guide me through the data
analysis; and Peg Miller and Hal Burbach for agreeing to serve on
my committee and bringing energy to my topic.
IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv
LIST OF TABLES vii
CHAPTER
I. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY 1
Introduction 1
Background of the Study 3
Economic Capital 4
Social Capital 4
Cultural Capital 5
Purpose of the Study 6
Rationale for the Study 7
Research Questions 9
Profile of the University 10
School for New Learning 11
Research Design 12
Instrument Construction 13
Data Analysis 15
Limitations 15
Definition of Terms 16
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 18
Economic Capital 19
Social Capital 21
Non-family influences 23
Closure 26
Institutional Ties 27
Cultural Capital 30
Summary 38
v

III. METHODOLOGY 40
Purpose of the Study 40
Instrument Construction 41
Data Analysis 47
Data Collection and Sample 47
IV. PRESENTATION OF THE DATA 50
Introduction 50
Research Question 50
Data Analysis 51
Economic Capital 54
Economic Capital Questions Not 54
Included in Set
Economic Capital Questions Included 61
in Set
Social Capital 62
Cultural Capital 65
Students' Perceptions of Influential 68
Factors
Relationships Among and Between Economic, 72
Social and Cultural Capital
Summary 74
V. SUMMARY, DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION 76
Purpose 76
Summary of Results, Literature and Discussion 78
Economic Capital and Changes Over Time 78
Social Capital and Changes Over Time 80
Cultural Capital and Changes Over Time 81
Students Perception of Influential 83
Factors
Additional Findings 84
Implications of Findings 85
Future Research 89
Conclusion 91
REFERENCES 93
APPENDICES
Appendix A 102
Appendix B 112
Appendix C 114

LIST OF TABLES
Page
Table 4.1: Summary of Means and SDs of Change Over Time
in Economic, Social and Cultural Capital
53
Table 4.2: Change Over Time in Home Ownership 55
Table 4.3: Change Over Time in Neighborhood (a) 56
Table 4.4: Change Over Time in Neighborhood (b) 56
Table 4.5: Change Over Time in Occupation (a) 58
Table 4.6: Change Over Time in Occupation (b) 58
Table 4.7: Change Over Time in Level of Education (a) 59
Table 4.8: Change Over Time in Level of Education (b) 60
Table 4.9: Change Over Time in Vehicle Ownership 60
Table 4.10: Summary of t-test Results for Changes Over
Time in Economic Capital
62
Time in Social Capital
64
Time in Cultural Capital
66
Table 4.13: Summary of Student Perceptions of What
Influenced Their Return to College as Adults
68
Table 4.14: Summary of Student Responses Related to an
Understanding of the Importance of a College Degree
(past)
69
Understanding of the Importance of a College Degree
(present)
69

Table 4.16: Summary of Student Responses Related to
the Importance of Economic Resources (past)
70
Table 4.17: Summary of Student Responses Related to
the Importance of Economic Resources (present)
70
Table 4.18: Summary of Correlation Between Past and
Present Economic, Social, and Cultural Capital
73
4.19: Table 4.19: Summary of Correlation Between
Measures of Economic, Social and Cultural Capital
73
VI is

1
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY
Introduction
Due to dramatic shifts in the U.S. labor market,
incessant advancements in technology, and the
globalization of the U.S. economy, the education of
adult students has become vital to the future of 21st
century America (Cook & King, 2004).
Adult learners are participating in degree programs in
greater numbers than ever before. Between 1970 and 2000,
the number of adult college students grew by 170 percent,
from 2.4 million to 6.5 million (Aslanian, 2001). Although
there has been significant progress in expanding
educational opportunities for those who did not pursue
college immediately following high school, only one quarter
of adults in the United States has a bachelor's degree, and
more than one half has never participated in formal
postsecondary education (Lifelong Learning Trends, 2004).
An additional 21 percent of the adult population has less
than a high school diploma or equivalent (Elliot, 2003).

Policy makers, institutional leaders and educators
need to better understand what factors influence adult
students to return to college, and they need to encourage
greater rates of participation. Encouraging adults to
pursue higher education is important for a number of
reasons.
First, there is strong evidence to suggest that
children are greatly influenced by the academic
achievements of their parents (Conley, 1999; Conley &
Albright, 2004). Encouraging adults to return to school
can have a positive impact not only on American society but
also on each student's immediate family, as parents become
educational role models for their children (Merriam &
Caffarella, 1999). "As parents' education and family
income increases, high school graduates are more likely to
plan to continue their education immediately following high
school, are more likely to enroll within two years and, if
they plan to attend a four-year college immediately
following high school, are more likely to do so" (Choy,
2002, pg. 11). Second, a more educated American society
will produce a greater degree of public benefits for all
citizens. Research suggests that decreased rates of crime,
poverty and health care costs are positively associated

with increased levels of education (Putnam, 2000). Third,
each citizen should have the opportunity to achieve a
middle-class lifestyle. With the shift to a knowledge-based
economy, 70 percent of all jobs in the United States now
require some form of postsecondary education, and in the
coming decades the number of jobs requiring such
credentials is expected to grow (Cook, 2004). Fourth,
educating more Americans (regardless of age) will produce a
more highly skilled workforce, which in turn will promote
national productivity and economic growth (Fitzgerald,
2003). Finally, education is a public good that should be
made available to all citizens; this is part of the
American democratic ideal. We have made great strides in
increasing access for women, persons of color and the
financially disadvantaged. We could do more in expanding
postsecondary opportunities, especially at the four-year
level, for those individuals who did not attend college
immediately following high school.
Background of the Study
Prevailing models of postsecondary attendance patterns
use economic indicators to determine an individual's
likelihood of pursuing an undergraduate degree. By
addressing the importance of economic capital.-, scholars

(Bowen et al, 2005; Bowen & Bok, 1998; Heller, 2001, 2002;
Hoxby, 2004) have influenced federal, state and
institutional policies to encourage greater participation
by financially disadvantaged students. Other models of
postsecondary attendance employ non-economic, sociological
indicators to explain such patterns. Scholars interested
in this line of study (Bourdieu, 1983; Coleman, 1988;
Lareau, 1989; McDonough, 1997; Putnam, 2000) consider the
relationship between social and cultural capital and
patterns of educational participation.
Economic Capital
Economic capital refers to the financial resources an
individual has available to obtain goods or services
(Hofferth et al, 1998). It is a measure of financial
assets, including income and accumulated capital assets.
Understanding economic capital is important in evaluating
postsecondary attendance patterns because research
demonstrates that income and wealth are highly correlated
with educational attainment and persistence (Bowen, 2005;
Heller, 2001, 2002).
Social Capital
Social capital refers to the various networks, both
formal and informal, with which people are associated.

These networks can form around any number of affiliations
such as religion, ethnicity, geography, athletics,
occupation, fraternities, clubs, friends, associates, and
so on. Through social networks, individuals obtain
information, come to understand shared norms and feel
kinships with others in the network; in essence, they form
distinct communities of trust. Individuals with access to
social communities that provide assistance with the college
application process, referrals to admission officers, and
general encouragement to consider further education have
advantages over those who do not have access to such
networks (Stanton-Salarzar & Dornbusch, 1995). In this
way, networks translate into social capital, implying that
there is non-economic value in certain types of
relationships (Carbonaro, 1998).
Cultural Capital
Although linked to social capital, cultural capital
refers to the cultural advantages or disadvantages with
which one is raised. The degree of cultural capital one
possesses ultimately shapes one's life chances. Non
economic influences, attained during the socialization
process, are significant in determining a person's
likelihood of attending college. These cultural assets are

things such as language and vocabulary, appreciation of the
arts, feelings of entitlement, tastes, preferences, and
parents' level of education. Pierre Bourdieu, who coined
the term in the 1980s, suggests that individuals who
possess high levels of "good" culture are able to translate
it into capital. Various institutions, including
postsecondary institutions, respond positively to signals
of cultural capital and tend to provide distinct privileges
to those who effectively display such signals. Because
cultural capital is integrally linked to family life, it is
socially reproduced. Cultural capital can either
supplement economic capital or replace it in certain
situations as a means of displaying and maintaining
privilege (Bourdieu, 1983).
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to investigate to what
degree individuals who participate in a four-year
postsecondary degree program at a non-traditional age (24
years of age or older) had greater degrees of economic,

