A Thematic Analysis of Men's Experiences of their Counselling Training

A Thematic Analysis of Men’s Experiences of their
Counselling Training
By Emily Ward

Emily Ward, 16436314
Thematic Analysis of Men’s Experiences of their Counselling Training
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A Thematic Analysis of Men’s Experiences of their
Counselling Training
By Emily Ward
MSc Counselling
University of Northampton
Supervisor: Dr Clare Green
Word count: 16,381 (excluding quotes)
October 2018

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Declaration
This dissertation is an account of my own work undertaken as a student in the
University of Northampton, Division of Psychology and it includes nothing which is
the outcome of work done in collaboration. No part of this dissertation has been
or is being submitted for any other degree, diploma or other qualification at this
or any other University and specific acknowledgment is made in the text where I
have availed myself of the work of others.

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Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my supervisor Dr Clare Green for her guidance and support
both with this dissertation and throughout the course of my MSc. I would like to
thank the participants in this study for their honesty, enthusiasm and time.
I would also like to thank my parents for their generosity in enabling me to
pursue my MSc and my peers for their patience and kindness. As well, I would like
to thank my boyfriend, Lucas, for giving me the inspiration to explore this research
topic and helping to keep me sane throughout my counselling journey.

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Contents
Abstract ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 6
Chapter One: Introduction
1.1 Male Counsellors and the Counselling Community ……………………………………. 7
1.2 Challenges Experienced by Trainee Counsellors …………………………………….... 9
1.3 Literature Focusing on Male Trainee Counsellors ………………………………….... 10
1.4 Rationale and Research Questions ……………………………………………………………. 16
Chapter Two: Method
2.1 Qualitative Approach …………………………………………………………………………………. 18
2.2 Participants and Recruitment ……………………………………………………………………. 19
2.3 Data Collection ………………………………………………………………………………………….. 20
2.4 Reflexivity ………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 23
2.5 Ethical Considerations ………………………………………………………………………………. 25
2.6 Data Analysis ………………………………………….…………………………………………………. 25
2.7 Validity and Reliability ………………………………………………………………………………. 27
Chapter Three: Analysis and Discussion
3.1 Theme 1: ‘Feels like counselling is a taboo for men’ …......................... 30
3.1.1 Subtheme 1.1: ‘I wanted to help people which the guys didn’t understand’
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………… 31
3.1.2 Subtheme 1.2: ‘I became the sole representative of mankind’ …………… 33
3.2 Theme 2: ‘Training came at a cost of other aspects of my life’ ….......... 38
3.2.1 Subtheme 2.1: ‘We’ve not got the money we did have’ ………………………. 38
3.2.2 Subtheme 2.2: ‘You’re really digging into yourself and that costs’ ……… 42
3.3 Theme 3: ‘I’m not the bloke designer I have been’ ……………………………… 47
3.3.1 Subtheme 3.1: ‘It was a gateway out of warehouse work’ ………………….. 47
3.3.2 Subtheme 3.2: ‘I’ve now turned back on my human function’ ……………. 50
3.4 Theme 4: ‘There was a sense of us all being crew on the same ship’ ... 54
Chapter Four: Conclusion
4.1 Implications ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 62
4.2 Reflexivity ………………………………………………………………………………………………… 62
4.3 Limitations ………………………………………………………………………………………………. 63
4.4 Future Research ……………………………………………………………………………………… 64
References ……………………………………………………………………………………………………… 65
Appendices
Appendix One. Ethical Approval ……………………………………………………………………… 76
Appendix Two. Social Media Recruitment Post ………………………………………………. 78
Appendix Three. Therapy Today Recruitment Ad ………………………………………….. 79
Appendix Four. Participant Information Sheet ………………………………………………. 80
Appendix Five. Demographics Form ………………………………………………………………. 84

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Appendix Six. Consent Form …………………………………………………………………………… 86
Appendix Seven. Interview Schedule ……………………………………………………………… 87
Tables and Figures
Table 2.1. Participant demographics information ……………………………………………… 20
Figure 3.1. A map of themes related to men’s experiences of counselling training
…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….. 29
Table 3.2. A table of themes and subthemes related to men’s experiences of
counselling training ………………………………………………....................................... 30

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Abstract
Within the counselling community, men are underrepresented with less than
25% of UKCP psychotherapists and 16% of BACP counsellors being male (Smaller,
2016). While existing literature indicates that male counselling trainees experience
unique challenges (e.g., Michel et al., 2013), little research has specifically
explored men’s experiences of counselling training and the support they receive.
In contrast to previous research, this study will focus on understanding men's
experiences of counselling training to expand the knowledge of this area which
could lead to improvements in the support provided to male students. 10
participants were recruited and each one participated in a semi-structured
telephone interview. Thematic analysis using the six-phase approach outlined by
Braun and Clarke (2006) was conducted to analyse and interpret the data. Results
indicate that male trainees do experience some unique challenges; this is largely
due to the stigma surrounding men entering the counselling world as training
requires them to violate what is considered by Western society be ‘normal’ male
behaviour. Challenges faced by male trainees included: lack of understanding of
their motivations, lack of male peers, expectations to be the primary earner,
learning to accept and express emotions and managing their own vulnerability.
Implications of the findings include that it is important counsellor educators have
an awareness of the unique challenges male trainees can experience so that
effective support can be given. Areas for future research include investigating the
experiences of male students who have dropped out of counselling courses and
their reasons for leaving. Such research might produce a more in-depth
understanding of the support required by male counselling students.

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Chapter One: Introduction
This chapter examines current literature on the role of male counsellors and their
training experiences, the reasons why exploring men's training experiences is
important and the aims of this research.
1.1 Male Counsellors and the Counselling Community
Within the counselling community, men are underrepresented; while early
psychological theories were largely based on men's experiences (Jordan, Kaplan,
Miller, Stiver, & Surrey, 1991) and men represented over half the professional
counsellor population in the 1970s (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2011),
counselling has now become a female-dominated profession. In 2016, Smaller
reported that less than 25% of UK Council for Psychotherapy (UKCP)
psychotherapists and 16% of British Association for Counselling and
Psychotherapy (BACP) counsellors were male. An article by the BACP (2014) also
reported that of their 40,000 practicing counsellors, less than 20% identified
themselves as male and women outnumber men by nearly two to one on
counselling Master’s degree courses (Schweiger, Henderson, McCaskill, Clawson,
& Collins, 2011). As a result, little research exists exploring the unique experiences
of male counsellors and counsellors-in-training (Michel, Hall, Hays, & Runyan,
2013), and only a few articles have specifically concentrated on the training of
male counsellors (Huntington, 2012).
The lack of male counsellors could be an issue as some men may prefer to speak
to a male counsellor (Kreider, 2015). This could be because certain situations and
presenting issues may be perceived as being more easily received by another man
(Michel et al., 2013); male clients could value male counsellors for their personal
experience and knowledge of sexual issues, challenges of fatherhood and
pressures of masculinity (Rochlen & McKelley, 2009). Bradley (2013) suggested
that it could be the acceptance of 'maleness' by male therapists that clients
appreciate which is different to working with a female therapist. Being able to
accommodate such preferences could have a positive impact on the client;
according to a meta-analysis conducted by Swift, Greenberg, Whipple and
Kominiak (2012), clients whose counselling preferences, such as therapist gender,
were met showed increased engagement in therapy. This suggests that if a man
who would prefer to speak to another man is able to see a male counsellor, his

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therapeutic outcomes are likely to be more positive than if he were assigned a
female counsellor.
Furthermore, it is recognised that the provision of counselling should reflect the
communities it serves by having counsellors from a broad range of cultures,
disability, difference and gender (BACP, 2014). Having both male and female
counsellors allows for the understanding of different perspectives which is
particularly important in a profession that is about attempting to better understand
and connect with other human beings (Michel et al., 2013). Without the voice of
men within the counselling world and training, it may be harder to understand the
perspective and experiences that some male clients may present with (Kreider,
2015).
The rarity of male counsellors could also reinforce current gender stereotypes
that largely discourage men from seeking help; male receptivity to counselling
may increase if more male counsellors were available (Biddulph, 2004). Greater
gender balance could help reach a wider client base, and address the stigma
attached to male help-seeking and emotional expression (Michel et al., 2013);
research conducted by The Samaritans (2014) suggests that men are less likely
to share their feelings in the face of emotional difficulties than women. Male
counsellors may be able to challenge this aspect of traditional male socialisation
and model a different way of being that makes help-seeking seem more acceptable
(Smaller, 2016). Enhancing help-seeking behaviour in men is an important goal
given that several issues within society have been shown to disproportionately
affect men (Evans, 2013). In the UK, 76% of suicides completed are by men
(Office for National Statistics, 2017), men are three times more likely than women
to become alcohol dependent (Health and Social Care Information Centre, 2015),
men report significantly lower life satisfaction (Office for National Statistics, 2018)
and of the 4,751 individuals counted or estimated to be sleeping rough in England,
83% were male (Homeless Link, 2017).
In addition, it could be argued that the underrepresentation of men in counselling
contributes to the lack of understanding of the unique challenges affecting men
(Smaller, 2016); much of the research within counselling focuses exclusively on
women or on issues that affect both women and men, therefore certain male
issues such as gender role conflict, identity, masculinity and emotional expression

