121315, 1138 AMDocumentsPage 1 of 7httpwww.wwnorton..docx

12/13/15, 11:38 AMDocuments
Page 1 of
7http://www.wwnorton.com/college/NRL/epack_ancillaries/worl
ds-together-worlds-apart4/ch17_documents.html
Tignor, et al., Worlds Together, Worlds Apart, Fourth Edition
Chapter 17: Nations and Empires (1850-1914)
Documents
Click on an item in the list to display/hide the contents. Close
this window or tab to return to your course.
Rudyard Kipling, The White Man’s Burden
Rudyard Kipling was a British poet and author born and raised
in India. While traveling extensively, he lived
in Great Britain and the United States as an adult and gained a
wide popularity in the English speaking world
as a champion of imperialism.
Take up the White Man's burden—
Send forth the best ye breed—
Go bind your sons to exile
To serve your captives' need;
To wait in heavy harness,
On fluttered folk and wild—
Your new-caught, sullen peoples,
Half-devil and half-child.

In patience to abide,
To veil the threat of terror
And check the show of pride;
By open speech and simple,
An hundred times made plain
To seek another's profit,
And work another's gain.
The savage wars of peace—
Page 2 of
Fill full the mouth of Famine
And bid the sickness cease;
And when your goal is nearest
The end for others sought,
Watch sloth and heathen Folly
Bring all your hopes to nought.
No tawdry rule of kings,
But toil of serf and sweeper—
The tale of common things.
The ports ye shall not enter,
The roads ye shall not tread,
Go mark them with your living,
And mark them with your dead.

And reap his old reward:
The blame of those ye better,
The hate of those ye guard—
The cry of hosts ye humour
(Ah, slowly!) toward the light:—
"Why brought he us from bondage,
Our loved Egyptian night?"
Ye dare not stoop to less—
Nor call too loud on Freedom
To cloke your weariness;
By all ye cry or whisper,
By all ye leave or do,
The silent, sullen peoples
Shall weigh your gods and you.
Have done with childish days—
The lightly proferred laurel,
The easy, ungrudged praise.
Comes now, to search your manhood
Through all the thankless years
Cold, edged with dear-bought wisdom,
The judgment of your peers!
Instructions: Write out your answer(s) to the question(s) below
and then submit them as
determined by your instructor.
1. What according to Kipling was the "white man's burden?"
What does this poem suggest about national

Page 3 of
identity in Britain at this time?
Lord Milner, The English Occupation of Egypt 1890s
Alfred Milner, 1st Viscount Milner, served as Undersecretary of
Finance in Egypt for the British government
between 1889 and 1892. He later served the British imperial
administration in South Africa.
If it be admitted that to guide Egypt in the direction of civilized
independence and to protect the various
foreign interests which are bound up with her peace and
prosperity, it is desirable that she should remain for
a time under the guardianship of some great power, then there
are obvious reasons why England should
remain her guardian. The position that we occupy in Egypt may
be said to be the result of accident.
But it has more than accidental justification. Alike by the nature
of our interests, by the nature of our power,
and by certain special qualities in our national character, we
seem marked out for the discharge of this
particular duty. Our interests in Egypt are absolutely identical
with those of the Egyptian people. We are their
principal customers and they are also very important customers
of Great Britain. With the deficiency of
outlets which threatens our vast foreign trade, the great and