to college. Academic research suggests that these three
forms of capital are significantly correlated with academi
achievement and the pursuit of college. However, this
research has been limited to the traditional-aged college
student. Since evidence suggests that various forms of
capital are relevant for the traditional-aged student, one
might hypothesize that they also matter for those who
return to college at a nontraditional age. This research
explored whether or not individuals who pursue college as
adults have alleviated economic, social and/or cultural
barriers since high school. This was done by measuring
changes in capital (economic, social and cultural) over
time.
Rationale for the Study
Academicians have produced a wide body of scholarly
literature to address issues of postsecondary attendance
patterns, focusing on why some participate in the academy
and others do not (Bowen, 2005; Bowen & Bok, 1998;
McDonough, 1997). This scholarship often links various
forms of capital (economic, social and cultural) with an
individual's likelihood of pursuing college. Research
demonstrates that capital, in all of its forms, is
important in evaluating the factors that motivate or hinde

individuals to pursue higher education and in expanding
postsecondary opportunities for nontraditional groups.
However, existing research yields little information about
one segment of the non-traditional student population—adult
learners. Theoretical frameworks about the economic,
social and cultural factors that influence postsecondary
attendance offer a great deal of promise for this under-
studied population.
If educational policy makers and leaders are to ensure
that the greatest number of prepared citizens is pursuing
education, regardless of age, they need to do more than
offer financial aid packages in the form of loans and
grants. Research demonstrates that a variety of factors—
both economic and non-economic— influence college decision
making, attendance and persistence patterns; therefore, a
variety of programs should be in place to stimulate greater
degrees of participation and success for all citizens.
This is particularly important as vast numbers of
traditional-aged students enter the postsecondary arena but
do not persist to graduation (U.S Department of Education,
1998).
While this study focuses solely on adult participation
in four-year degree programs, it is informed by literature

related to adult participation in continuing education and
lifelong learning programs. People who participate in
continuing education tend to be those who have already-
acquired, through socialization, "a positive disposition
towards adult education" (Jarvis, 1985, p. 138). In other
words, "those adults who have been socialized into valuing
and acquiring these attitudes and skills will be the ones
to take advantage of learning opportunities" (Merriam &
Caffarella, 1999, p. 80). While this is true of continuing
education, there is no evidence to suggest that this is
true of adult degree programs. In fact, we must not assume
that if we build and offer programs, adults will
automatically have knowledge about them, be able to enroll,
have the financial resources to attend or the social and
cultural capital to move forward with application (Jarvis,
1985). Instead, we must gain a better understanding,
through empirical research, of the factors that motivate
adults, of all backgrounds, to pursue postsecondary
education.
Research Questions
The following research questions were addressed in this
study:
1. To what extent do adult college students have greater
degrees of economic capital than they did when they were
completing high school?

10
degrees of social capital than they did when they were
degrees of cultural capital than they did when they were
4. Do adult students perceive that any or all of these
forms of capital have prompted their return to college?
Profile of the University
DePaul University, a four-year, non-profit
institution, was founded in 1898 to provide education to
working-class men in the city of Chicago. With six
campuses in the state of Illinois, DePaul is the seventh
largest private university in the United States. It is
also the largest Catholic university in the country,
serving over 24,000 students.
DePaul is committed to serving first-generation
college students, especially those from diverse backgrounds
within the Chicago metropolitan area. In 2003, 38 percent
of full-time freshmen were the first in their families to
attend college.
DePaul considers its three most distinguishing
characteristics to be Catholic, Vincentian and urban. As a

11
Catholic institution, DePaul stresses critical moral
thinking and fosters religious ideals. The University
distinguishes itself as Vincentian because it was founded
on the vision of St. Vincent de DePaul, who was committed
to public service, humility and respect for all people. As
an urban university, DePaul faculty and staff are deeply
involved in the life of the Chicago community. The
University connects itself with the community, both by
drawing from its rich resources and by giving back by
providing educated citizens. In fall 2002, 78 percent of
DePaul students were from the Chicago metropolitan area.
School for New Learning
Extending its mission to serve the Chicago area and to
meet the unmet needs of the community, DePaul established
the School for New Learning (SNL) in 1972. The central
purpose of the School was to provide educational access to
working adult students in the metropolitan area. SNL now
serves approximately 3,500 undergraduate students; it also
serves a small number of students in its two graduate
degree programs.
Unlike DePaul's other undergraduate programs, which
focus on traditional-age students, SNL's program centers on
adult learning theory and therefore has several unique

12
characteristics. First, SNL's program is competency-based.
Students must demonstrate competence across 50-degree
requirements in order to graduate. Second, SNL's program
encourages experiential learning, allowing students to
incorporate life and work experiences. Third, SNL's
program is interdisciplinary, exploring the connection
among the disciplines in all courses. Fourth, SNL's
program is individualized, allowing students to choose
their own area of focus.
Graduates receive a Bachelor of Arts degree from
DePaul University with a focus that they select and refine
with a faculty mentor. The School does not offer
prescribed focus areas or concentrations; therefore,
students graduate with a wide range of academic
specialties.
Research Design
Survey research explored the degree to which adult
college students (participating in a four-year degree
program) had experienced a significant change over time in
their levels of economic, social and cultural capital.
A sample of adult, degree-seeking students
participating in at least one class during the DePaul
winter 2006 term was invited to participate. To ensure a

13
high rate of return and to reach a representative sample of
students, the researcher purposefully visited a sample of
School for New Learning classes. All classes were offered
at the downtown Loop campus during the 2006 winter quarter
term; the courses varied by subject matter, instructor and
day of the week. The researcher explained and distributed
the survey (Appendix A) to students and asked the students
to take ten to fifteen minutes to complete the instrument.
In addition to the instrument, students received an
information sheet detailing the study (Appendix C) and were
read a script before the instrument was distributed
(Appendix B). Students also had the opportunity to ask
questions of the researcher. Students were not required to
fill out the survey, and they were assured that
participation was not related to the assessment of their
class work.
Instrument Construction
All but two survey questions were closed-ended. The
majority of questions used a Likert scale to gauge
respondents' agreement or disagreement with particular
statements. Other questions were multiple choice and
categorical. Respondents were asked to recall life
situations from their teenage years. Then, they were asked

14
to answer the same questions about their current life
situation. Each question was grounded in existing academic
literature on social, cultural and economic capital and
responses were coded as such. The instrument included
questions related to all three measures of capital, in both
the past and the present sections for a total of 69
responses. There were also an additional 9 demographic
questions.
Using Cronbach's alpha, questions in all three
categories of capital were analyzed for internal
consistency. This helped in determining whether the
questions in each category were measuring the same
characteristics. As a result of these analyses, some scale
revisions were done before analysis of the main research
questions.
In order to investigate if respondents had experienced
a change over time in economic, social and cultural
capital, they were asked to provide detail about current
and past life situations. Paired-samples t-tests were
performed for each of the questions in order to compare the
mean responses of the current situation and the former
situation and to test the significance of any change over

15
time. For the purposes of this study, the statistical
significance level was 95 percent (p ^ .05).
Data Analysis
Collected data were analyzed using the quantitative
software package, SPSS. All data were coded, manually
entered and re-checked for accuracy. The goal of the data
analysis was to explore changes in economic, social and
cultural capital over a period of time for a specific group
of adult learners.
Limitations of the Study
There are a few limitations associated with this
study. First, this research was conducted with students at
one postsecondary institution. Although the student
population was quite diverse, results may be reflective of
DePaul SNL students and not adult students at other
postsecondary institutions.
Second, DePaul University is a four-year, private
institution. In general, private institutions have higher
tuition and fees than public institutions; therefore, they
may attract students with different levels of social,
cultural and economic capital.

Definition of Terms
The following is a list of terms and definitions used in
this study:
1. Adult Learners: students 24 years of age or older who
are participating in a baccalaureate degree program.
2. Capital: something that possesses market or exchange
value; a resource that can be used to one's advantage.
3. Continuing Education: credit and non-credit education
that does not lead to a degree; education for
individuals who already possess a degree but return to
school for personal or professional skills and
enhancement.
4. Lifelong Learning: a process of learning throughout
one's lifetime.'
5. Public Good: a resource that provides benefits for a
group, community or society; resources can be both
economic and non-economic.
6. Non-traditional Students: any college student who
does not fit all of the criteria listed in item seven
below.
7. Traditional Students: college students who are
between the ages of 18-24, living on campus, and going
to school full time.