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in men are rarely explored. Understanding the unique experiences of men may
help to address this imbalance and encourage more research and discussion about
men's emotional lives and society (McCarthy & Holliday, 2004; Reed, 2014). This
need for greater awareness of male issues is also driven by agencies that
specialise in offering support for men, such as The Campaign Against Living
Miserably (CALM).
1.2 Challenges Experienced by Trainee Counsellors
Several studies have investigated the professional development of trainee
counsellors and the challenges they can face during their training (De Stefano et
al., 2007); these are challenges that have been reported by both male and female
students.
One challenge reported by trainee counsellors is the development of self-
awareness and the emotional changes that can occur across the course of their
training (Mongia, 2014). Counselling educators have described the learning
process within counselling training as being designed to help students deeply
engage with themselves and reach new insights through self-reflection, which
often pushes students out of their comfort zone (Slovák et al., 2015). As a result
of this, students can re-live strong negative emotions, such as shame and
loneliness, and experiences of loss and abandonment (Lenehan, 2004). As well as
re-experiencing these feelings, students are often required to share such struggles
with their peers who are likely to be unfamiliar with (Howes, 2013). Whilst this
process could ultimately be beneficial for trainees, it is one where they have to
confront their own insecurities and allow themselves to be vulnerable, which can
be challenging (Davis, 2014).
Trainee counsellors may also face challenges when they begin to see clients and
often express feelings of self-doubt, uncertainty and anxiety when first starting
out (Kumary & Baker, 2008; Millon, Million & Antoni, 1986; Szymanska, 2002).
Hill, Sullivan, Knox and Schlosser (2007) conducted interviews with five trainee
counsellors on a counselling doctoral program focusing on the challenges they
experienced whilst in-training and found that all the trainees expressed feeling
anxious about beginning to see clients, specifically about knowing what to do in
sessions and feeling pressurised to do the ‘right’ thing to be a good therapist.
Glickauf-Hughes and Mehlman (1995) also commented that trainee counsellors

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frequently struggle with doubts and insecurities about being ‘good enough’. Such
doubts and concerns tend to revolve around inexperience, feeling incompetent
and struggling to transfer what they have learnt in class into practice (Fong,
Ethington & Pitts, 1997; Orlinsky & Ronnestad, 2001). This lack of professional
confidence held by trainee counsellors has been shown to have a negative impact
on their wellbeing and can result in anxiety, feeling pressured and overwhelmed
(Anastasiou, 2006; Skovholt & Ronnestad, 2003). Trainee counsellors may also
experience moments of conflict with the counsellor role, such as wanting to be
more of a friend rather than a therapist to clients, and helplessness when they are
unable to help (Hill, Sullivan, Knox & Schlosser, 2007).
Trainee counsellors could face practical difficulties, as well as emotional ones;
Bor, Watts and Parker (1997) found that counselling students often experience
stress in setting up placements as in many courses expect students to organise
these themselves. In this study, participants reported that high competition for
places and lack of support from course tutors made setting up their counselling
placement a significant challenge. The study also reported that the financial costs
of the course, including tuition fees, personal therapy and commuting can also be
a challenge for counselling students.
1.3 Literature Focusing on Male Trainee Counsellors
The experiences of men training in and entering female-dominated professions
have been well-researched in areas such as psychology, nursing and education,
however, only two studies have explored the experiences of male trainee
counsellors. Michel et al. (2013) primarily examined the perceptions of male
presence in the counselling field and male recruitment into counselling Master's
courses. Additionally, the study not only interviewed male students, but also
surveyed 217 counselling educators for their views, further taking the focus away
from the student's personal experiences. The second study conducted by Crockett,
Elghoroury, Popiolek and Wummel (2018) used a phenomenological approach to
gain an understanding of men’s lived experiences in a master's-level counselling
program.
Past research investigating other aspects of male counsellors' lives has
suggested that men can face unique challenges whilst in counselling training.

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Michel, Hays and Runyan (2015) conducted a qualitative content analysis to
understand the attitudes and behaviours of university faculty members who
educate and support male students studying in female-dominated graduate
programs, including counselling. They found that over 60% of the faculty
members surveyed thought that male counselling students face unique challenges
because of their gender. Whilst this study did have some limitations, such as
participants were only asked two questions in which they provided a written
response and researchers were unable to ask follow-up questions, it is suggested
that male trainee counsellors may experience unique challenges not faced by
female students. This next part of the chapter will explain what some of these
challenges might be and what current research has found regarding these
challenges.
Michel et al. (2013) found male trainee counsellors often feel conflicted between
the culture of masculinity and society's stigmatization of emotional expression,
and the expectations of counselling training. In childhood, men are taught to
repress their emotions and avoid showing vulnerability (Miller, 1991); emotional
expression is seen as a form of vulnerability which contradicts the gender role
expectations placed upon men (Chandler, 2012). Such notions are reinforced by
parents, family members, peers and wider society throughout their lives (Connell
& Messerschmidt, 2005; Shepard, 2005); traditional male socialization does not
promote relational intimacy in men, but rather promotes independence and self-
sufficiency (Abrams, 2003; Cintron, 2010). Therefore, such expectations and
messages must be contradicted to become a successful counsellor as self-
disclosure, reflectiveness, openness and empathy are key elements of counselling
training (Wester & Vogel, 2002). This raises questions about how men experience
self-reflection and the sharing of feelings during counselling training as this is
typically discouraged by society (Michel et al., 2015).
Simpson (2005) explored the experiences of men who had chosen non-
traditional occupations. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 40 men
from four occupational groups considered to be female-dominated: primary school
teaching, cabin crew, librarianship and nursing. In these interviews, most
participants expressed they frequently felt conflicted between the need to
maintain their masculine identities and requirement to express more 'feminine'

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qualities demanded by their job. Whilst this study did not include counsellors in
their sample, it is possible that male counsellors might also experience such
conflicts both when working with clients and during their training. Heppner and
Heppner (2009) also explored the experiences of men working in female-
dominated professions and, whilst research showed that it was relatively easy for
women to explain their decision to enter male-dominated fields, such as greater
opportunities for promotion and higher wages, men found their reasons for
entering female-dominated careers was often treated with suspicion. Such a
finding might also be mirrored in the experiences of male counsellors.
Pleck (1983) developed the gender role strain paradigm which proposed that
typical gender roles are confusing and that violating gender roles can lead to
negative consequences for physical and mental health. Pleck (1995) later defined
male gender role strain as the psychological consequences of the gender role
strain paradigm specific to men. Levant (1996) suggested that certain groups of
men may be at greater risk of experiencing gender role strain and male counsellors
may potentially be included in this group of greater risk due to the requirement
that they violate masculine norms as part of their work with clients (Kreider,
2015). Building on the definition of male gender role strain, gender role conflict
(GRC) is a psychological state in which socialised gender roles have caused
negative consequences for the person or others (O'Neil, 2013). GRC typically
occurs when men deviate from their socialised male role and has been associated
with several negative outcomes, including increased depression (Kang, 2002;
Mertens, 2001), anxiety (Burke, 2000) and shame (Thompkins & Rando, 2003;
Thomson, 2005).
Wester and Vogel (2002) investigated the ways in which psychologists can
incorporate an understanding of the outcomes of traditional male socialisation into
their training programs by reviewing existing literature. While Wester and Vogel
(2002) focused on the impact of male socialisation on the work of psychologists,
they recognised there would be some overlap with counselling. They wrote that
some men experience confusion regarding the differences between the behaviours
of emotional openness and vulnerability they are taught to become therapists, and
their existing male identity. Such tension could result in GRC; evidence suggests
that male counsellors-in-training, especially those experiencing GRC, may

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experience more distress during training and require additional support (Kreider,
2015). Kreider (2015) used a qualitative approach to explore how male
counsellors experience moments of vulnerability with their clients. Even though
counselling training was not the focus of the study, some of the participants still
spoke about their training experiences as having a significant influence on how
they manage vulnerability with their clients, which is a key component of GRC.
Consequently, if counsellor training has an impact on how male counsellors
manage GRC once qualified, that would make the support they receive during their
training particularly important. This struggle for men to integrate their existing
male identity with the more ‘feminine’ values encouraged in counselling training
has not only been highlighted by research participants, but also by qualified
counsellors in blogs and magazines. Hackwood (2017) wrote that because caring
is seen as a weakness in men, certain barriers need to be overcome for them to
become successful counsellors. Hogg (2017) added that the social assumptions
about what is a proper job for a man and male role expectations are challenged
by men who choose to train as counsellors which can cause internal conflict.
Diamond (2012) argued that status and economics have played a part in how
men view counselling as a profession. The decline in male membership can be
associated with declining healthcare budgets and the increased difficultly of
earning a decent living as a counsellor; most counselling jobs are part-time with
a relatively low salary and private practice does not offer a steady source of
income. This can be particularly unappealing for men who seek well-paying jobs
for a sense of power and status, or who are the main breadwinner in their family;
in the 2016 Masculinity Audit, 31% of men surveyed felt pressure to be the main
breadwinner (CALM, 2016). Gottfredson (2002) developed a theory of career
choice which proposes that a person eliminates careers options they consider
conflict with their self-concept. She further hypothesised that people choose
careers based on the following priorities: 1) public presentation of masculinity/
femininity, 2) protecting their social standing, and 3) fulfilling their personality
needs and personal preferences. While her theory is purely theoretical and has
not been empirically validated, it does pose questions as to why male counsellors
choose to pursue a career that conflicts with their socialised gender role.
Therefore, this suggests there is a need to explore the experiences of men who

