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The Soviet Economic Crisis:
   Steps to Avert Collapse
                                    EXECUTIVE REPORT 19
                                                February 1991
                                     (2nd Printing, May 1991)




  IN'TERNATIONAL IIUSTITUTE FOR APPLIED SYSTEMS ANALYSIS
                               A-2361 LAXEIUBURG, AUSTRIA
I n t e r n a t i o n a l S t a n d a r d B o o k N u m b e r 3-7045-0106-9


Executive Reports bring together the findings of research done a t IIASA and elsewhere
and summarize them for a wide readership. This overview does not necessarily represent
the views of IIASA, or its sponsoring organizations.


Copyright 0 1 9 9 1
International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis

Sections of this publication may be reproduced in magazines and newspapers with ac-
knowledgment to the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis. Please send
two tear sheets of any printed reference to this report to the Publications Department,
International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis, Schlossplatz 1, A-2361 Laxenburg,
Austria.




Cover design by Martin Schobel

Printed by Novographic, Vienna, Austria
Foreword

The memorandum reprinted on the followiilg pages traces its origin t o a
request put to the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis late
in 1989 by Academician Stanislav Shatalin, then a leading member of the
Soviet governmental economic reform apparatus. Recognizing IIASA's long
history as an unbiased middle ground between East and West, Shatali n asked
IIASA to create a venue that would facilitate Soviet reformers' consultations
with leading Western economists. The result was the Project on Ecoi~oiliic
Reform and Integration, led by Yale University economist Merton J . Peck.
    Working with IIASA and with Soviet advisers, Peck assembled a group of
36 eminent economists from the United States, Eastern and Western Europe,
and Japan. During July and August, 1990, they met in Sopron, Hungary, for
two weeks of discussions. Also participating were 13 Soviet advisers led by
Eugeny Yasin, department chief of the USSR State Commission on Ecollomic
Reform.
    One of the consequences of the meeting is this memorandu~n. It was
drafted by Peck and seven other prominent members of the ERT Project
during a two-day meeting in November, 1990, in New Haven, USA, in co-
operation with Yasin and Petr Aven, a Soviet economist and IIASA scholar.
While the memorandum was based primarily on discussions in the Sopron
conference, it &so took account of developments in the Soviet Unioil through
the summer and fall of 1990. By mid-December t h e memoranduirl was in
the hands of Soviet leaders.
Regardless of its subsequent impact on Soviet policy, it deserves stutly by
anyone seeking the views of experts on the transition from central planning
t o a market economy. That process is now underway in many coiintries,
and its outcome is of importance to us all. We at IIASA believe that this
document represents an importailt contribution to the understanding of a
difficult and historic transition.



P E T E R E. de JANOSI                     FRIEDRICH SCHMIDT- BLEEI<
Director                                                               Leader
IIASA                                                           TES Program
Authors

This memorandum was prepared by a 10-member study group convened un-
der the auspices of the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis.
It was written by Merton J . Peck, study group Chairman (Yale University,
USA, former member of the US Government's Council of Economic Ad-
visers); Wil Albeda (MERIT, Netherlands, former Netherlands Minister of
Labor); Barry Bosworth (Brookings Institution, USA, former Director of the
US Government's Council on Wage-Price Stability); Richard Cooper (Har-
vard University, USA, former Undersecretary of State for Economic Affairs);
Alfred Kahn (Cornell University, USA, former US Presidential Adviser on
Inflation); William Nordhaus (Yale University, USA, former Member of the
US Government's Council of Economic Advisers); Thomas Richardson (Yale
University, USA); and Kimio Uno (Keio University, Japan); in coopera.tion
with Eugeny Yasin (department chief of the USSR State Commission on Eco-
nomic Reform) and Petr Aven (International Institute for Applied Systems
Analysis).
      Comments in the memorandum represent the views and opinions of its
authors, and do not necessarily present the views and opinions of the insti-
tutions with which they are affiliated, t h e International Institute for Applied
Systems Analysis or its National Member Organizations, or the orga.nizations
t h a t provided financial support for t h e project.
Acknowledgment

The authors of the memorandum and the International Institute for Ap-
plied Systems Analysis gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the
Economic Reform and Integration Project by the following organizations:
The Academy of Sciences of the USSR; The Ford Foundation; The Japan
Foundation; The Pew Charitable Trusts; and the Sasakawa Foundation (The
Japan Shipbuilding Industry Foundation).




                                   vii
Contents

                                                                 ...
Foreword                                                         111

Authors                                                           v
Acknowledgment                                                   vii
1. Introduction
   1.1 The current situation
   1.2 Creating a market economy
   1.3 Proposals for economic reform
2. Liberalize Prices
   2.1 Definitions
   2.2 The failure of administrative reform
   2.3 T h e impact of price liberalization
   2.4 The benefits of liberalization
3. Corporatize State Enterprises
   3.1 Preconditions for corporatization
   3.2 The steps in corporatization of large state enterprises
   3.3 T h e monopoly problem
   3.4 Small business and agriculture
4. Stabilize Government Spending and Restrict Credit
   4.1 The problem today
   4.2 Diagnosis
   4.3 Stabilization policies in the short run
5. Moderate the Social Costs of Unemployment
6. Open the Economy Internationally
   6.1 Reasons for opening the economy
   6.2 Concrete steps
   6.3 Economic union
7. Conclusion
The Soviet Economic Crisis:
Steps t o Avert Collapse

The Soviet economy faces a worsening economic crisis that makes it essential
t o take steps immediately t o complete market reforms, stabilize the budget
and credit, and open the economy. This memorandum lays out the reforms
that must be taken in the next few months if the Soviet economy is t o arrest
and reverse the economic collapse that is underway.


1.    Introduction
1.1   The current situation
The symptoms of repressed inflation become more acute every day. The
state shops have empty shelves, citizens and enterprises are hoarding goods
and materials, trade within the Soviet Union deteriorates toward barter, and
the ruble buys littie. The real gross national product has fallen sharply in
1990.

1.2   Creating a market economy
T h e question is, what is t o be done? Reform measures have been frequent
in the last five years but the result has been neither t o create a market nor
t o improve the planning system. Any economic system needs a mechanism
to coordinate and discipline its enterprise. No effective system now exists.
Enterprises have been partially freed, but the incentives and competition
necessary for an effective market have not been introduced. The banking
system accommodates the demands of enterprises in a way that allows bal-
looning credit and no constraints on enterprise spending.
Prices a t the procurement and wholesale level have been raised, but retail
prices are still frozen. Such partial liberalization means that state subsidies
have increased substantially. The increase in subsidies from freeing wholesale
prices is likely t o add 100 billion rubles or more t o a government deficit that
is already over 10 percent of the gross national product.
    T h e solution lies in abandoning the search for halfway houses, in aban-
doning the dream of a regulated market economy: It is crucial t o move
quickly to an effective market system. The need for a market system is
widely recognized in all the reform plans considered in the last year. What
has not been recognized is that it takes a few bold but simple steps t o make
it effective. Otherwise a market system cannot deliver the benefits that the
economic texts promise and the Western economies have achieved.
    T h e Soviet Union now has a large market with a common currency and
almost 300 million people within its boundaries. Thus it already has the
unified market that has been so successful in America and has taken Western
Europe decades t o achieve. The forces of separatism, now so pervasive,
threaten t o destroy it. Trade barriers would be particularly costly for the
Soviet Union because its plants and facilities have been built on the basis
of geographic specialization and exchange across the unified market. All of
the republics have a large fraction of their economic activity dedicated t o
inter-republic trade.

1.3    Proposals for economic reform
Economic reforms must be adopted quickly if the current economic crisis is
t o end. T h e policies must be simple and effective; they must provide a t least
the minimum essentials for an effective market system.
     One of the characteristics of a market economy is its interdependence.
What happens in one sector feeds back t o other sectors. The failure t o
recognize this interdependence doomed earlier partial reforms.
     T h e minimum measures are five:

( I ) Liberalize prices.
(2) Corporatize enterprises.
(3) Stabilize government spending and restrict credit.
(4) Moderate the social costs of unemployment.
(5) Open the economy t o competition, both internally and internationally.

    The five measures must be taken simultaneously and, in view of the
present crisis, as soon as possible. That is, early in 1991. The time for
careful sequencing of reform plans is past. Furthermore, as discussed below,
each of the five measures reinforces the others. If adopted together, the five
can be successful; if adopted only singly or over time, they are doomed t o
failure.


2.    Liberalize Prices
2.1    Definitions
To "liberalize" means freeing prices so that sellers can set whatever prices
they choose. Sellers will then set prices a t "market-clearing" levels - that
is, prices will equate the demand of buyers with the supply of sellers. Thus
freeing prices means goods in the shops, albeit at higher prices. It also means
sellers will set prices that will cover their costs, so that they will no longer
require state subsidies t o operate.
     The Soviet Union has already freed many prices. As of November 15,
1990, retail prices are free of central control on such items as television sets,
higher quality furniture, and such luxury items as jewelry. On January 1,
1991, all wholesale prices are t o be freed of central control, along with prices
at which enterprises sell t o one another.
     Retail prices, however, remain controlled for more than 80 percent of
total retail sales. With retail prices fixed below market-clearing levels, the
government must provide subsidies for the difference between wholesale and
retail prices. In 1991, such subsidies will greatly add to the already excessive
government deficit. The deficit is financed with new money, so the conse-
quence of freeing wholesale prices without freeing retail prices is that even
more rubles will be chasing the goods in the shops.