growing market of Egypt is evidently not a
thing which we can afford to despise. And if Egyptian
prosperity is British interest, so is Egyptian
independence. We have no desire to possess ourselves of Egypt,
but we have every reason to prevent any
rival power from so possessing itself. The truth is that the idea
of a definite date for the conclusion of our
work in Egypt is misleading. The withdrawal of Great Britain, if
it is not to end in disaster, can only be a
gradual gradual process. If British troops were to be withdrawn,
it would be more than ever necessary that
the position of the British officers in the Egyptian army should
be maintained. And not only the position of
the British officers, but that of a limited number of high British
officials in the civil service. No doubt, in time,
even these safeguards might gradually be dispensed with; but
that is looking forward to a more distant
period than it is of any use trying to speculate about just at
present. The circumstances must decide. As
native governing capacity develops, as natives come forward
who are fit for responsible posts now held by
Englishmen, these posts should be resigned to them. Perhaps
some British element in the government would
always be necessary. Perhaps the British prime minister would
always need to exercise some control on the
most important questions of policy, but that control might be, in
the end, very light and almost
imperceptible.
Let us hope that there may be no more attempts to confuse the
issue by antiquated tirades about
bondholders. Finan cial swindling may have helped to produce
the state of things which made our
intervention necessary. But the interest of the bondholder—
though, like every other legitimate interest, it has
been benefited by England's action — has never been the

inspiring motive of our policy, least of all our policy
during recent years. Nothing could be more false than any
suggestion to that effect. The inspiring, the
predominant motive of that policy is the welfare of the Egyptian
people. We have done much to promote
their welfare, but there is something yet to do. The desire to
complete the work is surely a worthy one. It is
an effort in which, if we would be true to ourselves, we are
bound to persist as long as we have the power.
Page 4 of
James Harvey Robinson, Charles Austin Beard, (eds.) Readings
in Modern European History: A Collection of
Extracts from the Sources Chosen with the Purpose of
Illustrating some of the Chief Phases of the
Development of Europe during the Last Two Hundred Years
(Boston: Ginn & Company, 1909). pp 454-456.
1. How does Milner justify British control of Egypt?
Joseph Chamberlain, "A Plea for Imperialism," 1893
Joseph Chamberlain, a British manufacturer turned politician,

was a consistent advocate of British colonialism
during his career. He gave this speech to an audience of
manufacturer and workingmen in Birmingham,
England, in 1893.
We must look this matter in the face, and must recognize that in
order that we may have more employment
to give we must create more demand [hear, hear]. Give me the
demand for more goods and then I will
undertake to give plenty of employment in making the goods;
and the only thing, in my opinion, that the
government can do in order to meet this great difficulty that we
are considering, is so to arrange its policy
that every inducement shall be given to the demand
that new markets shall be created, and that old markets shall be
effectually developed [cheers]. You are
aware that some of my opponents please themselves
occasionally by finding names for me [laughter], and
among other names lately they have been calling me a Jingo
[laughter]. I am no more a Jingo than you are
[hear, hear]. But for the reasons and arguments I have put
before you to-night I am convinced that it is a
necessity as well as a duty for us to uphold the dominion and
empire which we now possess [ loud cheers].
For these reasons, among others, I would never lose the hold
which we now have over our great Indian
dependency [hear, hear], by far the greatest and most valuable
of all the customers we have or ever shall
have in this country. For the same reasons I approve of the
continued occupation of Egypt, and for the same
reasons I have urged upon this government, and upon previous
governments, the necessity for using every
legitimate opportunity to extend our influence and control in
that great African continent which is now being
opened up to civilization and to commerce; and, lastly, it is for

the same reasons that I hold that our navy . .
should be strengthened [loud cheers] until its supremacy is so
assured that we cannot be shaken in any of
the possessions which we hold or may hold hereafter.
Believe me, if in any one of the places to which I have referred
any change took place which deprived us of
that control and influence of which I have been speaking, the
first to suffer would be the workingmen of this
country. Then, indeed, we should see a distress which would not
be temporary, but which would be chronic,
and we should find that England was entirely unable to support
the enormous population which is now
maintained by the aid of her foreign trade. If the workingmen
of this country understand their own
Page 5 of
interests, they will never lend any countenance to the doctrines
of those politicians who never lose an
opportunity of pouring contempt and abuse upon the brave
Englishmen, who, even at this moment, in all
parts of the world are carving out new dominions for Britain,
and are opening up fresh markets for British
commerce and laying out fresh fields for British labor
[applause].
James Harvey Robinson, Charles Austin Beard, (eds.) Readings
in Modern European History: A Collection of
Extracts from the Sources Chosen with the Purpose of