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choose to train as counsellors as their choice violates gender norms and so is likely
to have numerous consequences.
Another challenge male counsellors-in-training could face is being treated as
'special' by female students and trainers as they are not 'typical' men. Since they
are treated as special, they may start to become distanced from other men which
can result in isolation and more internal conflict. Alternatively, male students may
learn to speak less about what they are really thinking about, which can result in
peers and trainers not truly understanding who they are (Michel et al., 2013). In
addition, men who train on counselling programs may find themselves being
singled out; ironically, possibly to help to give them a voice, male students are
sometimes asked to give the 'male perspective' or speak on behalf of all men.
Consequently, the lone male becomes a representative for the entire gender which
can place unwanted attention or pressure on the student (Michel et al., 2013).
The lack of male peers can present other challenges for male counsellors-in-
training. Lupton (2000) conducted semi-structured interviews with nine men to
investigate the ways in which men manage their gender identity upon entering
female-dominated occupations, including a primary school teacher, librarian and
human resources manager. He found that one of the themes commonly spoken
about was the absence of 'male conversations' through which male issues could
be discussed and masculinity displayed; rather they felt largely excluded from the
'female conversations' had by colleagues. While counsellors were not included in
the sample, the absence of men and 'male' conversations is a theme that has been
mirrored in research investigating the experiences of male counsellors when they
have spoken about their counselling training (Michel et al., 2013; Smaller, 2016).
Research also suggests that male counselling students could face difficulties when
trying to connect with others on their course (Michel et al., 2013), in particular,
they can struggle to connect with other men on the course due to the lack of
commonalities between them (Crockett, Elghoroury, Popiolek & Wummel, 2018).
Furthermore, men can experience isolation from family and friends whilst in-
training; this could take the form of teasing and mocking about the kind of work
they are doing, with suggestions that they are less 'manly' (Cross & Bagihole,
2002). Cockburn (1998) also suggested that the small number of men who cross

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into female-dominated areas of work are often written off as effeminate, eccentric
or gay. For men, the choosing of a 'female career’ is stigmatized (Lupton, 2000)
and is a barrier for many men who might otherwise choose such a path. Smaller
(2016) wrote that:
‘Like the pilgrim, the male therapist is often apart from the world, socially and
professionally walking alone.’ (p.190)
Male counselling students may struggle to have their voices heard; Crockett,
Elghoroury, Popiolek and Wummel (2018) reported that male counselling students
experience an increase in self-monitoring behaviour, censoring their viewpoints in
class discussions to avoid sharing opinions that opposed the female majority. Male
trainees might also get the impression that they are in the wrong profession due
to the predominance of female students; in many cases, they may be the only
male in their class (Calm Minds, 2011). This gender imbalance may even
discourage some men from applying to counselling courses (Michel et al., 2013).
Some male counsellors have also spoken about how they feel the lack of men
results in conversations about counselling topics not being truly representative
(Smaller, 2016) or not considering that male perspectives could differ to those
expressed by female students and trainers (Bradley, 2013). Crockett, Elghoroury,
Popiolek and Wummel (2018) also reported that male counselling students
experience an increase in self-monitoring behaviour, censoring their viewpoints in
class discussions to avoid sharing opinions that opposed the female
majority.Tarrant (2017) wrote that he found the lack of males in his class difficult
because, while he was seeking a more compassionate and empathic way of being,
he also valued his more 'male' way of being. He added that he felt aspects of his
former life were criticised in his training and he believed his maleness was not
valued; this resulted in feelings of inadequacy and confusion which he struggled
to overcome. Weston (2017) described that when he was the only man in a group
of 10 women, within 10 minutes one of the women raised the subject of her
menstrual cycle which signalled to him that it was going to be a challenge to break
into the female-dominated world of counselling; although he did go on to qualify
as a professional counsellor, it did make him question whether there is a
subconscious prejudice against men in the profession which makes counselling
training particularly challenging for male students. While these last two accounts

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are not a result of empirical research, they nevertheless support the findings that
suggest the lack of other men on counselling training programs do have a real-
World impact on male counsellors-in-training.
Being marginalized by counselling educators, peers or other people outside of
the course is another challenge that men could face in training. Smaller (2016)
explored the experiences of men who had changed careers to become therapists;
whilst this study did not focus specifically on the participant's training experiences,
the results still gave some insight into the challenges faced by men undergoing
counselling training. When analysing the interview data from his participants,
Smaller found that men experienced feeling unheard and excluded by female
students. Some participants also expressed they felt that speaking up in class was
risky and they felt like outsiders, particularly when showing more masculine traits.
Within his research, Smaller also included reflections upon his own experiences as
he had undergone a similar transition to his participants. In particular, Smaller
mentioned feeling marginalised, not only by his female classmates, but also by
people outside of the course; men who found his career change puzzling or
threatening, and non-therapist women who found his new career as a counsellor
to lack the power and status of other males. A strength of this study was the depth
to which Smaller analysed each case, and this was shown in the extensive nature
of the findings section of the paper; in his words he 'tried to honour each man's
story'. Pinel, Warner and Chua (2005) conducted a survey-based, quantitative
study investigating whether marginalising students has an impact on their
academic performance and self-efficacy. The researchers found that male students
who had been marginalized or treated as 'tokens' on average achieved poorer
academic performance than those who were treated equally to female students.
This therefore suggests that male counselling students who are marginalised are
likely to achieve poorer grades, and possibly experience poorer mental health
which could result in them not achieving their true potential or dropping out of the
course.
1.4 Rationale and Research Questions
In contrast to previous research, the focus of this study will be on understanding
men's experiences of counselling training to expand the knowledge of this

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relatively unresearched area. Exploring the challenges men face in counselling
training and the support they receive may also increase the effectiveness of
counselling training, improve the training experiences of male students and
increase the number of men completing their counselling training. If it is found
that men do face specific challenges in counselling training, educators can develop
more effective ways to support male students, and thus improve men’s training
experiences. It is possible that from this, more male students may choose to
complete their counselling training, resulting in a greater number of male
counsellors. This could have a several benefits including; improved therapeutic
outcomes for clients who have a preference to see a male counsellor and increased
male receptivity to counselling as male counsellors challenge current gender
stereotypes that discourage men from seeking emotional support.
The research questions this study aims to answer are:
1) What are men’s experiences of counselling training?
2) What challenges, if any, do men face when training to become counsellors?
3) Whilst in training, do men feel they receive adequate support from counselling
educators? A sub-question of this being: If not, what do male students recommend
counselling educators could do to better support them?

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Chapter Two: Method
This qualitative study adopts a realist approach to address the research
questions. The method involved semi-structured interviews which the participants
had the choice of being conducted over the telephone or face-to-face. Thematic
analysis was used to analyse the data. Ethical considerations, participants,
recruitment, reflexivity, and validity and reliability of the study are also discussed
in this chapter.
2.1 Qualitative Approach
As the aim of this study is to better understand men’s experiences of counselling
training, it was considered that a qualitative methodology would be the most
appropriate. While quantitative research tends to focus on numbers and
generating ‘shallow’, broad data, conversely qualitative research focuses more
extensively on each participant examining their own words to understand their
unique experiences (Braun & Clarke, 2013). This focus on the participant’s own
words also gives them a voice within the research (McLeod, 2014); this is
particularly important in this study as men in counselling are a minority and lack
a voice in much of the current research. In addition, quantitative research largely
ignores the impact the researcher can have on the participants and data collected
from them (Balnaves & Caputi, 2001), whereas in my research I am aware that
my being a woman and being in counselling training amongst other things may
have an impact and is therefore something I will need to reflexively report on.
Much of the existing research around this topic has also used a qualitative
approach as it yields data that is the most representative of the participant's
experiences.
Within the qualitative research approach, there are several conceptual
frameworks that further guide researchers in how they approach and analyse their
data. A paradigm is a set of assumptions about the world held by the person
investigating that world (Deshpande, 1983). The main paradigms are realism (also
known as essentialism), and social constructivism. Realism proposes that people’s
words provide direct access to reality and is therefore discoverable through the
research process (Maxwell, 2012; Ritchie, Lewis, Nicholls & Ormston, 2013;
Smith, 2015). In other words, language reflects and enables us to articulate
meaning and experience which allows the researcher to theorise motivations,