2.2    The failure of administrative reform
To equate supply and demand without ever-increasing government deficits,
retail prices must be increased in the near future. But that change can occur
effectively only if prices are set free, rather than by administrative decree.
     This is true for several reasons. First, administrative reforms typically
fail t o raise prices t o market-clearing levels. As a result, consumers are not
compensated for increased prices by goods becoming plentiful on the shelves.
     Second, it is simply impossible t o calculate the correct set of relative
prices for several thousand commodities; economic conditions change too
often in unpredictable ways for a correct administrative reform t o be possible.
Third, administrative reform results in a succession of price jumps; be-
fore each jump, which will be much discussed in parliament and the media,
consumers will anticipate the price increases by hoarding. The result will be
periodic shortages that will further strain the public's patience. In contrast,
freeing market prices will result in thousands of frequent and small price ad-
justments that consumers and producers will not anticipate with extensive
hoarding.

2.3    The impact of price liberalization
The freeing of all retail and wholesale prices will lead t o immediate price in-
creases for most goods, threatening to trigger inflation, and possibly lowering
the real income of many households.
     There are a number of ways to estimate the increase in prices. One
technique examines the increase in household money balances, and produces
an estimate that prices are likely t o rise by about 50 percent after they are
freed. Some estimates suggest a rise of 150 percent, while other estimates are
based on prices in free markets, which in mid-1990 were around three times
the official prices. Much depends on the amount by which wages are allowed
t o rise in step with prices. If they increase fully as much as do prices, an
explosion is possible. While there is no way of choosing definitively among
these estimates, there is no doubt that liberalization will result in a price
increase of serious proportions.
     It is important to recognize, however, that these are estimates of the in-
crease in official prices. By contrast, grey- or black-market prices are already
a t market-clearing levels, and they are likely t o fall with liberalization while
official retail prices increase sharply. Hence for consumers the price increase
will be on only a portion of their purchases. Consumers who currently buy
only in the state shops will, of course, experience the entire burden of the
rise in official prices.
     It is true that rationing by price means that consumers will face a reduc-
tion in their real wages. But they will also benefit from reduced time spent
in lines, as the current system of rationing by queues requires. The ruble
will buy less but it will buy something.
     The serious threat t o the Soviet economy is not the one-time price jump
but the possibility that this jump would set off a wage-price spiral in which
price increases lead to wage increases that in turn lead t o further price in-
creases. A price-wage spiral can turn into hyperinflation, as prices and wages
chase one another a t an accelerating rate. Only with tough macroeconomic
stabilization measures can the government keep the one-time price jump
following upon price liberalization from turning into hyperinflation.
    The price increases will lower the incomes and reduce the real value of the
savings of some households. A measure that could moderate the social costs
of price changes would be t o have some basic necessities guaranteed t o low-
income households and pensioners at prices they can afford t o pay. This can
be accomplished through the distribution of coupons for specific minimum
quantities of selected items, or by controlling the prices of a few items such as
bread, milk, and cheap meat. It is important, however, t o keep the fraction
of items subject t o price controls few; otherwise the required subsidies will
vastly increase the budget deficit and cause inflation t o soar. In view of
the geographic diversity of the Soviet Union, such controls might be best
administered by the Republics or localities.

2.4    The benefits of liberalization
First and foremost, by freeing prices t o equate supply and demand, liber-
alization means that people will be able t o buy things with their rubles.
Currently that is not so. Goods are disappearing from shelves, and Re-
publics and localities are driven t o ration basic goods like soap, meat, bread,
and cigarettes. The ruble is less and less convertible internally by Soviet
residents into Soviet goods and services. Free prices will make the ruble
once again convertible into domestic goods.
    One advantage of the Soviet economy is that it has a common currency
used in all the fifteen Republics. But that advantage becomes a liability when
the common currency is no longer acceptable because prices are severely
distorted. When the ruble not freely convertible into goods internally, trade
between enterprises and localities has shifted t o a complex and inefficient
barter system.
    By bringing goods back onto the shelves of the shops, the decontrol of
prices eliminates the long lines waiting t o make purchases. It brings goods
from the back of the shop, where they are sold illegally for high prices t o a
select few, t o the front, available t o all willing t o pay the now higher prices.
Under the pressure of low official prices that do not equate demand and sup-
ply, alternative distribution channels have developed. A recent study found
that only 40 percent of the food is currently distributed in state stores, with
the balance distributed in enterprise stores, farm markets and special stores
serving veterans, invalids, and pensioners. Such a breakdown of the normal
distribution channels is a clear sign of repressed inflation and unrealistic
official prices.
     Second, liberalization makes an important contribution t o stabilization.
Stabilization requires reducing the growth of money incomes. That requires
first reducing the government deficit that is financed by printing more rubles.
Price liberalization eliminates or reduces the need for subsidies for enterprises
which now make up a large part of government expenditures.
     Finally, price liberalization sets the stage for greater economic efficiency,
by giving enterprises the incentive t o serve the consumers, on whom they will
now be totally dependent. They will no longer need t o obey the Ministries
who provide their subsidies, and who pay for whatever they produce, however
poor the quality.
     Competition among enterprises will begin t o develop, leading t o improved
productivity. Though the process will take time, it will be a major benefit
of moving t o a market economy, and t h e only possible basis for improving
the standard of living of the people of the Soviet Union.


3.     Corporatize State Enterprises
To be most effective, liberalization of prices requires that enterprises be con-
verted into independent, self-financing, and profit-maximizing organizations.
T h e most important step, which we call corporatization, immediately estab-
lishes enterprises as independent and financially autonomous entities; once
corporatized, enterprises must no longer be under the direction of the Min-
istries or dependent on the government budget for subsidies and investment
funds. This step is distinct from privatization, which will require more time.
     The two key elements of corporatization are independence and self-
financing for all the enterprises. Independence means the directors of an
enterprise must have the authority to set prices, output, and wages, as well
as determine inputs and financing. Corporatization would ensure the legal
and actual separation of the enterprise from the state.
     Self-financing, or financial autonomy, means the enterprise can obtain
money t o pay its workers, build plants, buy equipment, and t o pay its sup-
pliers from only three sources: sales of its products, borrowing from banks
a t realistic rates of interest, or by the sale of its assets. The objective of self-
finance is t o impose hard budget constraints on all enterprises. An enterprise
operating under a hard budget constraint must accept the fact that it can-
not turn t o the Union, the Republics, localities, or banks for subsidies or
unlimited credit. The enterprise must know that unprofitability ultimately
means bankruptcy for the firm and economic ruin for the managers. The
possibility of bankruptcy provides a market system with the stick that makes
enterprises efficient.
    A market system also needs a carrot; enterprises must retain a portion
of their profits for bonuses t o managers and t o expand and t o improve their
facilities. While a t a x on corporate profits is consistent with a market system,
the rate must be uniform across enterprises, non-negotiable with the t a x
authorities, and must be set a t levels that still leave a significant reward for
success.

3.1    Preconditions for corporatization
Corporatization requires the government to create certain additional
conditions:

(1) The government must enact and enforce laws of property. There must be
    clear rules for ownership transfer and a system of contract enforcement t o
    encourage longer-term agreements and the development of capital mar-
    kets. Creditors must have the right t o seize quickly the assets of debtors
    who are unwilling or unable t o meet their obligations.
(2) Banks must refuse t o issue credit t o enterprises that have poor economic
    prospects. (This issue is discussed further under stabilization below.)
(3) There must be rules of bankruptcy and liquidation t o govern what hap-
    pens when the claims on an enterprise exceed its liquidation value.

3.2    The steps in corporatization of large state enterprises
T h e joint stock company is the best organizational form for making large
state enterprises independent and self-financing The existing management
could serve as the initial directors.
     As the initial owners of the capital stock, governments should create
Property Management Agencies (PMA) of the Union, Republics, and lo-
calities. T h e appropriate governmental level would depend in part on the
type of company and in part on a political decision as t o the distribution of
ownership among the present levels of government.
     T h e PMA will hold all the stock and collect the dividends. It should
have a n interest in seeing that its corporations maximize profits. The PMA
will have important duties, which basically are t o behave as a traditional
stockholder. It must select directors on the basis of their competence; it
must provide as much protection as possible against abuses of managerial
discretion while avoiding interference in day-to-day operations; it must resist
political interference with the firm; it must not seek subsidies for its failing
corporations. This asks much of governmental property agencies, but ful-
filling these responsibilities is essential to a market economy, and will help
produce the benefits it alone is capable of providing.
     An enterprise so transformed into a joint-stock company, with its stock
initially assigned to the PMA, will have the ability t o decide on prices,
production, and product mix; on the inputs of labor, materials, and capital,
as well as the prices it will offer for these inputs; and on the level and
financing of investment. It will have the right t o enter freely into contracts
with the government, other enterprises, and foreign entities. It will have the
right t o hire and fire workers. All these rights will, of course, be subject t o
the laws of the land, but those laws must not preclude the kinds of discretion
and behavior generally provided businesses in market economies.
     At the outset, enterprises would be government-owned corporations.
While corporatization is an imperfect substitute for private ownership, it
is a crucial and useful first step. Corporatization can be done quickly - in a
month, if necessary - once the division of ownership between various levels
of government has been resolved and the property t o be assigned t o each
enterprise has been established. Privatization should be the ultimate goal,
but privatization takes time. To wait for privatization would delay the re-
forms which are so urgent. In the short run, corporatization is a necessary
compromise that will bring a measure of independence and self-financing.