Illustrating some of the Chief Phases of the
Development of Europe during the Last Two Hundred Years
(Boston: Ginn & Company, 1909). pp 411-413.
1. Why does Chamberlain argue that colonization was essential
to the future of the British nation?
Capt. F. D. Lugard, "The Extension of British Influence (and
Trade) in Africa"
Lugard was a British colonial administrator, born in India, who
after serving the British East Africa Company
in the 1880s, returned to Britain advocating a stronger British
state presence in Africa. He later served the
colonial administration in Nigeria. He spoke before the Royal
Colonial Institute, founded in 1882 to promote
colonial interests, which had become a highly influential group,
presided over by the Prince of Wales.
The subject upon which I have been asked to read a paper this
evening is one of such magnitude that I am
at a loss to know where or how to begin. It was notified on the
circulars that we were to deal to-night with
"the extension of British trade in Africa," but I have ventured to
ask permission to change the subject to that
of ë the extension of British influence" (including trade);
firstly, because I think the former is rather more
adapted to a Chamber of Commerce than to my present
audience; nor could it be dealt with at all
satisfactorily without examining a considerable mass of trade

reports and statistics, and discussing in some
detail the output of other countries, and the comparative values
and initial cost of production of a number of
specific articles of commerce exported (or likely to be exported
after some years) from Africa. Such details
would, I fear, weary you, and would hardly be suitable to the
place and occasion, yet without them no paper
could claim the suggested title. Secondly, an examination of
British trade in Africa must of necessity include
the large amount of trade done by our countrymen in the
African dependencies of other powers, whereas my
desire and my ability—such as it is—are limited to dealing with
British possessions only, and my purpose is
rather to attempt to indicate some few of the directions in which
national industry and enterprise may find
scope for expansion. It will, therefore, be my desire to present
to you a brief description of some of our
tropical African possessions, and to discuss shortly some of the
problems to which they give rise, with the
intention only of providing some theses for the discussion
which it is the object of this paper to inaugurate.
Fourteen hundred years before Christ the contribution of Africa
to the world's wealth was summarised in
three items—ivory, apes, and peacocks, though whether the
allusion is indeed to Africa seems doubtful, the
Page 6 of
more so that peacocks are not found on the continent. Fourteen
hundred years after Christ (or a century or

two more) apes and peacocks had ceased to be a demand of
civilisation, and two items sufficed to indicate
the main output of Africa, viz. " black and white ivory"—slaves
and elephant tusks. Between
these two epochs, it is true, there had been a period of
comparative activity in the north, but of steady and
permanent progress throughout the continent there remained no
trace, and it seemed as though the shadow
of a curse brooded over the continent from the days of King
Solomon till the days of Queen Elizabeth. During
these thirty centuries, of which we have some historical record,
nations arose and decayed and passed away;
Assyria and the Mogul empires in the East, Greece and Rome in
the West, but Africa remained a closed
continent. Egypt and Carthage alone claim a place in the history
of the nations, but neither the one nor the
other was of the race and blood of the negroid tribes which
peopled the continent and still people it to-day. It
is to these settlers on the northern temperate coast of Africa that
we owe our earliest records of the
continent. Hanno, the Carthaginian, first attempted its
circumnavigation some three thousand 'years ago,
and reached as far as Sierra Leone on the west coast, while
Herodotus and Hecatacus gleaned from
Alexandrine and Egyptian sources those facts about the origin
of the Nile in equatorial lakes, near the "
Mountains of the Moon," together with many quaint and
interesting stories of the distant tribes of the
interior, which have come down to us in their works. But until
the latter half of the present century little more
was known of the interior than was known in the time of
Solomon, or of Herodotus, and the Sphinx still
looked out, as through the ages that had passed, over an
unknown desert—the barrier which guarded the
secrets of an unknown land. The contrast between the map of