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experience and meaning in a straightforward way due to the unidirectional
relationship between meaning, experience and language (Potter & Wetherell,
1987; Widdicombe & Wooffitt, 1995). In contrast, social constructivism holds the
view that a belief system is held a particular context (Healy & Perry, 2000);
meaning and experience are socially produced and is not inherent within
individuals (Burr, 1995). Therefore, the aim of research conducted within in the
social constructionist paradigm is to theorise about the social and cultural context
that has shaped the participant’s account, rather than to focus on the individual’s
experiences (Guba and Lincoln, 1994). I approached my data from the realist
perspective as it fits in with the aim of my study to better understand the unique
experiences that men have whilst in counselling training.
2.2 Participants and Recruitment
The participants who took part in this study identified as male, aged over 18,
and were either trainee counsellors who had been training on a professional-level
counselling course for at least a year (so that they have enough training
experiences to discuss and have good idea of what support they need) or were
qualified counsellors who had completed their core counselling training no longer
than five years ago (so they were still able to recall their training experiences). All
participants were a member of the BACP or other recognised counselling body. My
aim was to recruit 10 participants, including one that would act as a pilot interview
to assess my interview schedule and practice my interview skills. This figure was
based on time limitations for this project and recommendations from recent
literature; Braun and Clarke (2013) suggested that six to ten interviews for a
thematic analysis approach would be sufficient for a small-scale project.
I contacted potential participants through publishing posts on LinkedIn and four
counselling Facebook groups (see Appendix two). I also published an
advertisement on the BACP’s research noticeboard and the counselling magazine
‘Therapy Today’ (see Appendix three). In total, I recruited 10 participants; five
counsellors-in-training and five qualified counsellors. Demographics information
about each of the participants is detailed on the next page:

Page | 20
Table 2.1. Participant demographics information.
Pseudonym Age Experience Core
counselling
qualification
Modality Sexuality Ethnicity Telephone/
face-to-
face
interview
Time
Paul 38 Qualified
counsellor
for 3 years,
currently
studying for
a diploma in
CBT/REBT
Diploma Humanistic/
person-centered
Homosexual White,
born in
South
Africa
Telephone 39.4
Oliver 43 Trainee
counsellor
studying for
6 years
Masters Integrative Heterosexual White
British
Telephone 46.1
Greg 25 Qualified
counsellor
for 1 year
Bachelors and
Diploma
Humanistic/
person-centered
Heterosexual White
British
Telephone 50.4
James 48 Trainee
counsellor
studying for
4 years
Diploma Integrative Heterosexual White
British
Telephone 47.3
Adam 50 Qualified
counsellor
for 3 years
British
Telephone 55.0
Robert 34 Qualified
counsellor
for 4 years
Masters Humanistic/
person-centered
Heterosexual White
British
Telephone 48.4
David 34 Trainee
counsellor
studying for
3 years
British
Telephone 44.1
Isaac 57 Trainee
counsellor
studying for
4 years
Masters Psychodynamic
and humanistic/
person-centred
Heterosexual White
Western
European
Telephone 58.5
Kyle 29 Trainee
counsellor
studying for
2 years
Masters Psychodynamic
and humanistic/
person-centred
Heterosexual White,
born in
Greece
Telephone 50.1
Thomas 44 Qualified
counsellor
for 1 year
Diploma Humanistic/
person-centered
Heterosexual White
British
Telephone 53.2
2.3 Data collection
Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data from participants in this
study; semi-structured interviews are interviews where the researcher has a list
of questions they would like to ask, but there is scope for the participant to raise
issues that are important to them and that the researcher has not anticipated

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(Braun & Clarke, 2013; Given, 2008). There are many benefits to using semi-
structured interviews to collect qualitative data, such as: they are easy managed,
allows rapport to be developed, and gives participants the space to think, speak
and be heard (Edwards & Holland, 2013). For the most part, the participant talks
in their own words and the interviewer listens which gives the participant a voice
within the research (Jamshed, 2014). This is ideal for my study as I ultimately
want to better understand how men experience counselling training through their
own words. Whilst focus groups may also have been appropriate for answering my
research questions, I wanted to be able to focus on each participant and their
experiences individually; in focus groups, the voices of some participants may not
be heard, and their experiences not fully understood (Mansell, Bennett, Northway,
Mead & Moseley, 2004).
I developed my interview schedule by first brainstorming a list of questions
relating to the research questions. These initial questions were then reassessed in
terms of their purpose within the interview and whether the data collected using
them would allow me to fulfil the research aims. Reviewing sample interview
schedules and questions sourced from Braun and Clarke (2013) and their
companion website helped in this stage. Lastly, I checked all the questions were
open and non-leading or directive, were ordered in a logical sequence and were
companied by suitable prompts. The pilot interview allowed me to assess my
interview schedule and practice my interview skills; from this I added some extra
prompts, particularly prompts to encourage participants to think about areas of
their training they may have found challenging.
In this study, participants were given a choice for their interview to be conducted
face-to-face or over the telephone. Although telephone interviews are used less
often in qualitative research than quantitative research (Farooq, 2015), they are
still considered to be a “versatile” tool to collect data (Carr & Worth, 2001, p.521).
Telephone interviews have several benefits when compared to face-to-face
interviews, including: increased access to participants who live in remote areas or
who are unable to travel (Sturges & Hanrahan, 2004), increased interviewer safety
(Sweet, 2002), increased convenience and comfort as participants can remain in
their own space (McCoyd & Kerson, 2006) and decreased cost (Chapple, 1999).
By giving participants a choice of their method of interviewing I hoped to increase
the number of people responding to my recruitment emails and advertisements,

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which was a key factor in my research due to the time limitations. All telephone
interviews were recorded using an Olympus TP-8 Telephone Pick Up Microphone
connected to an external Dictaphone; I chose this method of recording as much
of the telephone recording apps available were reported to be ‘unreliable’ in
recording both sides of the telephone conversation or routed calls through third
party servers which would have undermined participant confidentiality. By using
an external Dictaphone and microphone, I could feel more confident that the
interviews were being recorded correctly which allowed me to give the participant
my full attention.
I conducted all telephone interviews in my private bedroom, so I would not be
disturbed, and recommended to participants that they also choose a private
location where they would feel comfortable and have minimal distractions. Every
participant’s phone number was deleted from my phone immediately after their
interview and not used for any other purposes. Although participants were given
the choice of having a face-to-face interview, all of them chose to have a telephone
interview.
Prior to arranging an interview, all participants were emailed a copy of the
participant information sheet (see Appendix four), consent form (see Appendix
six), demographics form (see Appendix five) and interview schedule (see Appendix
seven). The participants were not deceived and were free to ask questions before
and after their interview. On the day of each interview, I contacted the participant
on the phone number provided at the arranged time, withholding my number.
Before the interview began, I reminded each participant of the key information
stated in the information sheet and consent form. Upon completion of the
interview, all participants were verbally debriefed (see Appendix Seven). Each
participant was given the option to request a transcript of their interview to check
and provide feedback on. Lastly, all participants were reminded that they could
withdraw their data up to two weeks from their interview. The average interview
lasted 49.3 minutes; the longest lasted 58.5 minutes and the shortest lasted 39.4
minutes.
In general, participants seemed happy with the data collection process and
expressed genuine interest in the research topic and interview questions. All
participants were prompt in their correspondences with me and were able to have

Page | 23
their interview at the date and time we had originally planned. With a couple of
the interviews, issues relating poor sound quality did make it more difficult to
follow the participant's experiences and transcribe their account accurately. I also
found myself accidentally interrupting participants on a few occasions during
interviews as, without verbal cues, it was harder to know whether the participant
was about to speak. Although there were some issues with conducting telephone
interviews that would not have occurred if the interviews had been face-to-face,
many participants expressed that due to their busy schedules or location a
telephone interview is the only way they could have participated. I was also able
to collect my data within one month due to the ease of arranging and conducting
telephone interviews which was key given the time limitations of this project.
Ultimately, I was able to collect rich data from my interviews and I felt most
participants were open and honest in their accounts; I do not think conducting
these interviews face-to-face would have made a significant difference either to
the quality of data collected or the participant's accounts.
2.4 Reflexivity
My reasons for choosing to conduct research in this area stems mainly from my
counselling training experiences where in a class of 20 students only two were
male. During lectures and discussions, I noticed they were often asked to give the
‘male perspective’ on the topics were we studying and wondered if they felt
different or had different experiences of the training because of their minority
within the class. An article published in Therapy Today titled, 'Is Counselling
Women's Work?' (BACP, 2016), particularly caught my interest; it brought to my
attention just how few male counsellors there are in the UK, and how men may
experience challenges with masculinity, identity and societal expectations whilst
in-training. I feel like this was never explored in my training perhaps due to the
lack male students and no male educators teaching on the course. I also wondered
whether male-specific issues or challenges were being ignored not just on the
course teaching, but in the support given to male students as well. I started to
sense that males within the counselling community lacked a voice, and while
diversity of sexuality, ethnicity and religion was explored and highlighted as being
important, I feel that the lack of male counsellors within the counselling
community was not addressed. When I brought this up in a class discussion, very