3.3    The monopoly problem
Many of the state enterprise are monopolies. By freeing them from govern-
ment restraint, the combination of corporatization and price decontrol will
create the possibility of monopolistic behavior and monopoly profits. Yet
reform should not be postponed until effective competition is established.
Nor should most monopolies be subject t o special price controls a t the time
of liberalization.
    In a market system high profits attract the entry of new rivals, and
thereby sow the seeds of destruction of the monopoly power that made them
possible. The retention of price controls for these enterprises would inter-
fere with that healthy competitive process, and preserve all the distortions
created by the present ubiquitous administrative price controls. The best
remedy, therefore, is encouragement of competition itself.
The most crucial element of such a policy is t o ensure legally free entry
of enterprises into whatever markets they wish to enter. Opening the econ-
omy t o the competition of imports will further effectively limit monopoly
power, and it will do so promptly. In addition, laws can be enacted, like the
American antitrust laws, prohibiting enterprises from combining or agreeing
among themselves t o limit competition.
    The one exception t o this general principle would be the natural mo-
nopolies, such as the railroads, some communications services, or the local
distribution of electricity, water, or gas. In these cases, either the techno-
logical advantages of large scale or the existence of monopoly bottlenecks
give a single firm a cost advantage over all possible rivals. For such natural
monopolies, and for them only, the kinds of price regulation practiced in
most market economies would continue to be necessary in the Soviet Union
as well.
    T h e Soviet economy is unlikely t o become consistently and pervasively
competitive overnight. A successful demonopolization effort will take time.
That is one of the most important reasons why we emphasize the neces-
sity for opening the economy to international trade a t the earliest possible
moment. It is also one possible reason t o delay ultimate privatization, since
private owners may successfully resist demonopolization. Still, we think that
thorough conversion of the Soviet economy into a competitive one cannot
be considered an essential precondition for the reforms recommended here.
They cannot be delayed.

3.4   Small business and agriculture
Corporatization applies t o large state enterprises. A different approach can
apply t o small businesses. Retailing, services, and small-scale manufacturing
are activities that can be quickly privatized by sale or leasing. This dena-
tionalization can probably best be done by local governments. Improving
retailing and services by introducing competition is a step that can improve
consumer welfare quicldy a t little cost in resources.
     Entry of new enterprises is likely in these activities. All requirements
t o enter new markets or activities should be abolished except the minimum
necessary t o protect public health and safety (e.g., sanitary standards for
restaurants and food stores).
     Agriculture is a special case in which a mix of corporatization and small-
scale individual ownership may prove most appropriate. Individual farmers
should have the opportunity t o own or lease land t o engage in small-scale
farming - mainly in fruit, vegetables, meat, and dairy production. Large-
scale agricultural organizations are likely t o be most efficient in grain pro-
duction, and such units should be converted to joint stock companies along
the lines discussed above.


4.     Stabilize Government Spending and
       Restrict Credit
4.1     The problem today
In addition to the microeconomic issues of pricing, the Soviet Union today
faces a huge and growing government budget deficit, money incomes that
are rising much more rapidly than output, worsening open and repressed
inflation, and a flight from the ruble.
    In a free market, rising incomes and stagnant production would result in
a rise in prices - inflation - sufficient t o ration out the increased demand.
Since most retail prices are fixed in the Soviet Union, the increased demand
manifests itself in barer and barer shelves in state stores and lines that get
longer and longer. The few goods left in the state stores are rusty tins and
rotten cabbages. Free-market or black-market prices rise sharply, and the
street price of hard currency diverges even more from the official rate.
    Once shortages appear, the dynamics of hoarding take over as people
begin to worry about the value of their rubles and begin t o use goods as a
store of value. Republics are driven to ration basic goods like soap, meat,
cigarettes, and sugar. Overvalued rubles drive out undervalued goods. In
other words, the ruble is less and less convertible internally by Soviet resi-
dents into Soviet goods and services.

4.2     Diagnosis
All of these are the familiar symptoms of severe repressed infiation. It is a
syndrome that has been seen in many countries over the twentieth century.
In understanding the issue, we separate the causes into three categories:

     Ruble overhang. The "ruble overhang" signifies that households have
     excess spending power in currency and savings accounts. This is the
     result of past budget deficits.
     Budget deficit. The current budget deficit adds continuously to the ru-
     ble overhang. The official budget deficit (expenditures less receipts) is
on the order of 10 percent of GNP. This deficit will explode in 1991 if
      retail prices are not raised when wholesale prices are liberalized. Because
      of the structure of the Soviet financial system, budget deficits are effec-
      tively monetized immediately; they are turned automatically into cash
      or savings accounts.
      Hoarding. As people come t o expect price increases, there occurs an
      outbreak of hoarding and attempts t o flee the ruble. Particularly after
      the announcement of future price increases in May 1990, the shelves in
      state stores were cleaned out of goods. The black-market exchange rate
      of the ruble has fallen in 1990, another indication of price disequilibrium
      and widespread hoarding. More recently, there has been considerable
      "dollarization", or use of foreign currencies inside the Soviet Union -
      a further indication of a deteriorating confidence in the ruble and of a
      repressed inflation.

4.3      Stabilization policies in the short run
As late as last summer, it might have been possible t o stabilize the economy
-  bringing total demand in line with total supply by monetary and fiscal
measures - prior t o taking some of the other steps. This is no longer possible;
the crisis is too severe, and stabilization now requires the support of the other
measures.
    T h e immediate threat is that the deterioration of economic activity and
the disruption of the distribution system will get worse: fewer goods in state
stores, more dollarization, greater divergence between official and black-
market prices, and spiraling inflation. In response t o the breakdown of the
price system, Republics and localities will turn increasingly to rationing,
coupons, substitute currencies, border controls, and restrictions on move-
ment of goods. The major goal of stabilization policy should be t o restrain
the growth of money incomes. The primary tools for accomplishing this
are through reducing the budget deficit, tightening credit, and liberalizing
prices.
    Given the existing budget policies and the "ruble overhang," it will be
difficult t o avoid a major increase in the average price level in the period
ahead. If liberalization of prices is postponed, the flight from the ruble
will intensify, inflation will accelerate, and hyperinflation will become a real
possibility. the best hope for avoiding this kind of total breakdown is price
liberalization and a tough curb on budget and credit policies. The sooner
prices are liberalized, the smaller will be the price jump and the less will be
the risk of hyperinflation.
    The following steps will help stabilize the economy and prevent runaway
inflation:
(1)T h e first priority is t o reduce the budget deficit. A balanced budget
    would effectively control the growth of incomes. If the budget is not
    controlled, incomes will continue to rise, and an uncontrolled price-wage-
    price spiral may begin.
         T h e priorities for reducing the budget deficit are, in every country,
    subject to controversy and political debate, but we have a few concrete
    recommendations. The most important action in the short run would
    be t o liberalize prices and remove subsidies; without such a measure, the
    budget deficit will rise by a t least 100 billion rubles. Liberalization today
    is an essential step toward stabilization.
         More generally, we recommend focusing on spending reductions
    rather than tax increases. There is clear room for reduction of subsidies
    t o unprofitable industries; this is in any event essential to establish mar-
    ket discipline. Central investments are thought t o be highly inefficient
    and can be cut. The allocation of hard currency might be immediately
    reformed, say by hard-currency auctions; this would reduce the budget
    deficit substantially.
(2) We believe that a substantial tightening of credit is essential t o sub-
    ject enterprises t o hard budget constraints. It is neither possible nor
    necessary in the short run to privatize the banking system in order t o
    have tough credit policies. In the longer run, however, creating a private
    banking system will help ensure that result.
         In the near term, Gosbank must make enterprises financially inde-
    pendent by extending credit only t o firms that can repay it; this implies
    curbing credits t o unprofitable enterprises. In addition, the banking sys-
    tem must place overall credit limits on the enterprise sector, much as
    western central banks do today. We envision that banks will charge
    high interest rates t o enterprises under a regime of tight credit. In the
    period surrounding liberalization, real interest rates (equal to money in-
    terest rates less the rate of inflation) must be positive; this implies that
    money interest rates must be well above today's level. After inflation
    has stabilized, interest rates can be reduced to levels prevailing in mar-
    ket economies.
(3) We believe that the current structure of taxes is on the whole viable for
    the immediate future. However, one major point is vitally important:
    all "specific" turnover or other taxes (i.e., taxes denominated in ruble
    terms per unit) must be replaced with percentage or "ad valol.em7' taxes
    (i.e., taxes set as a percent of the product price). This step will prevent
    the erosion of real taxes as prices rise. We understand this proposal is
    under consideration and endorse it strongly. More generally, government
    expenditures should be budgeted in rubles rather than in real terms so
    as to prevent the development of a n inflationary psychology and to slow
    any inflationary spiral.