Africa as we knew it in our childhood and as
we see it to-day is sufficiently striking. The tabula rasa has
become a sheet almost as closely filled with lakes
and rivers, with mountains and towns, as a map of Europe itself.
Above all, we find that it is partitioned off
into areas assigned to the various Powers of Europe. There are
but few boundaries still left undetermined,
and though in respect of these there are doubtless rivalries and
jealousies between the Powers concerned, on
the whole the partition of Africa has been accomplished with a
minimum of friction, and no differences
between the civilised powers which it has been beyond the
power of diplomacy to eliminate. Nor yet has this
partition given rise to much bloodshed in the continent itself.
Wars there have been and there are. Great
Britain has been in conflict with the Jebus in the west, the
Matabele in the south, and the slave-trading Yaos
in the east, and at the present moment has one or two small
guerilla wars on hand. Italy is fighting the
Abyssinians. France has been at chronic feud for twenty years
with Samory and Alimadou in the west, has
crushed the power of Dahomey, and is now leading her
victorious armies to the capital of Madagascar. The
Congo State has broken the power of the Nyangwe Arabs, while
Germany has had her troubles in east, west,
and south-west. But for the most part these conflicts have been
with the forces of unrest—the alien slave-
raiders, or the fierce and cruel tribes who, for the moment, held
the dominant power and misused it to
slaughter and enslave their weaker neighbours. In no country, at
no epoch of the world that I can recall, has
the advent of civilisation in a barbarous land been marked by
less gratuitous bloodshed. It is essential to
bear in mind that this annexation of Africa by the white races
was no outcome of missionary or philanthropic
zeal. It was the natural overflow of the nations of Europe into

the waste places of the earth, following the law
which has guided and, indeed, formed the history of the world.
In the nineteenth century, moreover, there
has been a new propelling influence at work, over and above
that blind impulse which prompts a certain
proportion of the manhood of civilised nations to wander forth
into less civilised lands. The impulse to which I
allude is to some extent distinct from that which forces the
emigration of surplus population from the
congested cities of Europe, and it is the direct result of the great
trade rivalry and commercial warfare which
has followed the cheapening of transport—by the introduction
of steam. In our own case the hostile tariffs
imposed by other nations upon our industries, the competition
of foreign-made goods, and the depression of
trade, have driven us to seek new markets and new fields for our
surplus energy. Settlers driven to seek
their fortunes in new Colonies, by motives such as these, do not
embark for Africa with the primary object of
Page 7 of
benefiting the natives, but of benefiting themselves ; nor am I
by any means sure that hard-headed
industrious settlers, bent on succeeding in their enterprise for
their own sakes, but ready and anxious to
accord fair play to the natives, do not do as much good in their
way as the professed philanthropist. And now
that Europe has arbitrarily taken possession of Africa, it
devolves upon the nations who have undertaken

these responsibilities as "hostages to fortune," to accept the
initial burden they involve. Each of the
continental nations who have assumed charge of the largest
areas—with, perhaps, the exception of Portugal
—is spending many hundreds of thousands sterling yearly on its
African possessions. France, including the
cost of Algeria, can hardly be
spending less than several millions sterling a year. The French
Soudan alone cost half a million last year,
exclusive of Senegal, Rivieres du Sud, Cote d'lvoire, Algeria,
&c.; and this estimate is wholly exclusive of the
two and a half millions sterling lately spent in Madagascar.
Germany and Italy each spend at least half a
million. Hitherto Great Britain has spent but little. We pride
ourselves that we make more out of our Colonial
possessions, and spend less on them, than any other nation; and
the boast is a true one, and the fact is one
of which we are rightly proud. But outlay on expensive wars,
and on a cumbrous and too expensive
administration, is one thing, and outlay on the development of
the country is a totally different thing.
Proceedings of the Royal Colonial Institute, London,1895. pp.4-
7.
1. How does Lugard describe the actions of other European
governments in Africa?