Page | 24
few of my peers thought it was an issue; at this point, both the male students had
dropped out, so I was unable to hear their views. Due to my lack of interaction
with men within the counselling community and their lack of voice, I want to better
understand their unique experiences of counselling training, the challenges they
face and whether they consider the support they receive to be adequate.
Being a woman conducting research exclusively with men, I acknowledge that
this could have a significant impact on the participant's openness and responses
to my interview questions. For example, my gender could have a positive influence
in that a participant feels more open sharing with women than men, however, it
is possible that being female might make participants less likely to disclose
negative experiences especially if it involved a female peer or tutor. Kreider (2015)
was also a female researcher conducting research exclusively with male
counsellors. She described several moments where she thought her gender
impacted how the participants spoke about their experiences; in one instance, she
thought that a participant seemed afraid of offending her and so avoided talking
in-depth about one experience. From this, she wondered whether other
participants had chosen not to share certain material due to fear of offending her
as a woman. Kreider concluded that while her identity as a woman may have
helped in some cases, such as one participant saying he felt more comfortable
talking to women, she acknowledged that it may have also hindered participants
willingness to disclose their experiences.
To address the influence I may have upon my participants and their answers, I
will record my responses to the following questions after each interview (edited
from Kreider, 2015):
1. What does my intuition tell me about that interview?
2. What reactions came up? To the material shared? To the participant himself?
3. How may it have impacted my ability to fully hear or understand his subjective
experience of counselling training?
4. What other questions do I wish I had asked? Why didn’t I ask them?
5. Anything else about that interview or participant that is important to note?
I also included a question in my interview schedule that specifically asked
participants if they feel me being a woman influenced how they felt or responded

Page | 25
during the interview. Both my own and the participant’s reflections on this topic
will be included in my discussion in terms of how well my research is able
contribute to the current understanding of men’s experiences of their counselling
training.
2.5 Ethical Considerations
Ethical approval for the study was gained from The University of Northampton
(see Appendix one). Participants gave their informed consent to take part in the
study after reading the participant information sheet which detailed the aims, data
collection procedure, possible benefits and disadvantages of participating, data
handling procedure and uses of the data. Participants could also email with any
questions they had before and after their interview and were provided the
interview schedule in advance. As mentioned in section 2.3, participants were also
informed that they could withdraw at any time throughout the interview process
and up to two weeks following their interview. All participants were verbally
debriefed upon completion of the interview. The participant information sheet also
gave details of where participants could seek support if needed after the interview,
as well as my details and those of the dissertation supervisor. To protect
participant confidentiality, the Dictaphone used for recording and printed
paperwork were stored in a locked drawer which only I had access to. All audio
recordings were transcribed by me and any identifying details, such as names and
places, were omitted. The participant’s name was replaced with a pseudonym.
Participant information sheets and consent forms did not include any details that
may disclose a participant’s identity, however, some demographic forms did
include the participant’s name as part of their signature. These were kept on my
password-protected computer in a separate folder to the transcripts. All data will
be destroyed one year following the submission of this report.
2.6 Data Analysis
This study uses thematic analysis to analyse and interpret the data. Thematic
analysis is a method for identifying, analysing and interpreting patterns, also
known as 'themes', within qualitative data (Clarke & Braun, 2017). Unlike other
qualitative analytic methods, such as: Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis
(IPA), grounded theory, discourse analysis and narrative analysis, thematic

Page | 26
analysis a highly flexible approach that can be applied across a range of theoretical
and epistemological approaches (Braun & Clarke, 2006). This flexibility meant I
could use thematic analysis to analyse my data from the realist perspective that I
chose to approach my data from. Thematic analysis can also be used to answer a
wide range of research questions (Braun & Clarke, 2013), including the research
questions generated for this study by finding commonalities between the male
participant's accounts of counselling training. In comparison, whilst IPA is also
used to search for commonalities within the data set, it searches for differences
as well (Drummond, McLafferty & Hendry, 2011; Smith, Flowers & Larkin, 2009);
thematic analysis focuses solely on the commonalities which fits with the aim of
this study (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Grounded theory methods aim to develop a
theory that is grounded in data from the field (Charmaz, 1996; Strauss & Corbin,
1994); grounded theory is usually conducted in fields where there is little or no
current research (Strauss & Corbin, 1990). Whilst there is little research that has
focussed on men's experiences of counselling training, hence one of the
justifications for this study, I do not seek to build a theory. Narrative analysis
focuses on the stories told by participants (Riessman, 1993) and often explores
the wider context in which they live, such as their physical environment and
culture (Cortazzi, 2014). I did not feel narrative analysis would be appropriate for
this study as wanted to focus on the participant's experiences rather than their
social or cultural context.
Within thematic analysis, I chose to follow an inductive approach. An inductive,
data-driven approach is particularly useful when conducting research in relatively
new terrain (Braun & Clarke, 2017) as identified themes are strongly linked to the
data rather than existing theories or the researcher's preconceptions (Braun &
Clarke, 2006). Whilst I did conduct a review of the current literature prior to
analysing my data and chose to transcribe between interviews as interviews are
easier to transcribe when they are fresh in your mind (Braun & Clarke, 2013), I
'bracketed' these thoughts when conducting my analysis and made sure that any
themes identified were representative of the participant's experiences.
The analysis used in this study followed the six phases outlined by Braun and
Clarke (2006). The phases are:

Page | 27
1. Data familiarisation: This involved immersing myself in the data by
repeatedly reading the transcribed interviews and making handwritten
notes of initial ideas, thoughts and codes.
2. Generating initial codes: This phase involved the production of initial codes
from the data by re-reading the transcripts several times. Codes were
named using a combination of in vivo labels and constructed labels. I chose
to focus on identifying codes (and later themes) at the semantic level; codes
that are within the explicit or surface meanings of the data as this fits in
with my data-driven, realist approach to the data. All codes were generated
by using open coding as the coding was led by the data rather than by an
existing theory.
3. Searching for themes: This phase involved sorting the codes into potential
themes present across the dataset. To create my themes, I stuck each code
to the wall and actively moved them around into groups until I was able to
generate the initial themes.
4. Reviewing themes: This phase involved refining the initial themes
generated in phase three. I did this by going back to the transcriptions and
checking whether the themes were representative of the participant's
experiences. The initial themes changed several times as they were refined
and applied back to the transcripts.
5. Defining and naming themes: This involved identifying the 'essence' of what
each theme is about and determining what aspect of the data each theme
captures. This also included identifying whether a theme contains any sub-
themes and deciding on the name of each theme for the final analysis.
6. Producing the report: This involved completing the final analysis and writing
up the analysis section of my report.
2.7 Validity and Reliability
As many traditional criteria of research quality are often inappropriate for
qualitative research, Yardley (2000; 2008) proposed four key dimensions for
assessing the validity and reliability of studies using qualitative methodology,
which I have considered in relation to this study:
1. Sensitivity to context: This includes examination of context of theory and
understandings created by previous researchers of the topic, which I have

Page | 28
done through conducting a literature review presented in my introduction
and considering how my research findings relate to the findings of previous
research and existing theories. I have also considered the impact of the
interview process on participants and the impact of myself on their
responses.
2. Commitment and Rigour: This is demonstrated by in-depth engagement
with the topic, including conducting thorough and skilled data collection and
undertaking an in-depth analysis. By conducting a pilot interview, I ensured
that my interview schedule would yield rich and relevant data from
participants. I also referred back to the transcripts multiple times to ensure
the themes I generated were representative of their experiences.
3. Transparency and Coherence: This relates to whether the reader can see
clearly how interpretation was derived from the data collected. This is
demonstrated within the analysis and discussion sections of this report as I
make clear links between what participants said through quotes and the
interpretations I have made.
4. Impact and Importance: This refers to whether the research generates
knowledge that is useful. As discussed in the introduction, this research
addresses a gap in the literature in that there is little understanding of how
male students experience counselling training. This research provides new
knowledge within this area and can be used by counselling educators to
provide better support for male trainees.