    Some economists advocate a monetary reform t o solve the stabilization
problem. For example, existing rubles might be exchanged for new rubles a t ,
say 2-to-1 or 3-to-1; other suggestions are "parallel rubles" or "gold rubles".
We believe these approaches should be avoided unless budget and monetary
stability are absolutely guaranteed. If a monetary reform fails, as it surely
will in the absence of strict fiscal and monetary discipline, the government
will lose most of its remaining credibility. On the other hand, if monetary
stability is achieved, then monetary reform is likely t o be unnecessary.
    A major question is whether it is desirable, by indexing, to compensate
various groups for price increases. We recommend minimizing the amount
of automatic indexation. There is no way t o index the entire economy.
Indexation cannot produce goods; it simply redistributes real resources from
one group t o another. The more the system is indexed, the greater is the
threat of hyperinflation. Many countries have indexed their economies and
have lived t o regret it; indeed, in the country with the greatest price stability,
the Federal Republic Germany, wage indexation is illegal.
    T h e only exception we would recommend is for transfer paymeilts to
low-income households, like pensioners, who must be protected against the
hardships of a severe inflation. Indexation of wages should be altogether
avoided if a t all possible.
    What about the possibility of "incomes policies", designed t o control
wages and prices directly? We believe that tight fiscal and credit policies
are the crucial ingredients for the containment of inflation. The only certain
way t o check inflation is the threat of unemployment and bankruptcy that
prevents firms from raising prices; for this, tight budget and credit policies
are essential. Incomes policies may help, but they must not be used as a
substitute for fiscal and monetary discipline.
5.    Moderate the Social Costs of Unemployment
Perhaps the most serious adverse consequence of the essential reforms we
identify here will be sharp increase in open unemployment. The weaning of
State enterprises from government subsidies and easy credit, the authority
and incentives managers will and must have t o reduce costs and increase
efficiency, the introduction of competition both domestic and foreign and
the elimination of inflation, will all inevitably mean the displacement of
large numbers of workers from their current employments.
    In a dynamic economy, the resources released in this way will be absorbed
in the expansion of output, the springing into existence of new enterprises,
the opening up of opportunities for exports, and in the increase in effective
consumer demand and real income that improvements in productivity make
possible. And that kind of economic progress is impossible if every worker
is instead given a one hundred percent guarantee of retaining his or her job
in its present location.
     Unemployment compensation is the only possible way of reconciling this
requirement of reversing the present disintegration and stagnation of the
Soviet economy with the prevention of severe hardships for workers in the
transition. Such a system will provide workers who are laid off with tempo-
rary support. However, that support must be substantially below the wages
of those who continue t o work and should decrease with the length of un-
employment, in order t o preserve incentives for workers to relocate, retrain,
and accept alternative employment.
     Given the geographical diversity in the Soviet Union in terms of wage
levels and the cost of living, it would be desirable t o have the unemploy-
ment compensation system administered by the Republics and localities. Of
course, these levels of government must have the t a x revenues necessary t o
meet the costs of an unemployment compensation system.


6.    Open the Economy Internationally
In a sense, the several steps we have recommended to this point are all steps
t o create an open, competitive market economy within the Soviet Union.
These also require avoiding the imposition of trade barriers among the several
republics.
    In addition, as the Soviet Union liberalizes and stabilizes its economy,
opening the economy internationally can play a critical role. We recommend
moving t o a convertible currency and removing import and export restric-
tions very quickly. Opening the economy will provide consumer goods, will
speed the introduction of foreign technology, will ensure that prices reflect
competitive world market prices, and will restrain monopolistic forces inside
the Soviet Union.
    We recommend that the ruble be made freely convertible for all imports
and exports, with limitations only on "capital-account" transactions. In
addition, we recommend that all quantitative restrictions be replaced by
low and uniform tariffs, in the neighborhood of 10 percent.

6.1    Reasons for opening the economy
There are several reasons for opening the economy very quickly. the princi-
pal reason is that it would expose the Soviet Union to the competitive world
marketplace. The Soviet economy must make the transition t o new lines
of production and more efficient productive techniques. History shows that
the quickest way t o achieve an efficient pattern of production is t o allow the
price signals of the market t o get transmitted t o domestic enterprises. By
removing quantitative restrictions on imports and allowing ruble convertibil-
ity, Soviet enterprises will have a price and quality standard that they must
match in order t o sell a t home or abroad.
     Second, currency convertibility will ensure that Soviet prices will move t o
market-clearing levels. Foreign firms are adept a t finding the combination of
prices, quantity, and quality appropriate t o each country; they will force the
newly corporatized Soviet firms t o align internal prices with the world prices
of tradable goods, adjusted for quality differences. The sooner convertibility
is introduced, the quicker will be this alignment.
     Third, opening the economy will provide goods t o Soviet workers whose
incentive t o produce is a t present severely undetermined by shortages and
the unavailability of domestic and foreign goods and services. Opening the
economy will offer a wide array of new goods, albeit a t high prices; ironically,
however, these prices are likely t o be lower than the ones prevailing in today's
black markets.
     Finally, as noted earlier, corporatization and price liberalization will al-
low some Soviet enterprises t o charge high prices. Introduction of foreign
competition will be the most effective and immediately available method of
restraining the exercise of monopoly power for tradable goods. Easy entry by
foreign firms into the Soviet market will provide some check on non-tradable
sectors as well.
These are compelling reasons to place opening the economy near the top
   any serious move to a market economy. We propose taking these steps
   soon as possible, either simultaneously with or very quickly after most
prices are liberalized.

6.2    Concrete steps
(1) T h e ruble should become freely convertible into other currencies for all
     "current" transactions. Current account convertibility means that Soviet
    enterprises and individuals have free access t o foreign exchange for the
    purchase of foreign goods and services, and that foreigners have free
    access t o sell in the Soviet market. All Soviet and foreign enterprises will
    be allowed t o buy and sell rubles and foreign currencies for the purposes
    of export and import of goods and services. Foreign firms should be
    allowed t o hold ruble accounts and t o repatriate their profits. We propose
    an initial limitation on "capital" transactions, however. Soviet residents
    would not be permitted t o hold foreign securities or large quantities of
    foreign currencies.
(23 In the long run, it would be desirable t o have a fixed exchange rate for
    Western currencies. In the near term, this will not be feasible, because
    of the prospect of severe inflation. It is therefore recommended that the
    ruble be allowed t o float, although the government will probably want t o
    intervene t o prevent excessive short-term exchange-rate fluctuations.
        A freely-floating ruble will initially move t o a level between the official
    rate and the black-market rate. Thus, depreciation upon floating is both
    inevitable and desirable. A lower exchange rate will balance supply and
    demand for foreign exchange, will ensure that enterprises can buy foreign
    goods when that is most efficient, and will provide a wider variety of
    goods and services t o consumers.
         We are against an overvalued exchange rate. It would be better
    t o have the ruble priced too low than too high. An undervalued ruble
    ensures that doing business in the Soviet Union would become a bargain,
    and foreign firms and technology would be attracted t o set up production
    there.
(3) We recommend replacement of all quantitative restrictions on imports
    with a uniform tariff on all imports in the neighborhood of 10 percent.
    Tariffs are more even-handed than quotas as a way of protecting domestic
    industry, and they avoid the administrative system that currently dom-
    inates and distorts Soviet foreign trade. In addition, tariffs can provide
a source of valuable government revenues. It may be desirable t o subsi-
     dize importation as well as domestic production of some food products,
     such as bread and vegetable oils, which are exceptionally important t o
     households. Energy exports, particularly oil and gas, may need t o have
     a temporary export tax t o cushion domestic consumers from large price
     increases, although permitting domestic energy prices eventually t o in-
     crease t o world levels - which we strongly recommend - will free resources
     for exports and generate an important source of export earnings.

6.3     Economic union
One of the critical issues facing Soviet policy makers is the economic rela-
tionship between the Union and the Republics. From an economic point of
view, maintaining free trade among the different regions would contribute
t o an efficient division of labor and use of resources. In many ways, the exis-
tence of the United States as a continentally free trade zone has contributed
t o the success of the American economy, and the European community is
moving toward a free-trade region.
     The centrifugal forces leading Republics and localities t o seize control and
demand autonomy arise from the breakdown of the current administrative
system. When administrative prices deviate so far from realistic prices,
nobody wants t o sell and everybody wants t o keep goods a t home. I t is
futile t o try t o negotiate agreements between the Union and the Republics
in a world where the terms of trade - the prices - are so distorted, where
trade is involuntary, and where everyone feels exploited.
     There are powerful gains from maintaining a free-trade zone when the
price mechanism is functioning effectively. However, only when prices are
freed and reflect genuine scarcities and costs, and the ruble regains value
and stability, will be economic conditions be propitious for forging a political
consensus about the shape of the new Soviet Union.