17
8. Traditional-aged College Students:
between the ages of 18 and 23.
college students

18
CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
It is in fact impossible to account for the structure
and functioning of the social world unless one
reintroduces capital in all its forms and not solely
in one form recognized by economic theory (Bourdieu,
1983).
Academicians have produced a wide body of scholarly
literature to address issues of postsecondary attendance
patterns, focusing on why some participate in the academy
and others do not (Bowen, 2005; Bowen & Bok, 1998;
McDonough, 1997). This research suggests that capital, in
all of its forms, is important in understanding the factors
that motivate (or discourage) individuals to pursue higher
education and in expanding postsecondary opportunities for
nontraditional groups.
This literature review is divided into three
sections. The first section analyzes the meaning of
economic capital and its relationship to educational
attendance patterns. The second and third sections analyze

19
the meaning of social and cultural capital respectively in
relation to educational attendance patterns.
Economic Capital
Economic capital refers to the financial resources an
individual has available to obtain goods or services
(Hofferth et al, 1998). It is a measure of financial
assets, including income and accumulated capital assets.
It is also a measure of an individual's class position
(Conley, 1999).
Understanding economic capital is important in
evaluating postsecondary attendance patterns, as research
demonstrates that one's wealth is highly correlated with
educational attainment and persistence (Bowen; 2005;
Heller, 2001, 2002). Individuals from low-income
backgrounds pursue postsecondary education at a far lower
rate than those with more financial resources. In 2004 for
example, only 54 percent of high school graduates in the
lowest income quartile enrolled in college, compared to 82
percent of those in the top income quartile (College Board,
2004). Even low-income students with high academic
qualifications participate at far lower rates; if they
participate at all, they often choose less expensive

20
institutions (Heller, 2002). There are a number of reasons
why financial assets correlate with postsecondary
attendance.
First, middle- to high-income families tend to have
more savings and investments than low-income families (Lee,
2001); therefore, they have more resources to pay for the
cost of a college education. They are also less likely to
be deterred by increases in tuition rates (Ehrenberg,
2002). Price is a significant factor for most individuals
considering college; however, the elasticity of demand for
low-income students is much greater than it is for students
from other family backgrounds (Baum, 2001; Heller, 2002).
Even when financial aid is available to students, there is
often a great deal of unmet need. In 1995, for example,
low-income students at community colleges had, on average,
$3,200 in un-met financial need; low-income students in the
four-year sector had an average of $3,800 in un-met
financial need (Heller, 2002).
Moreover, individuals from underprivileged backgrounds
tend to be less academically prepared for college than
their more wealthy counterparts. There are a number of
reasons why this is the case. One reason is that low-
income children often attend schools with inadequate

resources (Bowen, 2005; Heller, 2002). These resources
include everything from educational materials such as books
and supplies to spending per pupil and student/teacher
ratios. In addition, low-income parents often lack the
educational expertise to prepare their children for the
scholastic work required in school (Bowen, 2005) and to
ensure that their children are getting the needed
preparation for post-secondary education (Tierney &
Hagedorn, 2002). The amount of preparation one gains
during the early years is a strong indicator of that
individual's academic success (Conley, 1999). Furthermore,
violent neighborhoods, single-parent households, and other
attributes of an impoverished community contribute to
inequality of preparation (Bowen, 2005).
Social Capital
Scholars from various disciplines often debate about
the origins of the term social capital and its intended
use. Some claim that the idea originated with Bourdieu and
Coleman in the 1980s; others posit that the idea was
introduced earlier by seminal sociological thinkers such as
Marx, Weber and Durkeim. At least one historian has traced
the term back to an early educator by the name of L.J.

22
Hannifan, who introduced social capital in 1916 to describe
"goodwill, fellowship, mutual sympathy, and social
intercourse among a group of individuals and families who
make up a social unit" (Farr, 2003, p. 6). While the
debate about who engineered the idea of social capital
continues, many of the scholars listed here used social
capital as a way to explain degrees of educational
achievement and attainment (Dika & Singh, 2002).
Social capital, although often confused with cultural
capital1, refers to various social networks, both formal and
informal, with which people are associated. These networks
can form around any number of affiliations such as
religion, ethnicity, geography, athletics, occupation,
fraternities, clubs, friends, associates, and so on.
Through social networks, individuals obtain information,
come to understand shared norms and feel kinships with
others in the network; as a result, they form distinct
communities of trust. Individuals with access to social
communities that provide assistance with information about
the college application process, referrals to admission
1Unlike social capital, which is meant to describe group membership and networks, cultural capital, as
was originally defined by Pierre Bourdieu, refers to attitudes, preferences, tastes and knowledge that
families pass on to their children. Tastes and preferences provide individuals from certain backgrounds
with degrees o f entitlement or expectations o f self that often translate into social privilege.

23
officers, and general encouragement to consider further
education, have advantages over those who do not have
access to such networks. In this way, social networks
translate into social capital, implying that there is non
economic value in certain types of relationships. Social
capital produces resources that "allow actors to improve
their performance in a variety of activities in which they
engage" (Carbonaro, 1998, p. 296).
Non-Family Influences
A number of studies consider networks outside of the
family unit as a measure of social capital. Research
suggests that non-kin relationships, fostered by parents,
are important in fully understanding levels of educational
attainment. Family influences, resources and relationships
are clearly important, but the idea of social capital
extends to non-kin relationships as well, which tend to be
reciprocal in nature (Coleman, 1988). The social networks
with which people have connections provide links to
resources, contacts, and support systems. Members of the
network consciously or unconsciously invest in
relationships so that they can draw on these resources and
support mechanisms when needed (Hofferth et al, 1998).

24
Hofferth et al (1998) examined the degree to which
relationships among neighborhood residents—that is "social
relationships between households"—could be used as a
predictor of children's and young adults' years of
schooling. The researchers observed (using the Panel Study
of Income Dynamics [PSID]) 901 black and white children, at
ages 11-16. Then, using similar questions included in the
PSID, they interviewed those same children again at age 22.
The researchers considered years of schooling on two
levels: completion of high school and college attendance.
What they found is that weak ties2 were strongly
related to college attendance patterns but had no net
effect on the high school completion rates. Also, their
research suggested that while weak ties were better than
strong ties at connecting people to beneficial information,
children from high-income families benefited more from
their social networks than did low-income children. While
Hofferth et al did not set out to find this interaction,
they were clear in their conclusion that economic capital
had a significant influence on educational attainment.
2Weak ties refer to relationships that one has with acquaintances or people other than family and close
friends.

Fustenburg and Hughes (1995) studied the relationship
among parental investment in children, networks and
relationships outside of the family and the children's
development and success as adults. The researchers used
data from a 20-year longitudinal study of teenage mothers
and their children who were at-risk of what the researchers
called "lifelong disadvantage." They then engaged in a
follow-up study, 17 years after the start of the original
study, with 252 children. One of the seven indicators of
adult success was college enrollment. What Fustenburg and
Hughes found was that three measures of life success were
all correlated with social capital. "Completion of high
school, enrollment in college, and the global measure of
socioeconomic status are significantly associated with at
least half of the social capital measures" (p. 586).
However, they note that their findings are only suggestive,
since social capital is not easily or uniformly measured
and since not all correlations they predicted were
significant.
Putnam (1995, 2000) studied the correlation between a
state's level of social capital and five different
outcomes, one of which was education. Drawing from a
variety of state-level data sources, which contained

indicators of social life in America, Putnam created a
Social Capital Index by state. The Index measured
characteristics such as community organizational life,
engagement in public affairs, community volunteerism,
informal sociability and social trust. Putnam's research
suggested that racial composition, economic inequalities
and rates of poverty were all predictors of a state's
educational success but no one factor was as important as a
state's level of social capital. While Putnam's work was
not related to individual success, it did explore how
social connectedness within a state positively correlates
with how well the state's children perform in school. What
he found was that "the beneficial effects of social capital
persist even after accounting for a host of other factors
that might affect state educational success. Social
capital was the single most important explanatory factor"
(Putnam, 2000, pgs. 299-300).
Closure
Scholars interested in social capital have also
explored the degree to which closure correlates with
educational attainment (Carbonaro, 1998; Coleman, 1988).
The term social closure was originally introduced by Max
Weber to describe how certain groups exclude those without