Page | 29
Chapter Three: Analysis and Discussion
Figure 3.1 shows the four themes and subthemes with selected codes that were
created from the 10 interviews. These themes and subthemes are also presented
in table 3.1 in the order that they will be discussed. Within each theme, data
extracts will be presented along with analytical commentary and links to existing
literature. The links between each theme will also be addressed.
When quoting from the interviews, I use an ellipsis to signify a pause in speech
and a bracketed ellipsis ‘[…]’ to indicate my editing of the quote to remove
unnecessary details or identifying information.
Figure 3.1. A map of themes, subthemes and selected codes related to men’s
experiences of counselling training
‘Feels like
counselling is a taboo
for men’
‘I wanted to help
people which the guys
didn’t understand’
Friends joked
about career
change
Dealt with suspicion
Asked for perspective
as male
‘Drowned out’ by
female peers
‘Training came at the
cost of other parts of
my life’
‘We’ve not got the money we did have’
Counselling training
was expensive
Sharing emotions
didn’t come ‘as
natural’
Pressure to provide
for family
Need to appear
‘tough’
‘You’re really digging into yourself
and that costs’
‘There was a sense of
us all being crew on
the same ship’
‘It was a gateway out
of warehouse work’
Counselling training a
‘new’ experience
Wanted to ‘become
something’
Less of a ‘bull in a
china shop’
Values self more
‘I’ve now turned back
on my human function’
‘I’m not the bloke
designer I have been’
Built strong ties
with peers
Tutors were
‘always on hand’
‘I became the sole
representative of mankind’
Subthemes
CodesThemes
Key:

Page | 30
Table 3.1. A table of themes and subthemes related to men’s experiences of
counselling training
Themes and subthemes
3.1. Theme 1: ‘Feels like counselling is a taboo for men’
3.1.1 Subtheme 1: ‘I wanted to help people which the guys didn’t understand’
3.1.2 Subtheme 2: ‘I became the sole representative of mankind’
3.2. Theme 2: ‘Training came at the cost of other aspects of my life’
3.2.1 Subtheme 1: ‘We’ve not got the money we did have’
3.2.2 Subtheme 2: ‘You’re really digging into yourself and that costs’
3.3. Theme 3: ‘I’m not the bloke designer I have been’
3.3.1 Subtheme 1: ‘It was a gateway out of warehouse work’
3.3.2 Subtheme 2: ‘I’ve now turned back on my human function’
3.4. Theme 4: ‘There was a sense of us all being crew on the same ship’
3.1 Theme 1: ‘Feels like counselling is a taboo for men’
This first theme captures the difficulties participants faced due to the stigma
surrounding men entering the counselling world largely due to gender stereotypes,
male socialisation and masculinity. In Western society, characteristics associated
with traditional masculinity, include: the restriction of emotion, being self-reliant
and an avoidance of anything considered feminine (Levant, 1996). In counselling
training, students are expected to show empathy, openness, reflectiveness and
emotional expression which contradicts the values of traditional masculinity and
male socialisation (Michel et al., 2015). Due to this, many participants made
statements similar to the following:
I think it still feels like there’s a very old, cultural thing going on in regard to
men in counselling […] it still feels like counselling is a taboo for men. (David,
lines 490-493)
Ultimately, counselling and counselling training requires men to violate what is
considered to by Western society to be ‘normal’ male behaviour, thus there is a
stigma attached to both men seeking support as clients and men becoming
counsellors. This stigma may not only be responsible for the lack of understanding
for men’s motivations to pursue counselling and the lack of men in counselling
training, but also play a part in other experiences detailed in subsequent themes.

Page | 31
3.1.1 Subtheme 1.1: ‘I wanted to help people which the guys didn’t understand’
Eight participants mentioned that when disclosing their decision to pursue
counselling, others often showed a lack of understanding for their motivations;
this included friends, work colleagues, peers and, in some cases, clients:
Some of them (friends) joked about it […] not really taking too seriously my
career choice. (Robert, lines 256-258)
One woman in particular she just couldn’t understand it, you know, for them
(clients) they were surprised not to be meeting a woman and secondly, they
couldn’t understand, they question the maleness of that, why I am doing that.
(Isaac, lines 275-279)
As shown in these examples, male counsellors-in-training were seen as different
from ‘real men’ for choosing to pursue a profession considered to be better suited
for women. This came in the form of teasing and mocking from friends and
questioning from peers and clients. Cross and Bagihole (2002) found that men
working in caring professions often had their ‘maleness’ questioned as their choice
to work in a female-dominated field denied them the opportunity to confirm their
heterosexuality and masculine identity through doing ‘men’s work’; this can also
be seen in the accounts from participants in this study.
Other participants expressed that they were dealt with ‘suspicion’ by some people
for choosing to pursue counselling:
I just realised that now, we (men) are dealt with suspicion all the time and I’m
mad. (Kyle, lines 472-473)
This ‘suspicion’ shown towards participants could be due to the lack of
understanding for the reasons why men choose less lucrative, traditionally female
fields. Cameron (2001) in a review of the literature on men working in childhood
education concluded that the representation of men as a source of suspicion was
a reoccurring theme; whilst it is relatively easy for women to explain their decision
to enter male-dominated professions, possibly due to higher wages and greater
potential for promotion, female-dominated fields often do not have the same
benefits for men (Heppner & Heppner, 2009). Williams (1995) found that other’s
suspicions can include a belief that men undertaking ‘women’s work’ must be
homosexual; this can be seen in a comment made by Greg:

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There was some of the, ‘he must be gay because he’s becoming a therapist’.
(Greg, lines 212-213)
Whilst the perception that men training to become counsellors must be gay was
not harmful in itself, this often resulted in ‘mocking’ and direct questioning of their
sexuality which was challenging for participants to manage:
The guys, my friends, just didn’t understand and so they would take the piss
and, also, indirect bullying, it was almost like when people take the mick out of
each other and you get fed up of it and end up being the butt of everyone else’s
jokes, like, ‘just f- off’. (Greg, lines 557-562)
This lack of understanding, particularly from other men, often resulted in feelings
of frustration and, in some cases, a sense of isolation; this echoes the findings of
several studies where men who entered female-dominated occupations have
reported feeling isolated from their family, friends and colleagues (Morgan, 1992;
Simpson, 2005). Some participants also discussed the gender stereotypes that
exist in Western society and how they impacted the reactions they received:
They (clients) wanted to see a female because the stereotype of a female is of
being empathic, loving, kind, warm, all the qualities you want from a therapist
and quite rightly, that’s what you want from a counsellor and I always got
frustrated, like, ‘just give me a bloody chance’ because I’m all those things as
a man. (Greg, lines 344-350)
Greg’s comments relate to the traditional characteristics that are prescribed to
men and women. Feminine traits are widely considered to include: compassion,
sensitivity to others, warmth, empathy and understanding, while masculine traits
include: aggression, assertiveness, ambition, self-sufficiency and restrictive
emotionality (Bem, 1974; 1981). Whilst these characteristics originate from
research conducted in the 1970s, more recent studies have shown that such traits
are still expected in men and women today (Auster & Ohm, 2000). Research has
suggested that the masculine ideology that underpins the primary values and
standards that define men’s behaviours and expectations negatively affect men’s
lives (Levant, 1992; Mahalik, Good & Englar-Carlson, 2003; Pleck, 1995). This can
be seen in the frustration Greg experienced when clients assumed that, as a man,
he would not be an effective counsellor. Past research investigating the
experiences of male nurses, another profession which is considered to be the

Page | 33
domain of women, suggested that due to the small numbers of men they
experience ‘special status’ and that their expressions of caring is more valued than
those of women (Evans, 2002; Kauppinen-Toropainen & Lammi, 1993). However,
participant’s accounts in this study suggest that this was not the case for male
trainee counsellors as ‘feminine’ traits were desired by clients, and so men were
perceived to be less competent counsellors.
Participants who experienced negative reactions from others often expressed that
such negatively led them to have doubts early in their counselling training which
was another challenge they needed to overcome:
I wanted to help people, help them help themselves, which the guys I worked
with didn’t really understand and they just said, ‘it’s a waste of time’, and that
general attitude so it was pretty difficult in my early training. (David, lines 137-
142)
Men in this study experienced explicit and implicit challenges to their sexuality and
masculine identity which could have caused doubts on their integrity as men.
These doubts were raised both by society, creating external conflict with those
around them, and by themselves. In many ways, the negative reactions shown by
others could be a ‘punishment’ for their decision to pursue a career which violates
the traditional male stereotype; those who are perceived to defy gender
stereotypes, particularly men who show signs of ‘weakness’ through emotional
expression, typically receive harsh treatment from others (Prentice & Carranza,
2002). The internal conflict and questioning participants experienced about their
identity seemed to improve over time as they became more comfortable with
themselves and thus no longer felt the need to justify their decision to those who
disapproved. This acceptance of themselves and their new identity as being
‘different’ is explored further in themes two and three.
3.1.2 Subtheme 1.2: ‘I became the sole representative of mankind’
Previous literature and participants in this study both suggest that traditional
gender stereotypes and male socialisation can be a barrier to men choosing to
pursue counselling:

Page | 34
I know a lot of guys who would do fantastic at this type of work if they would
just let go of that masculine ideology and stopped trying to be someone they’re
not. (Greg, lines 382-385)
Every participant mentioned that women significantly outnumbered men within
the training group and seven of the 10 men expressed that the gender imbalance
led to several difficulties. Five men thought that their minority within the group
meant they were frequently asked to give the ‘male perspective’ in discussions
which often led to them feeling pressurised, awkward and ‘alienated’:
I feel like maybe sometimes there was more interest in finding out my point of
view because I was male, and that felt awkward sometimes because I didn’t
want to feel like I was talking on behalf of all men, do you know what I mean,
like ‘oh, what’s the male perspective on this?’, as if mine was the view of all
men. (Adam, lines 125-129)
Whilst most participants expressed that there was interest in their point of view
in some discussions, this interest was often only in their perspective as a man;
this was particularly common when they were the only male in the group. In such
cases, there was almost a sense of obligation or pressure from peers and
educators to share their experiences which was often unwanted:
When people would talk about issues around husbands and boyfriends and
somehow I was, almost, brought out by the facilitator to offer another side to
that (laughs), and that felt a bit, sort of, strange really to defend being a male
in that environment. (Robert, lines 32-37)
This supports the findings of Michel et al. (2013) whose participants were also
frequently asked to give the ‘male perspective’ in class discussions particularly
when they were the only male. This resulted in the lone male becoming a
representative for the entire gender which placed unwanted attention or pressure
on them. A more recent study by Crockett, Elghoroury, Popiolek and Wummel
(2018) echoed these findings with many participants feeling that they had to
represent all men because they were frequently the only man in the classroom.
Other participants mentioned that the lack of male peers was ‘off-putting’ when
first starting the training and left them feeling isolated:

Page | 35
Being the only male was a little off-putting for me, I thought as part of the
actual training course that there would be more male influences on the course,
there wasn’t […] so it was a bit isolating in that way (Thomas, lines 16-23).
This notion of the lack of men being ‘off-putting’ was often expressed by those
who were a lone male within their training group; some of these participants also
mentioned having doubts about whether counselling was the ‘right’ profession for
them:
It’s almost like when I first started I thought ‘oh, it is because men don’t do
this kind of thing?’ […] I did wonder if it was going to affect me getting work
after. (Adam, lines 58-64)
This comment suggests that men who are in the minority within their training
course might get the impression that they are in the wrong profession simply due
to the lack of other men; this was discussed in a blog post by Calm Minds (2011).
This supports the findings of Crockett, Elghoroury, Popiolek and Wummel (2018)
whose male participants described feeling out of place in the classroom because
they were the minority gender.
Four participants also spoke about the difficulties they faced when ‘gendered
topics’, such as male suicide and domestic violence, were discussed within the
training group. Most expressed feeling ‘silenced’ or that there was a lack of
openness to listen to their point of view, which contrasted with when they were
asked for their perspective in other, less controversial discussions:
There was something to do with domestic violence that had been raised and it
was focused on the idea that men are the only ones that are the perpetrators
and I tried to argue that wasn’t the case […] that females can sometimes be
the perpetrators of domestic violence and I was trying to make that point and
I didn’t feel I was being listened to at the time and I felt I was being drowned
out a bit and that led to me being the, sort of, sole representative, arguing the
case for men. (Robert, lines 465-476).
In such discussions, many participants expressed a strong desire to challenge the
negative perceptions of men and gender stereotypes even when most of the
predominately female group disagreed with their views. Whilst before their male
perspective was valued, in the discussion of more controversial topics when their

Page | 36
opinions opposed those of the majority, they were not listened to. Smaller (2016)
reported a similar phenomenon where whilst the participants were seen as ‘special’
for their male gender, they were also excluded for the same reason. Smaller
(2016) also found that as male counselling students were minority voices in a
room full of women, they were frequently silenced in favour of the majority view,
which is supported by the findings of this study.
Three participants also discussed how they were perceived by their peers and, in
some cases, counselling educators to hold privilege within society due to their
male gender:
I feel quite sad because there is the general topic of equality, sometimes I didn’t
feel that, I felt there was an effort for them to dispense justice for a crime or
things I hadn’t done which happened just because I am white, heterosexual and
male, that’s it and they see me as the norm and I have to acknowledge that
they are right about many things, um, but I am not the one that does them and
I’m trying to help. (Kyle, lines 108-116)
In Kyle’s case, his being white, male and heterosexual was perceived to give him
greater power and privilege and so his opinions were often met with hostility by
peers; other participants reported encountering similar reactions. This was
suggested by some to be the reason for the lack of openness shown by female
peers when voicing their perspectives in controversial discussions. It appears their
normally favoured status meant that these men were denied the opportunity to
point out injustice when it occurred, such as in Robert’s case, when men were
proposed to be the only perpetrators of domestic violence. In such instances, other
people’s perceptions of male privilege was expressed by participants to negatively
affect their training:
I’ve had things like, ‘how can you understand difference and diversity?’, ‘how
can you understand that when you’re so powerful and privileged?’, um, of
course, people have no understanding of my story at all […] I’m naturally quite
open and the hostility from peers shut me down. (Isaac, lines 84-91)
Isaac’s comment demonstrates how the hostility he faced from his peers because
of his perceived male privilege made him less open to sharing his experiences with
the group. This supports the findings of Isacco, Hammer and Shen-Miller (2016)
who found that other people’s perception of male privilege affected participants

Page | 37
lived experiences as a male minority in psychology training courses. Whilst most
participants stated that they would speak up in controversial discussions to
‘defend’ their gender, hostility from peers and their views being in the minority
led to them speaking less within the group:
There’s been invariably been man-bashing that has gone on and we sort of sat
there, we were talking about this actually at the weekend, and we sat there
making eye-contact but none of us had the courage anymore to speak up.
(Isaac, lines 248-252)
The men felt that if they continued to express points of view that were different,
they would continue to be ignored by the group; this eventually resulted in them
surrendering to the voice of the majority through their silence. This echoes a
finding by Smaller (2016) where male participants often became less outspoken
during their counselling training as their views were frequently opposed by the
group. Within this study, other participants described becoming more ‘careful’ with
their choice of words:
I am very careful, or I have to choose very wisely my words so it feels like I’m
responsible for two people; for my feelings and for the other person’s feelings
[…] I feel quite sad, its, um, because I felt maybe there was an effort to silence
me. (Kyle, lines 94-100)
This comment demonstrates the excessive self-monitoring and self-censorship
that many participants expressed carrying out whilst in-training; this finding is
consistent with prior research examining the behaviours of men when training in
female-dominated groups (Cushman, 2005; Lou, Li, Yu, & Chen, 2011).
Ultimately, when male trainees became silent or censored what they shared, their
true opinions and feelings were heard less, resulting in peers and trainers not truly
understanding who they were. It could be argued that this negatively impacted
the training experiences of these men; for instance, Kyle described feeling ‘sad’
about the pressure he felt to censor his opinions.
When having controversial or highly emotive discussions within the group, some
participants mentioned that they would have liked to have seen counselling
educators get more involved to ensure that both sides of the debate were
explored:

Page | 38
I would have liked for them (educators) to get involved and raise the issue, the
challenging issue for the group rather than taking sides. (Kyle, lines 458-461)
In such instances, it could be beneficial, particularly for men, that counselling
educators get involved in facilitating both sides of the discussion to allow students
who may have opposing views to have a voice. One participant argued that such
controversial discussions are needed within counselling training to help to
eliminate gender stereotypes and the perceptions they evoke:
Let's have a debate, have a discussion, stereotypes, and let's help get rid of
them, I say and let’s campaign within the profession, lets raise the bar for
everyone and not demonise people, especially when they don’t understand, you
know. (Isaac, lines 545, 549)
In enabling such discussions within the classroom where both sides have a voice
may help to breakdown the stereotypical assumptions that some counselling
students may make about male peers and clients.
3.2 Theme 2: ‘Training came at the cost of other aspects of my life’
This theme captures the costs that came with the participants choice to pursue
counselling training. Many participants made statements similar to the following:
Training became very much a total experience for me at the cost of other parts
of my life. (Oliver, lines 84-86)
For most participants, counselling training came at a significant financial and
emotional cost which involved sacrificing certain aspects of themselves and their
lifestyle.
3.2.1 Subtheme 2.1: ‘We’ve not got the money we did have’
With counselling trainees having to pay for tuition fees, mandatory personal
therapy, commuting and other costs, seven participants mentioned that they
found their training to be expensive:
When people ask me how much it has cost I say around £200,000 to do two
years, full-time education […] so that’s quite a cost and I will never get that
back, I (laughs), I will never recoup that. (Issacs, lines 433-438)

Page | 39
Due to the significant financial cost, many participants described having to make
sacrifices to be able to afford to train:
It’s a sacrifice, um, you know we don’t get the big holiday, or whatever, because
we’ve not got the money we did have. (James, lines 432-434)
Some participants expressed that they found themselves struggling to pay their
daily living costs, such as bills and food:
I’ve just earnt enough to put bread on the table. (Paul, lines 288-289)
I found myself struggling to pay bills […] really just being very hand to mouth.
(Oliver, lines 78-81)
For these participants, choosing to pursue counselling had serious financial
implications which impacted their family as well as themselves. Bor, Watts and
Palmer (1997) found that the family of counselling psychology trainees was often
impacted by the financial commitments of their training as they had to forego
holidays or delay their own career plans. Palmer’s (2016) follow-up study found
that the sacrifices made by the trainee often infiltrated into their home and family
life. Whilst these two studies focused on the experiences of counselling psychology
trainees, there are similarities in some of the comments made by participants in
this research. Due to the training being a considerable financial cost, most
participants mentioned that financial support from others was crucial. Three
participants reported that their partner paid for the training:
My wife lent me the money, quite a bit of money initially to pay for me to finish
the course and that stage I was working but I was really struggling for various
reasons, um, I was struggling and I kind of think if it hadn’t had been for her I
might not have been able to complete the course because it was quite
expensive. (Adam, lines 703-708)
One participant reported that their parents paid for the training:
I was lucky enough to have my parents pay for it, I wouldn’t have done it
without them. (David, lines 338-339)
Three participants reported receiving a loan:
I have a nice, big student loan now. (Greg, lines 245-246)