7.     Conclusion
To succeed, these measures must be explained t o the parliament, t o the me-
dia, and t o the people. Successful adoption will require a firm, wholehearted,
and consistent commitment by Soviet leaders and the reaching of an accord
with the leaders of the Republics.
    We recognize that the proposals will be painful and controversial. They
impose major social costs in the short run as the Soviet society makes the
transition from a centralized administrative approach t o the decentralized
direction of individuals through markets. Moreover, it is not possible t o
provide an ironclad guarantee that these measures will cure the nation's
ailments. But we can say with confidence that history shows again and
again that allowing markets to direct an economy offers the best hope for
resuscitating a sick economy and for raising living standards toward those
in Western Europe and the United States.
как можно было предотвратить кризис в ссср в 1991 году
как можно было предотвратить кризис в ссср в 1991 году

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как можно было предотвратить кризис в ссср в 1991 году

  • 1.
  • 2.
  • 3. The Soviet Economic Crisis: Steps to Avert Collapse EXECUTIVE REPORT 19 February 1991 (2nd Printing, May 1991) IN'TERNATIONAL IIUSTITUTE FOR APPLIED SYSTEMS ANALYSIS A-2361 LAXEIUBURG, AUSTRIA
  • 4. I n t e r n a t i o n a l S t a n d a r d B o o k N u m b e r 3-7045-0106-9 Executive Reports bring together the findings of research done a t IIASA and elsewhere and summarize them for a wide readership. This overview does not necessarily represent the views of IIASA, or its sponsoring organizations. Copyright 0 1 9 9 1 International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis Sections of this publication may be reproduced in magazines and newspapers with ac- knowledgment to the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis. Please send two tear sheets of any printed reference to this report to the Publications Department, International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis, Schlossplatz 1, A-2361 Laxenburg, Austria. Cover design by Martin Schobel Printed by Novographic, Vienna, Austria
  • 5. Foreword The memorandum reprinted on the followiilg pages traces its origin t o a request put to the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis late in 1989 by Academician Stanislav Shatalin, then a leading member of the Soviet governmental economic reform apparatus. Recognizing IIASA's long history as an unbiased middle ground between East and West, Shatali n asked IIASA to create a venue that would facilitate Soviet reformers' consultations with leading Western economists. The result was the Project on Ecoi~oiliic Reform and Integration, led by Yale University economist Merton J . Peck. Working with IIASA and with Soviet advisers, Peck assembled a group of 36 eminent economists from the United States, Eastern and Western Europe, and Japan. During July and August, 1990, they met in Sopron, Hungary, for two weeks of discussions. Also participating were 13 Soviet advisers led by Eugeny Yasin, department chief of the USSR State Commission on Ecollomic Reform. One of the consequences of the meeting is this memorandu~n. It was drafted by Peck and seven other prominent members of the ERT Project during a two-day meeting in November, 1990, in New Haven, USA, in co- operation with Yasin and Petr Aven, a Soviet economist and IIASA scholar. While the memorandum was based primarily on discussions in the Sopron conference, it &so took account of developments in the Soviet Unioil through the summer and fall of 1990. By mid-December t h e memoranduirl was in the hands of Soviet leaders.
  • 6. Regardless of its subsequent impact on Soviet policy, it deserves stutly by anyone seeking the views of experts on the transition from central planning t o a market economy. That process is now underway in many coiintries, and its outcome is of importance to us all. We at IIASA believe that this document represents an importailt contribution to the understanding of a difficult and historic transition. P E T E R E. de JANOSI FRIEDRICH SCHMIDT- BLEEI< Director Leader IIASA TES Program
  • 7. Authors This memorandum was prepared by a 10-member study group convened un- der the auspices of the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis. It was written by Merton J . Peck, study group Chairman (Yale University, USA, former member of the US Government's Council of Economic Ad- visers); Wil Albeda (MERIT, Netherlands, former Netherlands Minister of Labor); Barry Bosworth (Brookings Institution, USA, former Director of the US Government's Council on Wage-Price Stability); Richard Cooper (Har- vard University, USA, former Undersecretary of State for Economic Affairs); Alfred Kahn (Cornell University, USA, former US Presidential Adviser on Inflation); William Nordhaus (Yale University, USA, former Member of the US Government's Council of Economic Advisers); Thomas Richardson (Yale University, USA); and Kimio Uno (Keio University, Japan); in coopera.tion with Eugeny Yasin (department chief of the USSR State Commission on Eco- nomic Reform) and Petr Aven (International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis). Comments in the memorandum represent the views and opinions of its authors, and do not necessarily present the views and opinions of the insti- tutions with which they are affiliated, t h e International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis or its National Member Organizations, or the orga.nizations t h a t provided financial support for t h e project.
  • 8.
  • 9. Acknowledgment The authors of the memorandum and the International Institute for Ap- plied Systems Analysis gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Economic Reform and Integration Project by the following organizations: The Academy of Sciences of the USSR; The Ford Foundation; The Japan Foundation; The Pew Charitable Trusts; and the Sasakawa Foundation (The Japan Shipbuilding Industry Foundation). vii
  • 10.
  • 11. Contents ... Foreword 111 Authors v Acknowledgment vii 1. Introduction 1.1 The current situation 1.2 Creating a market economy 1.3 Proposals for economic reform 2. Liberalize Prices 2.1 Definitions 2.2 The failure of administrative reform 2.3 T h e impact of price liberalization 2.4 The benefits of liberalization 3. Corporatize State Enterprises 3.1 Preconditions for corporatization 3.2 The steps in corporatization of large state enterprises 3.3 T h e monopoly problem 3.4 Small business and agriculture 4. Stabilize Government Spending and Restrict Credit 4.1 The problem today 4.2 Diagnosis 4.3 Stabilization policies in the short run 5. Moderate the Social Costs of Unemployment 6. Open the Economy Internationally 6.1 Reasons for opening the economy 6.2 Concrete steps 6.3 Economic union 7. Conclusion
  • 12.
  • 13. The Soviet Economic Crisis: Steps t o Avert Collapse The Soviet economy faces a worsening economic crisis that makes it essential t o take steps immediately t o complete market reforms, stabilize the budget and credit, and open the economy. This memorandum lays out the reforms that must be taken in the next few months if the Soviet economy is t o arrest and reverse the economic collapse that is underway. 1. Introduction 1.1 The current situation The symptoms of repressed inflation become more acute every day. The state shops have empty shelves, citizens and enterprises are hoarding goods and materials, trade within the Soviet Union deteriorates toward barter, and the ruble buys littie. The real gross national product has fallen sharply in 1990. 1.2 Creating a market economy T h e question is, what is t o be done? Reform measures have been frequent in the last five years but the result has been neither t o create a market nor t o improve the planning system. Any economic system needs a mechanism to coordinate and discipline its enterprise. No effective system now exists. Enterprises have been partially freed, but the incentives and competition necessary for an effective market have not been introduced. The banking system accommodates the demands of enterprises in a way that allows bal- looning credit and no constraints on enterprise spending.
  • 14. Prices a t the procurement and wholesale level have been raised, but retail prices are still frozen. Such partial liberalization means that state subsidies have increased substantially. The increase in subsidies from freeing wholesale prices is likely t o add 100 billion rubles or more t o a government deficit that is already over 10 percent of the gross national product. T h e solution lies in abandoning the search for halfway houses, in aban- doning the dream of a regulated market economy: It is crucial t o move quickly to an effective market system. The need for a market system is widely recognized in all the reform plans considered in the last year. What has not been recognized is that it takes a few bold but simple steps t o make it effective. Otherwise a market system cannot deliver the benefits that the economic texts promise and the Western economies have achieved. T h e Soviet Union now has a large market with a common currency and almost 300 million people within its boundaries. Thus it already has the unified market that has been so successful in America and has taken Western Europe decades t o achieve. The forces of separatism, now so pervasive, threaten t o destroy it. Trade barriers would be particularly costly for the Soviet Union because its plants and facilities have been built on the basis of geographic specialization and exchange across the unified market. All of the republics have a large fraction of their economic activity dedicated t o inter-republic trade. 1.3 Proposals for economic reform Economic reforms must be adopted quickly if the current economic crisis is t o end. T h e policies must be simple and effective; they must provide a t least the minimum essentials for an effective market system. One of the characteristics of a market economy is its interdependence. What happens in one sector feeds back t o other sectors. The failure t o recognize this interdependence doomed earlier partial reforms. T h e minimum measures are five: ( I ) Liberalize prices. (2) Corporatize enterprises. (3) Stabilize government spending and restrict credit. (4) Moderate the social costs of unemployment. (5) Open the economy t o competition, both internally and internationally. The five measures must be taken simultaneously and, in view of the present crisis, as soon as possible. That is, early in 1991. The time for
  • 15. careful sequencing of reform plans is past. Furthermore, as discussed below, each of the five measures reinforces the others. If adopted together, the five can be successful; if adopted only singly or over time, they are doomed t o failure. 2. Liberalize Prices 2.1 Definitions To "liberalize" means freeing prices so that sellers can set whatever prices they choose. Sellers will then set prices a t "market-clearing" levels - that is, prices will equate the demand of buyers with the supply of sellers. Thus freeing prices means goods in the shops, albeit at higher prices. It also means sellers will set prices that will cover their costs, so that they will no longer require state subsidies t o operate. The Soviet Union has already freed many prices. As of November 15, 1990, retail prices are free of central control on such items as television sets, higher quality furniture, and such luxury items as jewelry. On January 1, 1991, all wholesale prices are t o be freed of central control, along with prices at which enterprises sell t o one another. Retail prices, however, remain controlled for more than 80 percent of total retail sales. With retail prices fixed below market-clearing levels, the government must provide subsidies for the difference between wholesale and retail prices. In 1991, such subsidies will greatly add to the already excessive government deficit. The deficit is financed with new money, so the conse- quence of freeing wholesale prices without freeing retail prices is that even more rubles will be chasing the goods in the shops. 2.2 The failure of administrative reform To equate supply and demand without ever-increasing government deficits, retail prices must be increased in the near future. But that change can occur effectively only if prices are set free, rather than by administrative decree. This is true for several reasons. First, administrative reforms typically fail t o raise prices t o market-clearing levels. As a result, consumers are not compensated for increased prices by goods becoming plentiful on the shelves. Second, it is simply impossible t o calculate the correct set of relative prices for several thousand commodities; economic conditions change too often in unpredictable ways for a correct administrative reform t o be possible.