27
similar characteristics as a way of maximizing their own
access to resources and opportunities (Parkin, 1979) .
Intergenerational closure suggests that parents know and
associate with the parents of their children's friends and,
in so doing, create strong intergenerational networks that
often translate into capital (Coleman, 1988).
Carbonaro (1998) tested the theory that the greater
the degree of closure, the more easily social capital is
generated. Analyzing data from the 1988 National Education
Longitudinal Study, which includes information about social
networks, Carbonaro found mixed results. In some
instances, such as math achievement, a high degree of
closure was positively correlated, although this was not
true for all subject areas. Overall, however, Carbonaro
found that social closure positively influenced students'
educational outcomes in certain subject areas. Future
research is needed to assess, "what it is about social
networks with more closure that improves certain
educational outcomes" (p. 310)..
Institutional Ties
In addition to non-kin, closed networks, some scholars
have explored how institutional ties influence college
aspirations and educational attainment (McDonough, 1999;

28
Stanton-Salazar & Dornbusch, 1995). Institutions such as
schools can provide affiliates with useful information
about the college application process, the social and
economic benefits of a college education, and ways to
navigate the academic experience.
Stanton-Salazar and Dornbusch (1995) explored how
various institutions create information networks that
translate into social capital. By studying high school
students of Mexican origin, the researchers assessed the
degree to which institutional resources such as teachers
and guidance counselors help in shaping students'
aspirations about college and expectations about the
future. Their findings suggest that "success within the
educational system for working-class and minority students
is dependent on the formation of genuinely supportive
relationships with institutional agents" (p. 117).
According to the authors, institutional ties are
critical in helping disadvantaged individuals engage and
succeed in high school and in the American occupational
structure. Like many other scholars, Stanton-Salazar and
Dornbusch suggest that an individual's level of social
capital is directly tied to his/her family's socioeconomic
background. In other words, they too acknowledge the

29
importance of more than one type of capital in studying
American's levels of educational attainment.
Summary
While there is some debate about the origins and
specific meaning of the term social capital, the studies
mentioned in this paper do point to various advantages of
social capital on a person's likelihood of successfully
completing high school and entering the postsecondary
arena. However, the advantages are often linked to other
attributes such as economic capital, educational
preparation and family composition. While there have been
a number of studies, both qualitative and quantitative,
that demonstrate the correlation of educational attainment
with social capital, the empirical evidence that has been
presented does not provide strong support to suggest that
social capital alone influences educational attainment
patterns. This is due, in part, to the various
interpretations of the term social capital and its
confusion with the notion of cultural capital (Dika &
Singh, 2002). It is also due to the strong link between
socioeconomic status and degrees of social capital--it is
hard to measure one without the other.

30
Cultural Capital
In the 1980s, Pierre Bourdieu, a French sociologist,
introduced the idea of cultural capital. He asserted that
each person is raised with certain cultural advantages or
disadvantages, which ultimately shape his/her life chances.
Non-economic influences, attained during the socialization
process, are significant in determining a person's
likelihood of attending college. These cultural assets are
things such as language, appreciation of the arts, feelings
of entitlement, tastes, preferences, and parents' level of
education. Bourdieu suggested that individuals who possess
high levels of "good" culture are able to translate it into
capital, and that various institutions provide distinct
privileges to those who effectively signal high culture.
Because cultural capital is integrally linked to family
life, Bourdieu suggested that it is socially reproduced.
"Cultural capital is that property that middle and upper
class families transmit to their offspring which
substitutes for or supplements the transmission of economic
capital as a means of maintaining class status and
privilege across generations" (Bourdieu, 1983). Cultural
capital, therefore, is an outcome of one's socialization
and is acquired without effort (DiMaggio, 2001).

31
Both individual and institutional notions of cultural
capital are presented here. Individual capital refers to
the tastes, norms and expectations that children are taught
in their home environments and come to take for granted.
Cultural capital at the institutional level, however,
refers to programs that exist or do not exist to provide
individuals with access to cultural capital.
Children who are raised with high levels of cultural
capital become accustomed to certain norms such as manners,
sophisticated vocabularies and language skills, certain
forms of entertainment, gourmet foods and so on. They also
acquire expectations of themselves that give them an
advantage in the pursuit higher education. This is because
one's decision to attend college is greatly influenced by
the expectations that others have for the individual.
Eventually, the individual internalizes others'
expectations and carries them forward (Morgan, 2005). As a
result, the pursuit higher education becomes a natural
expectation for some children.
Using Bourdieu's foundation, some scholars have
researched the degree to which culture influences
educational expectations and attainment. Lareau (2003)
focused on the role that class and culture play in shaping

32
the lives of young children. She purposefully selected
twelve families from two different schools in an unnamed
metropolitan area. Each of the families (six black, five
white and one interracial) had at least one child in the
third grade. Over an extended period of time, Lareau
interviewed parents and teachers and observed each of the
twelve children in their respective classrooms and home
environments.
By comparing and contrasting the social interactions
of poor and working-class families with those of middle-
class families, Lareau identified two distinct child-
rearing practices: concerted cultivation and the
accomplishment of natural growth. According to her, both
practices informed the ways in which children interact with
adults, authority figures and institutions— notably
educational institutions.
Lareau defined concerted cultivation as the process
parents use when they negotiate with their children,
teaching them not only to reason with adults and to
question authority but also to build extensive language
skills. Parents who participate in this type of child-
rearing fill their children's schedules with planned
leisure activities and teach them life skills that will

33
assist them in becoming "job wise." Part of becoming job
wise is ensuring that one has the needed credentials to
move forward with success. In the second approach, the
accomplishment of natural growth, parents serve as
authority figures more than as persons with whom children
learn to reason. Rather than scheduled activities,
children have autonomy in deciding how to entertain
themselves and often spend a good deal of time interacting
with kin. Her general findings suggest that children who
grow up in middle-class households are raised by methods of
concerted cultivation and gain a strong sense of
entitlement, whereas children of poor and working-class
families are raised by methods of natural growth and are
taught constraint. In Lareau's view then, class dictates
the "cultural logic of child-rearing" (p. 3).
One of the central premises of Lareau's research is
that parents' social positions (the jobs they hold, the
complexity of their work, their level of educational
attainment, etc.) greatly influence children's achievement
in school and ultimately their chances of becoming
successful individuals. Her research suggests that success
is not a result of one's natural ability or aptitude;
rather, the chances of becoming an accomplished individual

34
are directly related to one's socialization process and the
amount of cultural capital a person gains in his/her
younger years. Lareau links how much quality information a
child receives, how he/she learns to navigate the world and
how he/she interacts with institutions and people with
varying levels of success in adult life. She also links
linguistic interaction with the ways in which children
approach schooling, adults and institutions.
While Lareau finds benefits and drawbacks to both
practices of natural growth and concerted cultivation, she
stresses that children from middle-class families have more
than economic advantages; they possess cultural advantages
(capital) that are valued by institutions within American
society, especially selective institutions—those that get
to choose whom they prefer to recruit and/or serve. In
this view, success is limited to a select few and the
process of social reproduction and social inequality is
further perpetuated.
Like Lareau, McDonough (1997) explored how cultural
capital influences educational attainment. Using
qualitative research, she studied 24 white, female high
schools seniors to understand what influenced their college
decision-making processes. She held race and gender

35
constant and selected subjects from high schools with
certain characteristics, including low and high-income
populations and strong or weak guidance counseling
programs.
McDonough studied the different ways that high school
students receive and process information; she also studied
how families and social organizations influence the
decisions that students make about college. She suggested
that the degree of cultural capital one possesses is
directly linked to the expectations the individual has for
himself/herself and the choices he/she makes about life.
"Not all college-bound students face equal choices if they
start out with different family and school resources that
enable or constrain their educational and occupational
mobility patterns. These differential resources contribute
to the persistence and reproduction of a social-class-based
stratified system of postsecondary opportunities that
thwarts meritocratic ideals" (p. 150).
Her research not only focused on why some go to
college and some do not but also on the types of
institutions that people choose based on cultural
influences. According to McDonough, institutional
stratification exists within the American higher education