Page | 40
Due to the expense of counselling training and often the reliance on financial
support from others, many participants described pursuing counselling as a ‘risk’:
It was a financial risk because I did think, ‘will I drop-out?’ ‘will I struggle
because I need to be 100% ready for this’, it was a big risk to take and then I
needed to pay that loan back as soon as the course ended so I needed to get a
job, I didn’t want to go back into the security industry. (Robert, lines 432-437)
Whilst training was a financial risk for some participants, particularly those who
had taken out loans which need to be repaid, as shown in Robert’s comment, there
was also a sense of hope that it would lead them to a more fulfilling career. For
many participants, even though the training was a considerable expense, it was
portrayed as an investment in the trainee and in the future of the family:
It wasn’t just a case of ‘oh, I’ll give you the money’, we had quite a long
conversation about it because she (partner) knew I wasn’t really happy
especially doing the day-job, um, and she said, ‘it’s an investment for me
because if we are going to get married, I want you to be happy’. (Adam, lines
710-715)
For both the participant and their partner, there was a shared hope for the future
which the training would help achieve; such a hope was worth the financial costs,
risks and sacrifices that needed to be made. The notion that the financial and
emotional support given by romantic partners was key to trainees successfully
completing their training is supported by the findings of Parmar (2016) who
investigated the impact of counselling training on trainees and their partners.
As well as the high financial cost of counselling training causing challenges, the
participants who did not work whilst training discussed the pressures they
experienced to provide for their family:
There have been times in the past three years where I’ve thought I’d quite like
to go out and get a job because it’s not so easy when you’re not working […] I
want to be able to provide, have my own income and contribute. (James, lines
409-415)
Being aware of the need to provide for their family after training was also a
concern that some participants expressed having, particularly when they had
previously been the primary earner:

Page | 41
That was always a concern when I was training as I knew I needed to provide
for my family and, I suppose, if you’re looking at my experiences as a male in
counselling and my upbringing, my mum and my dad both worked, however, it
was very apparent that my dad was the main provider and I’ve taken that on
myself. (Greg, lines 253-260)
Both comments relate to the role of men in the economic functioning of the family
which traditionally has been as the primary earner or breadwinner; this has been
viewed as a core part of masculinity since the 20th
century (Connell, 1995). Whilst
the view as the male being the breadwinner and female as the primary caregiver
has shifted over time (Lease, 2003; Park, Bryson, Clery, Curtice & Phillips, 2013),
past research suggests that the importance of being a breadwinner to men’s
identities remains strong (Vandello, Bosson, & Cohen, 2008). Emphasis on men’s
breadwinning can be rooted in men’s own beliefs or family history (Thébaud,
2010), which can be seen in Greg’s comment; the belief that men should be the
primary earner was passed down from his father. The importance of contributing
financially to the family could also be rooted in the gender-based roles assigned
by society where men are expected to earn to be perceived as a ‘real man’
(Rudman & Mescher, 2013); this could explain James’s frustration by his inability
to earn whilst in training. Whilst this expectation to provide can be stressful
(Bernard, 1994), participants who did have a family described this as making them
more determined to make money from counselling upon qualifying:
Our attitude was very much ‘we must gain employment as counsellors
afterwards’, which is quite a hot topic at the moment for a lot of counsellors, so
we were very much driven by that and I think it was our drive and our
motivation that was a key discussion point for us at each stage of the course,
sort of, planning and plotting of how we were going to get a job at the end of
it. (Robert, lines 67-77)
However, other participants mentioned that they had doubts in training about
whether working as a counsellor would pay enough to support themselves and
their families:
Then I started to think ‘this is never going to work, I’m not going to be able to
give up my day-job because I can’t survive on three or four clients a week’.
(Adam, lines 683-686)

Page | 42
Such doubts did cause challenges during training as participants often questioned
whether counselling was a practical career choice given their financial
responsibilities. The increased difficultly of earning a decent living as a counsellor
could partly explain the steady decline in male counsellors as they may be unable
to earn enough to support their family (Diamond, 2012). Adam also suggested
that there is a lack of awareness of the funding available:
I do wonder if that has some impact on the kinds of people that do counselling
courses, there is a lack of awareness of what funding is available and you’re
just not really made aware of it, it’s almost as if they try not to tell you what
you are entitled to, you know what I mean. (Adam, lines 755-761)
This supports the findings of Bors, Watts and Parker (1997) who concluded that
the financial commitment required to complete training in counselling psychology
may deter some people from applying to courses. Adam’s comment also suggests
that counselling educators could promote greater awareness of the financial
support offered; communicating the funding opportunities available could
influence underrepresented students to apply to a program (Capomacchia &
Garner, 2004). This suggests that greater communication of funding opportunities
could lead to more men, for whom the financial costs is a barrier, to apply for
counselling training.
3.2.2 Subtheme 2.2: ‘You’re really digging into yourself and that costs’
Many participants labelled the emotional aspect of the training to be the most
challenging with all 10 describing the training as ‘difficult’, ‘uncomfortable’,
‘overwhelming’, ‘hard’ or ‘tough’:
You are really digging deep into yourself and that costs, you know, there is a
cost involved, an emotional cost… I think that was the most challenging. (Paul,
lines 297-300)
Most participants expressed that the self-reflective element of the training, as
alluded to by Paul, was challenging; for some, the process of re-revaluating past
experiences resurfaced negative feelings:

Page | 43
The training resurfaced a lot of feelings around shame and not being good
enough… I was in this regressed place not really able use my functioning, my
planning skills. (Oliver, lines 36-38)
For other participants, the realisations that they came to through their self-
reflection was challenging:
The personal aspect and personal history has made me feel differently, every
aspect of relationships there have been in the past and I remember when I
started to realise this, this part, it was challenging because it felt like I was
sacrificing an old part of me that has been there for many years. (Kyle, lines
29-35)
Overall, self-reflection was portrayed as a new experience and involved
participants pushing themselves beyond their comfort zone; this often led to
experiencing negative emotions, as shown in both Oliver’s and Kyle’s comments.
This supports research conducted by Slovák et al. (2015) who found that
counselling training is designed to push students to deeply engage with
themselves through reflective thinking which can be challenging. Lenehan (2004)
when writing about her personal experiences of counselling training also reported
experiencing negative emotions due to reflective thinking.
Seven participants discussed the challenges they faced in sharing their emotions
within the training group; most mentioned this process took longer to achieve
than their female peers:
I really struggled with my level 2 counselling, that was my first time being in a
group with other people and having to share […] I barely said anything through
the whole year, I kept my mouth shut, I didn’t want to get emotional (Greg,
lines 90-96)
For some participants, even the process of accepting their emotions was new so
not only did they experience challenges with sharing in the group, but also with
learning to accept their own feelings:
To start off with that was quite difficult, it didn’t come as natural as what I
thought it for other ladies on the course, um, we had a few emotions, a few
tears sometimes, whereas my mindset to that was still learning more about me
and I possibly hadn’t accepted a lot of emotions. (Thomas, lines 171-177)

Page | 44
The notion that emotions ‘didn’t come as natural’ was echoed across several
interviews with some participants suggesting that society’s stigmatisation of
emotional expression by men could have contributed to the difficulties they
experienced:
I think as a society we tend not to show what we really feel and being a man
as well, you know, do you show your emotions, are you allowed to show your
emotions. (Paul, lines 99-102)
I had a lot on my mind and knew that if I shared it, it would bring me to a
feeling I didn’t want the group to see and looking weak or not looking very
masculine […] I didn’t want to look weak in front of the girls. (Greg, lines 97-
101)
According to the gender-role socialisation paradigm, throughout childhood, boys
receive and internalise cultural messages about what it means to be male;
included in these messages is the notion that emotional expression is a feminine
trait (O'Neil, 1981; O'Neil, Good, & Holmes, 1995). Within this construction of
masculinity, admitting to psychological distress implies weakness and should be
avoided or minimised (Robertson, 2006). This explanation is supported by
participants in this study who described emotional expression as being taboo for
men and that they feared looking ‘weak’. This echoes that of previous literature
examining the experiences of male nursing students; Paterson et al. (1996) found
they feared openly displaying emotions with patients because they had learned
throughout their lives that such behaviour was ‘feminine’. Similarly, Streubert
(1994) reported that male nurses initially struggled to learn caring skills as they
violated the masculine ideals men are expected to conform to. Evans (2002)
further noted that expressions of caring and emotion came more naturally to
women than men within training; a finding also present within this study. Smaller
(2016) described the process of learning emotional expression in counselling
training as a ‘re-calibration’ as men develop the skills required of them as
counsellors.
For some participants, part of the challenge of connecting with and expressing
their emotions was admitting that they were struggling:

A Thematic Analysis of Men's Experiences of their Counselling Training

A Thematic Analysis of Men's Experiences of their Counselling Training

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