  • 16. Third, administrative reform results in a succession of price jumps; be- fore each jump, which will be much discussed in parliament and the media, consumers will anticipate the price increases by hoarding. The result will be periodic shortages that will further strain the public's patience. In contrast, freeing market prices will result in thousands of frequent and small price ad- justments that consumers and producers will not anticipate with extensive hoarding. 2.3 The impact of price liberalization The freeing of all retail and wholesale prices will lead t o immediate price in- creases for most goods, threatening to trigger inflation, and possibly lowering the real income of many households. There are a number of ways to estimate the increase in prices. One technique examines the increase in household money balances, and produces an estimate that prices are likely t o rise by about 50 percent after they are freed. Some estimates suggest a rise of 150 percent, while other estimates are based on prices in free markets, which in mid-1990 were around three times the official prices. Much depends on the amount by which wages are allowed t o rise in step with prices. If they increase fully as much as do prices, an explosion is possible. While there is no way of choosing definitively among these estimates, there is no doubt that liberalization will result in a price increase of serious proportions. It is important to recognize, however, that these are estimates of the in- crease in official prices. By contrast, grey- or black-market prices are already a t market-clearing levels, and they are likely t o fall with liberalization while official retail prices increase sharply. Hence for consumers the price increase will be on only a portion of their purchases. Consumers who currently buy only in the state shops will, of course, experience the entire burden of the rise in official prices. It is true that rationing by price means that consumers will face a reduc- tion in their real wages. But they will also benefit from reduced time spent in lines, as the current system of rationing by queues requires. The ruble will buy less but it will buy something. The serious threat t o the Soviet economy is not the one-time price jump but the possibility that this jump would set off a wage-price spiral in which price increases lead to wage increases that in turn lead t o further price in- creases. A price-wage spiral can turn into hyperinflation, as prices and wages chase one another a t an accelerating rate. Only with tough macroeconomic
  • 17. stabilization measures can the government keep the one-time price jump following upon price liberalization from turning into hyperinflation. The price increases will lower the incomes and reduce the real value of the savings of some households. A measure that could moderate the social costs of price changes would be t o have some basic necessities guaranteed t o low- income households and pensioners at prices they can afford t o pay. This can be accomplished through the distribution of coupons for specific minimum quantities of selected items, or by controlling the prices of a few items such as bread, milk, and cheap meat. It is important, however, t o keep the fraction of items subject t o price controls few; otherwise the required subsidies will vastly increase the budget deficit and cause inflation t o soar. In view of the geographic diversity of the Soviet Union, such controls might be best administered by the Republics or localities. 2.4 The benefits of liberalization First and foremost, by freeing prices t o equate supply and demand, liber- alization means that people will be able t o buy things with their rubles. Currently that is not so. Goods are disappearing from shelves, and Re- publics and localities are driven t o ration basic goods like soap, meat, bread, and cigarettes. The ruble is less and less convertible internally by Soviet residents into Soviet goods and services. Free prices will make the ruble once again convertible into domestic goods. One advantage of the Soviet economy is that it has a common currency used in all the fifteen Republics. But that advantage becomes a liability when the common currency is no longer acceptable because prices are severely distorted. When the ruble not freely convertible into goods internally, trade between enterprises and localities has shifted t o a complex and inefficient barter system. By bringing goods back onto the shelves of the shops, the decontrol of prices eliminates the long lines waiting t o make purchases. It brings goods from the back of the shop, where they are sold illegally for high prices t o a select few, t o the front, available t o all willing t o pay the now higher prices. Under the pressure of low official prices that do not equate demand and sup- ply, alternative distribution channels have developed. A recent study found that only 40 percent of the food is currently distributed in state stores, with the balance distributed in enterprise stores, farm markets and special stores serving veterans, invalids, and pensioners. Such a breakdown of the normal
  • 18. distribution channels is a clear sign of repressed inflation and unrealistic official prices. Second, liberalization makes an important contribution t o stabilization. Stabilization requires reducing the growth of money incomes. That requires first reducing the government deficit that is financed by printing more rubles. Price liberalization eliminates or reduces the need for subsidies for enterprises which now make up a large part of government expenditures. Finally, price liberalization sets the stage for greater economic efficiency, by giving enterprises the incentive t o serve the consumers, on whom they will now be totally dependent. They will no longer need t o obey the Ministries who provide their subsidies, and who pay for whatever they produce, however poor the quality. Competition among enterprises will begin t o develop, leading t o improved productivity. Though the process will take time, it will be a major benefit of moving t o a market economy, and t h e only possible basis for improving the standard of living of the people of the Soviet Union. 3. Corporatize State Enterprises To be most effective, liberalization of prices requires that enterprises be con- verted into independent, self-financing, and profit-maximizing organizations. T h e most important step, which we call corporatization, immediately estab- lishes enterprises as independent and financially autonomous entities; once corporatized, enterprises must no longer be under the direction of the Min- istries or dependent on the government budget for subsidies and investment funds. This step is distinct from privatization, which will require more time. The two key elements of corporatization are independence and self- financing for all the enterprises. Independence means the directors of an enterprise must have the authority to set prices, output, and wages, as well as determine inputs and financing. Corporatization would ensure the legal and actual separation of the enterprise from the state. Self-financing, or financial autonomy, means the enterprise can obtain money t o pay its workers, build plants, buy equipment, and t o pay its sup- pliers from only three sources: sales of its products, borrowing from banks a t realistic rates of interest, or by the sale of its assets. The objective of self- finance is t o impose hard budget constraints on all enterprises. An enterprise operating under a hard budget constraint must accept the fact that it can- not turn t o the Union, the Republics, localities, or banks for subsidies or
  • 19. unlimited credit. The enterprise must know that unprofitability ultimately means bankruptcy for the firm and economic ruin for the managers. The possibility of bankruptcy provides a market system with the stick that makes enterprises efficient. A market system also needs a carrot; enterprises must retain a portion of their profits for bonuses t o managers and t o expand and t o improve their facilities. While a t a x on corporate profits is consistent with a market system, the rate must be uniform across enterprises, non-negotiable with the t a x authorities, and must be set a t levels that still leave a significant reward for success. 3.1 Preconditions for corporatization Corporatization requires the government to create certain additional conditions: (1) The government must enact and enforce laws of property. There must be clear rules for ownership transfer and a system of contract enforcement t o encourage longer-term agreements and the development of capital mar- kets. Creditors must have the right t o seize quickly the assets of debtors who are unwilling or unable t o meet their obligations. (2) Banks must refuse t o issue credit t o enterprises that have poor economic prospects. (This issue is discussed further under stabilization below.) (3) There must be rules of bankruptcy and liquidation t o govern what hap- pens when the claims on an enterprise exceed its liquidation value. 3.2 The steps in corporatization of large state enterprises T h e joint stock company is the best organizational form for making large state enterprises independent and self-financing The existing management could serve as the initial directors. As the initial owners of the capital stock, governments should create Property Management Agencies (PMA) of the Union, Republics, and lo- calities. T h e appropriate governmental level would depend in part on the type of company and in part on a political decision as t o the distribution of ownership among the present levels of government. T h e PMA will hold all the stock and collect the dividends. It should have a n interest in seeing that its corporations maximize profits. The PMA will have important duties, which basically are t o behave as a traditional stockholder. It must select directors on the basis of their competence; it