36
system, and this stratification serves to produce
inequality in the adult years. Her research suggests that
cultural values, nurtured in both the home and high school
environments, influence a person's view of the type of
institution he/she is permitted to attend or the type of
institution that is a good cultural fit. Research
demonstrates that those with elite cultural upbringings—
where access to top-notch higher education is expected—
often obtain access to the best colleges and universities
in the United States. Graduating from such elite
institutions further solidifies a person's level of non
economic resources--that is cultural and social capital.
McDonough argued that providing underprivileged young
adults with access to certain kinds of institutions
(community colleges, for example) does not level the
educational playing field. Credentials from certain types
of institutions are signals of cultural capital, signals
that are recognized by employers and graduate postsecondary
institutions. Her general finding was that, while economic
factors are very important in one's decision to choose a
college or university, other social influences such as
family, friends and high school guidance counselors were
equally important. Cultural capital further advantages

37
"those students who have and use family, financial, network
capital...in trying to maximize their educational choices"
(p. 151).
In addition to family influences and guidance from
counselors, scholars have explored the connection between
educational attendance patterns, cultural capital and
college preparatory programs. The majority of efforts to
encourage greater participation by disadvantaged students
focus on financial aid programs (Swail & Perna, 2002).
Some scholars suggest, however, that college preparation
programs, especially those aimed at low-income and minority
students, offer a great deal of promise in generating
cultural capital outside of the home environment
(McDonough, 1997; Tierny & Hagedorn, 2002; Tierny et al,
2005). They do so by stimulating cultural exchanges;
these exchanges have the potential to give participating
students access to academic content that is of value to
institutions of higher learning. In this way, preparation
programs redistribute cultural capital to those who would
not otherwise possess it (Yonezawa, Jones & Mehan, 2002).
However, many scholars who favor preparatory programs also
realize that even if such programs "equip children with the
capital that delivers them to the college door, they often

38
do not have the requisite capital to graduate from college"
(Tierney & Hagedorn, 2002, p. 5).
Summary
Each person possesses varying degrees of cultural
capital based on family values, norms and expectations.
Cultural capital is acquired during the socialization
process. Research demonstrates that socioeconomic status is
a strong indicator of one's access to such capital.
Several studies have explored the differences between poor
and wealthy individuals, their levels of cultural capital
and their educational attendance patterns. Most have found
that economic status is strongly linked to cultural
capital; for instance, low-income families have less money
to spend on cultural resources such as vacations, trips to
museums and tickets to the opera than do middle-income
families. Given these findings, it is difficult to
conclude that cultural capital alone encourages or hinders
college attendance patterns. However, research
demonstrates that the way in which an individual is
socialized and the expectations he/she comes to understand
influence decisions about postsecondary education. While
the studies presented here help to inform ways one can
measure cultural capital, more empirical research about the

39
correlation of culture and postsecondary attendance is
needed.
Conclusion
Research suggests that various levels of economic,
social and cultural capital are all related to educational
attainment and postsecondary attendance patterns. Since
economic advantage is often linked with cultural and social
advantage, it is difficult to measure one factor without
also considering the other factors. Much of the research
presented here acknowledges that while it is possible to
measure an individual's social capital and cultural
capital, economic capital is intrinsically tied to both.

40
CHAPTER THREE
METHODOLOGY
Purpose of the Study
The purpose of this study was to investigate whether
or not individuals who participate in a four-year
years of age or older) have greater degrees of economic,
to college. Research suggests that these three forms of
capital are positively correlated with academic achievement
and the pursuit of college. However, this research has been
limited to the traditional-aged college student.
Research Questions
The following research questions were addressed in this
study:
degrees of economic capital than they did when they were
2. To what extent do adult collegestudents have greater
degrees of social capital than they did when they were

41
degrees of cultural capital than they did when they were
4. Do adult students perceive that any or all of these
forms of capital have prompted their return to college?
Instrument Construction
Survey research explored the degree to which adult
college students (participating in a four-year
baccalaureate degree program) had experienced a change over
time in their levels of economic, social and cultural
capital.
All but two survey questions were closed-ended. The
majority of questions used a Likert scale to gauge
respondents'' agreement or disagreement with particular
statements. Other questions were multiple choice and
categorical. Respondents were asked to recall life
situations from their teenage years. Then, they were asked
to answer the same questions about their current life
situation. Each question was grounded in existing academic
literature on social, cultural and economic capital and
responses were coded as such. The instrument included
questions related to all three measures of capital, in both
the past and present sections for a total of 69 responses.
There were also an additional 9 demographic questions.

42
Using Cronbach's alpha, questions in all three
categories of capital were analyzed for internal
consistency. This helped in determining whether the
questions in each category were measuring the same
characteristics. As a result of these analyses, some scale
revisions were done before analysis of the main research
questions.
In order to investigate if respondents had experienced
a change over time of economic, social and cultural
capital, they were asked to provide detail about current
and past life situations. Paired-samples t-tests were
performed for each of the questions in order to compare the
mean responses of the current situation and the former
situation and to test the significance of any change over
time. For the purposes of this study, the statistical
significance level was 95 percent (p ^ .05).

Survey questions were coded follows:
Economic
Capital
My parents (caretakers) owned their own home:
□ True □ False
Most of the people in my neighborhood:
□ Rented their homes □ Owned their homes □ Lived in public
housing
I would best describe my neighborhood as:
□ Wealthy 0 Middle-Class □ Poor
My father's (male caretaker's) occupation was:
□ Academic □ Professional □ Managerial □ Laborer □
Clerical □ Small Business Owner □ Homemaker □ Unemployed
My father's (male caretaker's) highest level of education
was:
□ More than doctorate □ Doctorate □ Master's □ Bachelor's
□ Associate's
□ Some College □ High School or GED □ Less than High
School
My mother's (female caretaker's) occupation was:
0 Academic □ Professional □ Managerial □ Laborer □
Clerical □ Small Business Owner 0 Homemaker □ Unemployed
My mother's (female caretaker's) highest level of education
was:
□ More than doctorate □ Doctorate □ Master's □ Bachelor's
□ Associate's
0 Some College □ High School or GED □ Less than High
School
My parents or (caretakers) owned more than one vehicle.
□ True 0 False
My parent(s) or (caretakers) had significant savings in the
bank.
□ Strongly Agree □ Agree □ Disagree □ Strongly Disagree
My parent(s) or (caretakers) had significant financial
assets.
0 Strongly Agree □ Agree □ Disagree 0 Strongly Disagree
1 was aware that financial aid was available for college.
We often ate at restaurants where you are seated and
served.

44
We regularly took vacations.
_____________ □ Strongly Agree □ Agree □ Disagree □ Strongly Disagree
Social A non-family memberexplained the college application
Capital process to me.
Most of the people in my neighborhood went to college.
□ Strongly Agree □ Agree 0 Disagree □ Strongly Disagree
Most of the people in my high school went to college.
□ Strongly Agree □ Agree D Disagree □ Strongly Disagree
Most of my friends went to college.
Someone I knew well went to college.
My employer encouraged me to pursue college.
A colleague encouraged me to pursue college.
A friend encouraged me to pursue college.
0 Strongly Agree □ Agree □ Disagree □ Strongly Disagree
My family and I regularly participated in church services.
D Strongly Agree □ Agree □ Disagree □ Strongly Disagree
My family and I regularly participated in group activities
with extended family.
At least one of my parents or caretakers regularly
participated in community gatherings.
□ Strongly Agree □ Agree □ Disagree 0 Strongly Disagree
Cultural My parent(s) (caretakers) stressed the importance of an
Capital education.
My parent(s) (caretakers) encouraged me to pursue college.
An authority figure encouraged me to attend college.
I always saw myself as a college student.

45
My parent(s) or caretaker(s) took me to museums.
My parent(s) or caretaker(s) exposed me to classical music
and/or opera.
My parent(s) or caretaker(s) took me to art exhibitions.
There were many educational resourdes (such as books) in my
house.
□ Strongly Agree □ Agree □ Disagree D Strongly Disagree
At least one of my parents or caretakers voted regularly.
Influences Which of the following have influenced your decision to
return to college at this time? (check all that apply)
0 friends □ family Oco-workers □ acquaintances 0 employer
□ financial resources □ tuition assistance ^financial aid
D understanding of the importance of a college degree □
career change 0 life transition □ work-related
opportunities □ none of the above
If I had had more economic resources, I would have pursued
college.
If I had understood the importance of a college degree
earlier in life, I would have pursued college earlier.
A greater understanding of the importance of a college
degree has encouraged me to pursue college at this time.
0 Strongly Agree □ Agree □ Disagree □ Strongly Disagree
An increase in economic resources has encouraged me to
pursue college at this time.
Demographic data were also collected including gender,
. race/ethnicity, income level, age, family structure and

46
number of siblings. These data further inform this study
by providing a more detailed profile of sample respondents.
The following demographic questions were included in
the survey:
Demographic Are you the first person in your family to attend a
university or college?
□ yes □ no
How old were you when you graduated high school or earned
your GED?
What is your gender?
□ Female
□ Male
What is your racial background?
□ African American □ Asian/Pacific Islander □ Caucasian
□ Hispanic/Latino □ Native American □ Multiracial □
Other
What is your age? ___________
During my childhood years, I lived with the following
number of parents:
D None □ One □ Two □ One plus a step-parent
How many children did your parents (caretakers have)?
□ 0 D 1 D 2 D 3 D 4 D 5 O 6 D 7 D more than 7
Please indicate your annual household income range.
□ Less than $9,600 0 $9,600-$24,999 □ $25,000-$49,999 0
more than $50,000

47
Data Analysis
Collected data were analyzed using the quantitative
software package, SPSS. All data were coded, manually
entered and re-checked for accuracy.
Since research suggests that forms of capital (both
economic and non-economic) are positively correlated with
postsecondary participation, the goal of the data analysis
was to explore changes in economic, social and cultural
capital over a period of time for a specific group of adult
learners.
Data Collection and Sample
Over a period of one week in January 2006, self
administered paper surveys (Appendix A) were distributed
and collected at DePaul University in Chicago, Illinois.
During DePaul''s winter quarter term, there were 1, 975 adult
degree-seeking undergraduate students enrolled in School
for New Learning (SNL)3 classes. Of the 1,975 adult degree-
seeking students, 202 students were asked to participate in
this study. Of the 202, 186 responded for a response rate
of 92 percent. Three students chose not to complete the
survey. In some cases, students had received the survey in
3The School for N ew Learning is one of the eight colleges o f DePaul University. It offers a portfolio o f
degree programs for adult college students.

48
a previous class (for example, the evening before); these
students did not fill out the survey a second time.
To ensure a high rate of return and to reach a
representative sample of students, the researcher
purposefully visited a sample of School for New Learning
classes. All classes were offered at the downtown Loop
campus during the 2006 winter quarter; the courses varied
in subject matter, instructor and day of the week. The
researchers explained and distributed the survey to
students and asked the students to take ten to fifteen
minutes to complete the instrument. In addition to the
instrument, students received an information sheet
detailing the study (Appendix C) and were read a script
before the instrument was distributed (Appendix B).
Students also had the opportunity to ask questions of the
researchers.
Of the 186 respondents, 59.7 percent were female; 40.3
percent were male. The racial composition of the
respondents was: 42.9 percent Caucasian; 37.4 percent
African American; 11 percent Hispanic/Latino; 4.4 percent
Asian/Pacific Islander; 2.2 percent Multiracial; 1.1
percent Native American; and 1.1 percent "Other". Students
had completed an average of 6.2 classes in the DePaul SNL

program. The mean age of the sample was 38, although
respondents ranged in age from 24 to 59. 17.2 percent of
respondents identified themselves as the first person in
their families to attend college; 82.8 percent did not
(please see the additional findings section in Chapter 5).
95.2 percent of respondents were between the ages of 16-19
when they graduated from high school or earned their GEDs;
4.6 percent were between the ages of 20-35. When asked
about current family income, 2.8 percent of respondents
reported annual family incomes less than $9,600; 4 percent
reported $9,600-24,999; 27.3 percent reported $25,000-
$49,999; 26.1 percent reported $50,000-74,000; and, 39.8
percent of respondents reported annual family incomes of
$75,000 or more. This sample was representative of the
larger DePaul SNL population.

50
CHAPTER FOUR
PRESENTATION OF THE DATA
Introduction
The purpose of this study was to investigate to what
degree individuals who participate in a four-year
years of age or older) have greater degrees of economic,
graduated high school. This chapter presents the results
of the survey data compiled for this study.
Research Questions
1. To what extent do adult college students have
greater degrees of economic capital than they did when
they were completing high school?
greater degrees of social capital than they did when
greater degrees of cultural capital than they did when
4. Do adult students perceive that any or all of
these forms of capital have prompted their return to
college?

51
Data Analysis
Each survey question corresponded to one of the four
research questions, with the exception of the demographic
questions, which sought to get a profile of respondents.
There were five types of questions. They dealt with:
economic capital, social capital, cultural capital,
demographics, and students' perceptions of influential
factors. Since questions about economic, social, and
cultural capital were asked about the past and present,
there were eight sets of questions. Those sets are listed
below:
• Economic Past (all economic capital variables for the
high school years)
• Economic Present (all economic capital variables for
the present time)
• Social Past (all social capital variables for the high
school years)
• Social Present (all social capital variables for the
present time)
• Cultural Past (all cultural capital variables for the
high school years)

52
• Cultural Present (all cultural capital variables for
the present time)
• Influences (all variables related to students'
perceptions of what influenced their return to
college)
• Demographic (all demographic variables)
Each set of economic, social and cultural capital
questions was tested for internal reliability (using
Cronbach's Alpha) to ensure that questions within each set
were measuring the same characteristics so that scale
scores could be derived. Based on this analysis,
appropriate scale revisions were made.
The following Cronbach alpha coefficients were found
for each of the scale sets: Economic Capital Past (.82);
Economic Capital Present (.70); Social Capital Past (.74);
Social Capital Present (.69); Cultural Capital Past (.84);
Cultural Capital Present (.73).
After scale revisions were made, each of the measures
of capital was assigned a score in both the past and the
present based on the sum of the answers to each of the
questions within the sets. For example, there were a total
of four Likert scale questions about economic capital

53
during the teenage years and each question had a score
between 1 and 4 (l=strongly degree, 4=strongly agree). As
a result, respondents could have a total score between four
and 16 for this set of questions. The past score (high
school years) was subtracted from the present score
(current situation) for a score of "change over time" (see
Table 4.1). The mean change over time for economic capital
was +2.1547 with a standard deviation of 3.58676; the range
of scores for economic capital change was between -9.0 and
+12.0. The mean change over time for social capital was
+2.2485 with a standard deviation of 3.54140; the range of
scores for social capital change was between -7.0 and
+11.0. The mean change over time cultural capital was
+4.3652, with a standard deviation of 5.95333; the range of
scores for cultural capital change was between -8.0 and
22. 0 .
Table 4.1: Summary of Means and Standard Deviations of Change
Over Time in Economic, Social and Cultural Capital
N Minimum Maximum Mean Std. Deviation
Economic Past 185 4.00 16.00 8.9459 3.13419
Economic Present 181 5.00 16.00 11.1050 2.29372
Econ. Change 181 -9. 00 12.00 2.1547 3.58676
Social Past 179 10.00 32.00 21.4860 4.02849
Social Present 170 14.00 32.00 23.8235 3.64449
Social Change 165 -7.00 11.00 2.2485 3.54140
Cultural Past 182 14.00 44.00 29.9451 6.11648
Cultural Present 181 20. 00 44.00 34.3923 4.34559
Cult. Change 178 -8.00 22.00 4.3652 5.95333

54
Economic Capital
In order to measure change over time as it relates to
research question #1, respondents were asked identical
questions related to economic capital for both the present
time and the time when they were graduating from high
school. By taking the current situation and comparing it
to the former situation, the researcher was able to
determine if any or all of the economic indicators had
significantly changed for this adult student population.
Economic Capital Questions Not Included in Sets
Economic questions that were not included in the sets
had a reliability alpha of .683 in the past tense and .219
in the present tense. These questions did not provide a
reliable set of questions; however, they are all important
indicators of a person's level of economic capital. These
data are presented in this section.
Corresponding past and present tense questions are
listed (italicized questions represent those asked with
regard to respondents' current life situation). Figures
listed are the valid percentages for each response. The
difference represents the change over time.