  • 20. must provide as much protection as possible against abuses of managerial discretion while avoiding interference in day-to-day operations; it must resist political interference with the firm; it must not seek subsidies for its failing corporations. This asks much of governmental property agencies, but ful- filling these responsibilities is essential to a market economy, and will help produce the benefits it alone is capable of providing. An enterprise so transformed into a joint-stock company, with its stock initially assigned to the PMA, will have the ability t o decide on prices, production, and product mix; on the inputs of labor, materials, and capital, as well as the prices it will offer for these inputs; and on the level and financing of investment. It will have the right t o enter freely into contracts with the government, other enterprises, and foreign entities. It will have the right t o hire and fire workers. All these rights will, of course, be subject t o the laws of the land, but those laws must not preclude the kinds of discretion and behavior generally provided businesses in market economies. At the outset, enterprises would be government-owned corporations. While corporatization is an imperfect substitute for private ownership, it is a crucial and useful first step. Corporatization can be done quickly - in a month, if necessary - once the division of ownership between various levels of government has been resolved and the property t o be assigned t o each enterprise has been established. Privatization should be the ultimate goal, but privatization takes time. To wait for privatization would delay the re- forms which are so urgent. In the short run, corporatization is a necessary compromise that will bring a measure of independence and self-financing. 3.3 The monopoly problem Many of the state enterprise are monopolies. By freeing them from govern- ment restraint, the combination of corporatization and price decontrol will create the possibility of monopolistic behavior and monopoly profits. Yet reform should not be postponed until effective competition is established. Nor should most monopolies be subject t o special price controls a t the time of liberalization. In a market system high profits attract the entry of new rivals, and thereby sow the seeds of destruction of the monopoly power that made them possible. The retention of price controls for these enterprises would inter- fere with that healthy competitive process, and preserve all the distortions created by the present ubiquitous administrative price controls. The best remedy, therefore, is encouragement of competition itself.
  • 21. The most crucial element of such a policy is t o ensure legally free entry of enterprises into whatever markets they wish to enter. Opening the econ- omy t o the competition of imports will further effectively limit monopoly power, and it will do so promptly. In addition, laws can be enacted, like the American antitrust laws, prohibiting enterprises from combining or agreeing among themselves t o limit competition. The one exception t o this general principle would be the natural mo- nopolies, such as the railroads, some communications services, or the local distribution of electricity, water, or gas. In these cases, either the techno- logical advantages of large scale or the existence of monopoly bottlenecks give a single firm a cost advantage over all possible rivals. For such natural monopolies, and for them only, the kinds of price regulation practiced in most market economies would continue to be necessary in the Soviet Union as well. T h e Soviet economy is unlikely t o become consistently and pervasively competitive overnight. A successful demonopolization effort will take time. That is one of the most important reasons why we emphasize the neces- sity for opening the economy to international trade a t the earliest possible moment. It is also one possible reason t o delay ultimate privatization, since private owners may successfully resist demonopolization. Still, we think that thorough conversion of the Soviet economy into a competitive one cannot be considered an essential precondition for the reforms recommended here. They cannot be delayed. 3.4 Small business and agriculture Corporatization applies t o large state enterprises. A different approach can apply t o small businesses. Retailing, services, and small-scale manufacturing are activities that can be quickly privatized by sale or leasing. This dena- tionalization can probably best be done by local governments. Improving retailing and services by introducing competition is a step that can improve consumer welfare quicldy a t little cost in resources. Entry of new enterprises is likely in these activities. All requirements t o enter new markets or activities should be abolished except the minimum necessary t o protect public health and safety (e.g., sanitary standards for restaurants and food stores). Agriculture is a special case in which a mix of corporatization and small- scale individual ownership may prove most appropriate. Individual farmers should have the opportunity t o own or lease land t o engage in small-scale
  • 22. farming - mainly in fruit, vegetables, meat, and dairy production. Large- scale agricultural organizations are likely t o be most efficient in grain pro- duction, and such units should be converted to joint stock companies along the lines discussed above. 4. Stabilize Government Spending and Restrict Credit 4.1 The problem today In addition to the microeconomic issues of pricing, the Soviet Union today faces a huge and growing government budget deficit, money incomes that are rising much more rapidly than output, worsening open and repressed inflation, and a flight from the ruble. In a free market, rising incomes and stagnant production would result in a rise in prices - inflation - sufficient t o ration out the increased demand. Since most retail prices are fixed in the Soviet Union, the increased demand manifests itself in barer and barer shelves in state stores and lines that get longer and longer. The few goods left in the state stores are rusty tins and rotten cabbages. Free-market or black-market prices rise sharply, and the street price of hard currency diverges even more from the official rate. Once shortages appear, the dynamics of hoarding take over as people begin to worry about the value of their rubles and begin t o use goods as a store of value. Republics are driven to ration basic goods like soap, meat, cigarettes, and sugar. Overvalued rubles drive out undervalued goods. In other words, the ruble is less and less convertible internally by Soviet resi- dents into Soviet goods and services. 4.2 Diagnosis All of these are the familiar symptoms of severe repressed infiation. It is a syndrome that has been seen in many countries over the twentieth century. In understanding the issue, we separate the causes into three categories: Ruble overhang. The "ruble overhang" signifies that households have excess spending power in currency and savings accounts. This is the result of past budget deficits. Budget deficit. The current budget deficit adds continuously to the ru- ble overhang. The official budget deficit (expenditures less receipts) is
  • 23. on the order of 10 percent of GNP. This deficit will explode in 1991 if retail prices are not raised when wholesale prices are liberalized. Because of the structure of the Soviet financial system, budget deficits are effec- tively monetized immediately; they are turned automatically into cash or savings accounts. Hoarding. As people come t o expect price increases, there occurs an outbreak of hoarding and attempts t o flee the ruble. Particularly after the announcement of future price increases in May 1990, the shelves in state stores were cleaned out of goods. The black-market exchange rate of the ruble has fallen in 1990, another indication of price disequilibrium and widespread hoarding. More recently, there has been considerable "dollarization", or use of foreign currencies inside the Soviet Union - a further indication of a deteriorating confidence in the ruble and of a repressed inflation. 4.3 Stabilization policies in the short run As late as last summer, it might have been possible t o stabilize the economy - bringing total demand in line with total supply by monetary and fiscal measures - prior t o taking some of the other steps. This is no longer possible; the crisis is too severe, and stabilization now requires the support of the other measures. T h e immediate threat is that the deterioration of economic activity and the disruption of the distribution system will get worse: fewer goods in state stores, more dollarization, greater divergence between official and black- market prices, and spiraling inflation. In response t o the breakdown of the price system, Republics and localities will turn increasingly to rationing, coupons, substitute currencies, border controls, and restrictions on move- ment of goods. The major goal of stabilization policy should be t o restrain the growth of money incomes. The primary tools for accomplishing this are through reducing the budget deficit, tightening credit, and liberalizing prices. Given the existing budget policies and the "ruble overhang," it will be difficult t o avoid a major increase in the average price level in the period ahead. If liberalization of prices is postponed, the flight from the ruble will intensify, inflation will accelerate, and hyperinflation will become a real possibility. the best hope for avoiding this kind of total breakdown is price liberalization and a tough curb on budget and credit policies. The sooner
  • 24. prices are liberalized, the smaller will be the price jump and the less will be the risk of hyperinflation. The following steps will help stabilize the economy and prevent runaway inflation: (1)T h e first priority is t o reduce the budget deficit. A balanced budget would effectively control the growth of incomes. If the budget is not controlled, incomes will continue to rise, and an uncontrolled price-wage- price spiral may begin. T h e priorities for reducing the budget deficit are, in every country, subject to controversy and political debate, but we have a few concrete recommendations. The most important action in the short run would be t o liberalize prices and remove subsidies; without such a measure, the budget deficit will rise by a t least 100 billion rubles. Liberalization today is an essential step toward stabilization. More generally, we recommend focusing on spending reductions rather than tax increases. There is clear room for reduction of subsidies t o unprofitable industries; this is in any event essential to establish mar- ket discipline. Central investments are thought t o be highly inefficient and can be cut. The allocation of hard currency might be immediately reformed, say by hard-currency auctions; this would reduce the budget deficit substantially. (2) We believe that a substantial tightening of credit is essential t o sub- ject enterprises t o hard budget constraints. It is neither possible nor necessary in the short run to privatize the banking system in order t o have tough credit policies. In the longer run, however, creating a private banking system will help ensure that result. In the near term, Gosbank must make enterprises financially inde- pendent by extending credit only t o firms that can repay it; this implies curbing credits t o unprofitable enterprises. In addition, the banking sys- tem must place overall credit limits on the enterprise sector, much as western central banks do today. We envision that banks will charge high interest rates t o enterprises under a regime of tight credit. In the period surrounding liberalization, real interest rates (equal to money in- terest rates less the rate of inflation) must be positive; this implies that money interest rates must be well above today's level. After inflation has stabilized, interest rates can be reduced to levels prevailing in mar- ket economies.