When asked if their parents owned their own home
during their teenage years, 68.1 percent of respondents
indicated yes. When asked if respondents currently own
their own home, 55.7 said yes for a mean difference (loss)
of -12.8 percent on the economic capital measure of home
ownership.
My parents (caretakers) owned their own home:
I currently own my own home:
Table 4.2: Change Over Time in Home Ownership
Past Present Difference
True 68.1 55.7 -12.8
False 31. 9 44.3 12.4
When asked if most of the people during their teenage
neighborhoods owned their own homes, rented their homes or
lived in public housing, respondents answered that 77.7
percent of people owned, 20.1 percent rented, and 2.2
percent lived in public housing. When asked the same
question about their current neighborhoods, 81.2 percent of
respondents noted that the people in their neighborhoods
own their own homes (+3.5), 17.7 percent rent (-2.4) and
1.1 percent live in public housing (-1.1). Overall, there
was a positive gain on this measure of economic capital.

56
Most of the people in my neighborhood (past):
Most of the people in my neighborhood (present):
Table 4.3: Change Over Time in Neighborhood (a)
Lived in Public
Housing
2.2 1.1 -1.1
Rented 20.1 17.7 -2.4
Owned 77. 7 81.2 3.5
When asked to describe the economic profile of their
teenage neighborhoods, 2.2 percent of respondents indicated
wealthy, 81.1 percent indicated middle-class and 16.8
percent indicated poor. When asked the same question about
their current neighborhood, 15.4 percent said wealthy
(+13.2), 79.1 percent said middle (-2.0) and 5.5 percent
said poor (-11.3). Overall, there was a positive gain on
this measure of economic capital.
I would best describe my neighborhood as (past):
I would best describe my neighborhood as (present):
Table 4.4: Change Over Time in Neighborhood (b)
Poor 16.8 5.5 -11.3
Middle-class 81.1 79.1 -2.0
Wealthy 2.2 15.4 13.2
When asked about fathers' occupation during the teenage
years, 51.7 percent of respondents noted laborer; 17.8
percent professional; 12.6 percent small business owner,
10.9 percent managerial; 2.9 percent academic; 2.9 percent
unemployed, and less than one percent noted that their
fathers were either unemployed or were homemakers.

57
Overall, 55.8 percent of respondents noted that their
fathers were employed in jobs that are not typically
associated with high wages.4
When asked about mothers' occupation during the teenage
years, 31.9 percent of respondents noted that their mothers
were homemaker; 23.1 percent clerical; 14.8 percent
laborer; 14.3 percent professional; 6.6 percent managerial;
5.5 percent academic; 2.2 percent small business owner; 1.6
unemployed. Overall, 71.4 percent of respondents noted
that their mothers were employed in jobs that are not
typically associated with high wages.
When asked about their own current occupations, the
majority of respondents (43.7 percent) indicated that they
were homemakers; 18.5 percent small business owners, 17.5
percent laborers; 6.0 percent academic; 4.9 percent
managerial; 4.9 percent clerical; 2.2 percent professional;
and 2.2 percent unemployed. Overall, 84.4 percent of
respondents noted that they worked in jobs that are not
typically associated with high wages. For this measure of
4
Occupational categories were classified into working class or professional, in order to distinguish
between high and low wage earners. For the purposes o f this study, unemployed, homemaker, laborer
and clerical were classified as working class or low wage.

58
economic capital, respondents experienced an overall
decline.
My father's occupation was:
My current occupation is:
Table 4.5: Change Over Time in Occupation (a)
Father Self Difference
Unemployed 2.9 2.2 -0.7
Homemaker 0.6 43.7 43.1
Laborer 51. 7 17.5 34.2
Clerical 0.6 4.9 4.3
Small Business
Owner
12.6 18.6 6.0
Managerial 10. 9 4.9 -6.0
Professional 17 .8 2.2 -15. 6
Academic 2.9 6.0 3.1
My mother's occupation was:
My occupation is:
Table 4.6: Change Over Time in Occupation (b)
Mother Self Difference
Unemployed 1.6 2.2 0.6
Homemaker 31. 9 43.7 11.8
Laborer 14.8 17.5 7.3
Clerical 23.1 4.9 -18.2
Small Business
Owner
2.2 18.6 16.4
Managerial 6.6 4.9 -1.7
Professional 14.3 2.2 -12.1
Academic 5.5 6.0 0.5
When asked about fathers' highest level of education,
64.6 percent of respondents replied that their fathers had
high school diplomas or less; 14.3 percent had some
college; and 2.3 percent had an associate's degree. 17.8
percent of respondents reported that their fathers had a
bachelor's degree or higher.

. 59
When asked about mothers' highest level of education,
53.3 percent of respondents replied that their mothers had
a high school degree or less; 22.2 had some college; and
5.9 percent had an associate's degree. 18.4 percent of
respondents reported that their mothers had bachelor's
degrees or higher.
When asked about their own highest level of education,
8.7 percent of respondents replied that they had a high
school degree; 61.2 percent had some college; and 25.1
percent had an associate's degree. 4.4 percent of
respondents reported having a bachelor's degree and less
than one percent reported having a master's degree.
My father's highest level of education was:
My highest level of education is:
Table 4.7: Change Over Time in Level of Education (a)
, Past Present Difference
Less than high school 20.0 0 -20.0
High school or GED 44.6 8.7 -35. 9
Some College 14.3 61.2 -46.9
Associate's Degree 2.3 25.1 22.8
Bachelor's Degree 11.4 4.4 -7.0
Master's Degree 4.0 0.5 -3.5
Doctorate 1.7 0 -1.7
More than Doctorate 1.7 0 -1.7

60
My mother's highest level of education was:
My highest level of education is:
Table 4.8: Change Over Time in Level of Education (b)
Less than high school 16.2 0 -16.2
High school or GED 37.3 8.7 -28.6
Some College 22.2 61.2 39.0
Associate's Degree 5.9 25.1 19.2
Bachelor's Degree 14.1 4.4 -9.7
Master's Degree 3.8 0.5 -3.3
Doctorate 0.5 0 -0.5
More than Doctorate 0 0 0
When respondents were asked if their parents owned
more than one vehicle during their teenage years, 50
percent answered yes and 50 percent answered no. When
asked if participants currently own more than one vehicle,
37.3 percent of respondents answered yes and 62.7 answered
no. Overall, there was a decline on this measure of
economic capital.
My parents (caretakers) owned more than one vehicle:
I own more than one vehicle:
Table 4.9: Change Ovec Time in Vehicle Ownership
True 50.0 37.3 -12.7
False 50.0 62.7 12.7

61
Economic Capital Questions Included in Sets
This section provides information about measures of
economic capital included in the economic capital sets.
Corresponding past and present tense questions are listed
(italicized questions represent those asked with regard to
respondents' current life situation).
The following economic capital questions used a Likert
scale to gauge respondents' agreement or disagreement with
particular statements. Likert scale response options were
coded in the following way: l=strongly disagree;
2=disagree; 3=agree; 4=strongly agree. A paired-samples t-
test was performed for each of the questions in order to
compare the mean responses of the current situation and the
former situation and to test the significance of any change
over time. For the purposes of this study, the
statistical significance level was 95 percent (p ^ .05).
Results of the t-tests (shown in Table 4.10)
demonstrate that the change over time for each of these
economic capital measures was statistically significant.
In other words, respondents were more likely to have
significant financial savings and assets than were their
parents. Respondents were also more likely than their
parents to dine out and to take regular vacations

62
Table 4.10: Summary of t-test Results for Changes Over Time
in Economic Capital
Economic Capital Past Present t
Question Mean SD Mean SD
My parents had significant savings
in the bank.
I have significant savings in the
bank.
2.06 .947 2.26 .798 2.405*
My parents had significant financial
assets.
I have significant financial assets.
1.97 .910 2.30 .828 4.088***
We often ate at restaurants where
you are seated and served.
I often eat at restaurants where I
am seated and served.
2.45 .995 3.40 .655 11.890***
I regularly take vacations.
2.45 1.017 3.13 .863 7 .344***
* p. ^ .05
** p. < .01
*** p. * .001
Social Capital
research question #2, students were asked identical
questions related to social capital for both the present
to the former situation, the researcher was able to
determine if any or all of the social capital indicators
had significantly changed for this adult student
population. Questions related to social capital are
presented in Table 4.11. Italicized questions represent

63
those asked with regard to respondents'' current life
situation.
All social capital questions used a Likert scale to
gauge respondents' agreement or disagreement with
2=disagree; 3=agree; 4=strongly agree. Paired -samples t-
tests were performed for each of the questions in order to
The results of the t-tests demonstrate that the change
over time for eight of the eleven measures of the social
capital were statistically significant. Any t-test score
that was not statistically significant was noted in Table
4.11 by NSD (no significant difference between the means).
Overall, respondents were more likely to have connections
with and get encouragement from other college graduates
than during their teenage years. In addition, respondents
were participating in social groups more than their parents
had.