  • 25. (3) We believe that the current structure of taxes is on the whole viable for the immediate future. However, one major point is vitally important: all "specific" turnover or other taxes (i.e., taxes denominated in ruble terms per unit) must be replaced with percentage or "ad valol.em7' taxes (i.e., taxes set as a percent of the product price). This step will prevent the erosion of real taxes as prices rise. We understand this proposal is under consideration and endorse it strongly. More generally, government expenditures should be budgeted in rubles rather than in real terms so as to prevent the development of a n inflationary psychology and to slow any inflationary spiral. Some economists advocate a monetary reform t o solve the stabilization problem. For example, existing rubles might be exchanged for new rubles a t , say 2-to-1 or 3-to-1; other suggestions are "parallel rubles" or "gold rubles". We believe these approaches should be avoided unless budget and monetary stability are absolutely guaranteed. If a monetary reform fails, as it surely will in the absence of strict fiscal and monetary discipline, the government will lose most of its remaining credibility. On the other hand, if monetary stability is achieved, then monetary reform is likely t o be unnecessary. A major question is whether it is desirable, by indexing, to compensate various groups for price increases. We recommend minimizing the amount of automatic indexation. There is no way t o index the entire economy. Indexation cannot produce goods; it simply redistributes real resources from one group t o another. The more the system is indexed, the greater is the threat of hyperinflation. Many countries have indexed their economies and have lived t o regret it; indeed, in the country with the greatest price stability, the Federal Republic Germany, wage indexation is illegal. T h e only exception we would recommend is for transfer paymeilts to low-income households, like pensioners, who must be protected against the hardships of a severe inflation. Indexation of wages should be altogether avoided if a t all possible. What about the possibility of "incomes policies", designed t o control wages and prices directly? We believe that tight fiscal and credit policies are the crucial ingredients for the containment of inflation. The only certain way t o check inflation is the threat of unemployment and bankruptcy that prevents firms from raising prices; for this, tight budget and credit policies are essential. Incomes policies may help, but they must not be used as a substitute for fiscal and monetary discipline.
  • 26. 5. Moderate the Social Costs of Unemployment Perhaps the most serious adverse consequence of the essential reforms we identify here will be sharp increase in open unemployment. The weaning of State enterprises from government subsidies and easy credit, the authority and incentives managers will and must have t o reduce costs and increase efficiency, the introduction of competition both domestic and foreign and the elimination of inflation, will all inevitably mean the displacement of large numbers of workers from their current employments. In a dynamic economy, the resources released in this way will be absorbed in the expansion of output, the springing into existence of new enterprises, the opening up of opportunities for exports, and in the increase in effective consumer demand and real income that improvements in productivity make possible. And that kind of economic progress is impossible if every worker is instead given a one hundred percent guarantee of retaining his or her job in its present location. Unemployment compensation is the only possible way of reconciling this requirement of reversing the present disintegration and stagnation of the Soviet economy with the prevention of severe hardships for workers in the transition. Such a system will provide workers who are laid off with tempo- rary support. However, that support must be substantially below the wages of those who continue t o work and should decrease with the length of un- employment, in order t o preserve incentives for workers to relocate, retrain, and accept alternative employment. Given the geographical diversity in the Soviet Union in terms of wage levels and the cost of living, it would be desirable t o have the unemploy- ment compensation system administered by the Republics and localities. Of course, these levels of government must have the t a x revenues necessary t o meet the costs of an unemployment compensation system. 6. Open the Economy Internationally In a sense, the several steps we have recommended to this point are all steps t o create an open, competitive market economy within the Soviet Union. These also require avoiding the imposition of trade barriers among the several republics. In addition, as the Soviet Union liberalizes and stabilizes its economy, opening the economy internationally can play a critical role. We recommend
  • 27. moving t o a convertible currency and removing import and export restric- tions very quickly. Opening the economy will provide consumer goods, will speed the introduction of foreign technology, will ensure that prices reflect competitive world market prices, and will restrain monopolistic forces inside the Soviet Union. We recommend that the ruble be made freely convertible for all imports and exports, with limitations only on "capital-account" transactions. In addition, we recommend that all quantitative restrictions be replaced by low and uniform tariffs, in the neighborhood of 10 percent. 6.1 Reasons for opening the economy There are several reasons for opening the economy very quickly. the princi- pal reason is that it would expose the Soviet Union to the competitive world marketplace. The Soviet economy must make the transition t o new lines of production and more efficient productive techniques. History shows that the quickest way t o achieve an efficient pattern of production is t o allow the price signals of the market t o get transmitted t o domestic enterprises. By removing quantitative restrictions on imports and allowing ruble convertibil- ity, Soviet enterprises will have a price and quality standard that they must match in order t o sell a t home or abroad. Second, currency convertibility will ensure that Soviet prices will move t o market-clearing levels. Foreign firms are adept a t finding the combination of prices, quantity, and quality appropriate t o each country; they will force the newly corporatized Soviet firms t o align internal prices with the world prices of tradable goods, adjusted for quality differences. The sooner convertibility is introduced, the quicker will be this alignment. Third, opening the economy will provide goods t o Soviet workers whose incentive t o produce is a t present severely undetermined by shortages and the unavailability of domestic and foreign goods and services. Opening the economy will offer a wide array of new goods, albeit a t high prices; ironically, however, these prices are likely t o be lower than the ones prevailing in today's black markets. Finally, as noted earlier, corporatization and price liberalization will al- low some Soviet enterprises t o charge high prices. Introduction of foreign competition will be the most effective and immediately available method of restraining the exercise of monopoly power for tradable goods. Easy entry by foreign firms into the Soviet market will provide some check on non-tradable sectors as well.
  • 28. These are compelling reasons to place opening the economy near the top any serious move to a market economy. We propose taking these steps soon as possible, either simultaneously with or very quickly after most prices are liberalized. 6.2 Concrete steps (1) T h e ruble should become freely convertible into other currencies for all "current" transactions. Current account convertibility means that Soviet enterprises and individuals have free access t o foreign exchange for the purchase of foreign goods and services, and that foreigners have free access t o sell in the Soviet market. All Soviet and foreign enterprises will be allowed t o buy and sell rubles and foreign currencies for the purposes of export and import of goods and services. Foreign firms should be allowed t o hold ruble accounts and t o repatriate their profits. We propose an initial limitation on "capital" transactions, however. Soviet residents would not be permitted t o hold foreign securities or large quantities of foreign currencies. (23 In the long run, it would be desirable t o have a fixed exchange rate for Western currencies. In the near term, this will not be feasible, because of the prospect of severe inflation. It is therefore recommended that the ruble be allowed t o float, although the government will probably want t o intervene t o prevent excessive short-term exchange-rate fluctuations. A freely-floating ruble will initially move t o a level between the official rate and the black-market rate. Thus, depreciation upon floating is both inevitable and desirable. A lower exchange rate will balance supply and demand for foreign exchange, will ensure that enterprises can buy foreign goods when that is most efficient, and will provide a wider variety of goods and services t o consumers. We are against an overvalued exchange rate. It would be better t o have the ruble priced too low than too high. An undervalued ruble ensures that doing business in the Soviet Union would become a bargain, and foreign firms and technology would be attracted t o set up production there. (3) We recommend replacement of all quantitative restrictions on imports with a uniform tariff on all imports in the neighborhood of 10 percent. Tariffs are more even-handed than quotas as a way of protecting domestic industry, and they avoid the administrative system that currently dom- inates and distorts Soviet foreign trade. In addition, tariffs can provide
  • 29. a source of valuable government revenues. It may be desirable t o subsi- dize importation as well as domestic production of some food products, such as bread and vegetable oils, which are exceptionally important t o households. Energy exports, particularly oil and gas, may need t o have a temporary export tax t o cushion domestic consumers from large price increases, although permitting domestic energy prices eventually t o in- crease t o world levels - which we strongly recommend - will free resources for exports and generate an important source of export earnings. 6.3 Economic union One of the critical issues facing Soviet policy makers is the economic rela- tionship between the Union and the Republics. From an economic point of view, maintaining free trade among the different regions would contribute t o an efficient division of labor and use of resources. In many ways, the exis- tence of the United States as a continentally free trade zone has contributed t o the success of the American economy, and the European community is moving toward a free-trade region. The centrifugal forces leading Republics and localities t o seize control and demand autonomy arise from the breakdown of the current administrative system. When administrative prices deviate so far from realistic prices, nobody wants t o sell and everybody wants t o keep goods a t home. I t is futile t o try t o negotiate agreements between the Union and the Republics in a world where the terms of trade - the prices - are so distorted, where trade is involuntary, and where everyone feels exploited. There are powerful gains from maintaining a free-trade zone when the price mechanism is functioning effectively. However, only when prices are freed and reflect genuine scarcities and costs, and the ruble regains value and stability, will be economic conditions be propitious for forging a political consensus about the shape of the new Soviet Union. 7. Conclusion To succeed, these measures must be explained t o the parliament, t o the me- dia, and t o the people. Successful adoption will require a firm, wholehearted, and consistent commitment by Soviet leaders and the reaching of an accord with the leaders of the Republics. We recognize that the proposals will be painful and controversial. They impose major social costs in the short run as the Soviet society makes the
  • 30. transition from a centralized administrative approach t o the decentralized direction of individuals through markets. Moreover, it is not possible t o provide an ironclad guarantee that these measures will cure the nation's ailments. But we can say with confidence that history shows again and again that allowing markets to direct an economy offers the best hope for resuscitating a sick economy and for raising living standards toward those in Western Europe and the United States.