64
Table 4.11: Summary of t-test Results for Changes Over Time in
Social Capital
Social Capital Past Present t
A non-family member explained the
college application process to me.
A non-family member explained the
college application process to me.
2. 32 1.015 2.30 .944 -.250
NSD
Most of the people in my
neighborhood went to college.
Most of the people in my
neighborhood went or are going to
college.
2.40 .852 2.84 .866 5.989***
Most of the people in my high school
went to college.
Most of my colleagues went or are
going .to college.
2.84 .827 3.19 .831 4.624***
Most of my friends went to college.
Most of my friends went or are going
to college.
2.76 .855 3.02 .822 4 .493***
Someone I knew well went to college.
Someone I know well went or is going
to college.
3.48 .663 3.52 .602 .943
NSD
My employer encouraged me to pursue
college.
My employer encourages me to pursue
college.
2.54 .954 2.86 .888 5.519***
A colleague encouraged me to pursue
college.
A colleague encourages me to pursue
college.
2. 62 .866 2.97 .822 5.809***
A friend encouraged me to pursue
college.
A friend encourages me to pursue
college.
2.73 .868 3.03 .806 4. 918***
My family and I regularly
participated in church services.
participate in church services.
2.81 .976 2.51 1.036 -4.504***

65
participated in group activities
with extended family.
I regularly participated in group
activities with extended family.
bo
00
.865 2. 90 .885 .423
NSD
At least one my parents regularly
attended social events.
I regularly attended social events.
2.76 .833 3.06 .708 4.369***
* p. * .05
** p. Z .01
*** p. Z .001
Cultural Capital
research question #3, students were asked identical
questions related to cultural capital for both the present
to the former situation, the researcher was able to analyze
if any or all of the cultural capital indicators had
significantly changed for this adult student population.
Questions related to cultural capital are listed in Table
4.12. Italicized questions represent those asked with
regard to respondents' current life situation.
All cultural capital questions used a Likert scale to
gauge respondents' agreement or disagreement with
2=disagree; 3=agree; 4=strongly agree. Paired-samples t-

66
tests were performed for each of the questions in order to
Results of the t-tests demonstrate that the change
over time for eight of the 11 measures of cultural capital
were statistically significant. Any t-test score that was
not statistically significant was noted in Table 4.12 by
NSD (no significant difference between the means).
Overall, respondents had greater family support and
encouragement to attend college than they had during their
teenage years. In addition, they were more likely to
participate in highly cultural activities than they did
during their teenage years. Finally, respondents were more
likely to see themselves as college students than they were
during their teenage years.
Table 4.12: Summary of t-test Results for Changes Over Time
in Cultural Capital
Cultural Capital Past Present t
My parents stressed the importance
of an education.
My family stresses the importance of
an education.
3.19 .784 3.45 7.00 4.113***

67
Cultural Capital ast Pres snt
My parents encouraged me to pursue
college.
My family encourages me to pursue
college.
3.04 .883 3.39 .701 5.189***
An authority figure encouraged me to
pursue college.
An authority figure encourages me to
pursue college.
2.83 .909 2.78 .924 -.511
NSD
I always saw myself as a college
student.
I see myself as a college student.
2. 95 .882 3.44 .633 7 .486***
My parents often took me to museums.
I often visit museums.
2.48 .840 2.77 .698 4.259***
My parents often exposed me to
classical music and/or opera.
I often listed to classical music
and/or opera.
2.14 .832 2. 64 .840 6.713***
There were many educational
resources in our house.
There are many educational resources
in my house.
3.02 .840 3. 38 .634 5.64 9***
At least one of my parents voted
regularly.
I vote regularly.
3.34 .812 3.28 .889 -.937
NSD
My parents often took me to art
exhibitions.
I often attend art exhibitions.
2.17 .888 2.74 .814 11.890***
We often ate at restaurants were you
are seated and served.
I often eat at restaurants were I am
seated and served.
2.45 .995 3.40 .655 7.344***
I regularly take vacations.
2.45 1.017 3.13 .863 NSD
*
P- .05
kk
P- .01
kkk
P- < r .001

68
Students' Perceptions of Influential Factors
The survey also included five questions related to
students' perceptions of what had most influenced their
return to college. Those questions and the results are
provided in this section.
Students were asked to check all that apply for the
following question:
Which of the following have influenced your decision to
return to college at this time? 68.8 percent of
respondents said that a better understanding of the
importance of a college degree had influenced their return
to college. This was the only influence that more than
half of the respondents checked. The second most frequently
checked influence was family (36.6%). Details are provided
in Table 4.13.
Table 4.13: Summary of Student Perceptions of What Influenced
Their Return to College as Adults_____________________________
Frequency Percent
Friends 43 23.1
Family 68 36.6
Co-Workers 21 11.3
Acquaintances 4 2.2
Employer 40 21.5
Financial Resource 35 18.8
Tuition Assistance 53 28.5
Financial Aid 16 8.6
Understanding of the Importance of a College Degree 128 68.8
Career Change 51 27.4
Life Transition 42 22.6
Work-related Opportunities 58 31.2
None of the Above 7 3.8

69
Respondents were asked how well they agreed or
disagreed with the following question with regard to their
high school years: If I had understood the importance of a
college degree earlier in life, I would have pursued
college earlier. 129 of the respondents (71.6%) who
answered this question agreed or strongly agreed with this
statement.
Understanding of the Importance of a College Degree (past)
Frequency Percent
Strongly Disagree 11 6.1
Disagree 40 22.2
Agree 42 23.3
Strongly Agree 87 48.3
Respondents were asked how well they agreed or disagreed
with the following question with regard to their current
situation: A greater understanding of the importance of a
college education has encouraged me to pursue college at
this time. 163 of the respondents (89.0%) who answered
this question agreed or strongly agreed with this
statement.
Understanding of the Importance of a College Degree (present)
Frequency Percent
Disagree 14 7.7
Agree 59 32.2

70
high school years: If I had more economic resources, I
would have pursued college earlier. 109 of the respondents
(59.9%) who answered this question agreed or strongly
agreed with this statement.
Table 4.16: Summary of Student Responses Related to the
Importance of Economic Resources (past)
Frequency Percent
Disagree 52 28 .6
Agree 40 22.0
current life situation: An increase in economic resources
has encouraged me to pursue college at this time. 96 of
the respondents (52.7%) who answered this question agreed
or strongly agreed with this statement.
Table 4.17: Summary of Student Responses Related to the
Importance of Economic Resources (present)
Frequency Percent
Disagree 57 31.3
Agree 65 35.7
When respondents were asked how many parents they
lived with during their teenage years, the majority (56.5

percent) indicated two; 33.1 percent indicated one; 8.1
percent indicated one plus a stepparent; and 1.6 percent
indicated none. When asked how many children their parents
or caretakers had the mean response was 3.54.

72
Relationship Among and Between Economic, Social and
Cultural Capital
After sufficient data had been gathered and analyzed
to effectively answer the original research questions, the
researcher then explored the relationship between and among
the following variables: economic past, economic present,
social past, social present, cultural past, cultural
present, economic difference, social difference, and
cultural difference. There were several significant
findings across all but one measure using a significance
level of 95 percent (p ^ .05).
First, there was a positive correlation between past
and present capital. In other words, respondents with the
lowest capital to begin with still had the lowest capital
and those with the highest levels of capital to begin with
still had the highest capital (see Table 4.18). Second,
those who started out with the lowest levels of economic,
social and cultural capital made the biggest gains overall.
This is evident because all present measures of capital are
positively correlated with the change over time
(difference) and all past measures of capital are
negatively correlated with the change over time
(difference). Third, those with the highest capital had

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