of 4
PHILADELPHIA CORDWAINERS' CASE
[COMMONWEALTH v. PULLIS]
Philadelphia Mayor's Court (1806)
3 Doc. Hist. of Am. Ind. Soc. 59 (2d ed. Commons 1910)
Indictment for common law conspiracy, tried before a jury
consisting of two inn-keepers,
a tavern-keeper, three grocers, a merchant, a hatter, a
tobacconist, a watchmaker, a tailor,
a bottler .
The indictment charged in substance:
( 1) That defendants conspired and agreed that none of them
would work at the
shoemaking craft except at certain specified prices higher than
prices which had
theretofore customarily been paid;
(2) that defendants conspired and agreed that they would
endeavor to prevent "by
threats, menaces, and other unlawful means" other craftsmen
from working except
at said specified rates; and (3) that defendants, having formed

themselves into an
association, conspired and agreed that none of them would work
for any master
who should employ a cordwainera who had broken any rule or
bylaw of the
association, and that defendants, in accordance with such
agreement refused to
work at the usual rates and prices.
Counsel for the prosecution were Jared Ingersol and Joseph
Hopkinson. Counsel for the
defendants were Caesar A. Rodney and Walter Franklin. During
his address to the jury,
Joseph Hopkinson, for the prosecution, stated, among other
things, the following:
[Summary of the Prosecution’s Case]
If the court and jury shall decide, that journeymen may
associate together, and determine
that none shall work under certain prices; then, when orders
arrive for considerable
quantities of any article, the association may determine to raise
the wages, and reduce the
contracts to diminish their profit; to sustain a loss, or to
abandon the execution of the
orders, as was done in Bedford's case, who told you he could
have afforded to execute the
orders he obtained at the southward, had wages remained the
same as when he left
Philadelphia. When they found he had a contract, they took
advantage of his necessity.
What was done by the journeymen shoemakers, may be done by
those of every other

a A cordwainer is a shoemaker.
Page 2 of 4
trade, or manufacturer in the city A few more things of this sort,
and you will break up
the manufactories; the masters will be afraid to make a contract,
therefore he must
relinquish the export trade, and depend altogether upon the
profits of the work of
Philadelphia, and confine his supplies altogether to the city.
The last turn-out had liked to
have produced that effect: Mr .Ryan told you he had intended to
confine himself to
bespokeb work.
It must be plain to you, that the master employers have no
particular interest in the thing
...if they pay higher wages, you must pay higher for the articles.
They, in truth, ate
protecting the community. Nor is it merely the advance of
wages that increases the price
to the consumer, the master must have some compensation for
the advance of his cash,
and the credit he frequently gives. They have no interest to
serve in the prosecution; they
have no vindictive passions to gratify ...they merely stand as the
guardians of the
community from imposition and rapacity.
If this conspiracy was to be confined to the person themselves,

it would not be an offense
against the law, but they go further. There are two counts in the
indictment; you are to
consider each, and give your verdict on each. The first is for
contriving, and intending,
unjustly and oppressively, to encrease and augment the wages
usually allowed them. The
other for endeavouring to prevent, by threats, menaces, and
other unlawful means, other
journeymen from working at the usual prices, and that they
compelled others to join
them.
If these persons claim the right to put the price on their own
work, if they say their labour
is their own, and they are the judges of its value, why not admit
the same right to others?
If it is the right of Dubois, and the other defendants, is it not
equally the right of Hattison
and Cummings? We stand up for the right of the journeymen, as
well as of the masters.
The last turn-out was called by a small majority ...60 against
50, or thereabout: shall 60
unreasonable men, perhaps single men, having no one to
provide for but themselves,
distress and bring to destruction 50 married men with their
families?
Let the 60 put what price they please on their own work; but the
others are free agents
also: leave them free, or talk no more of equal rights, of
independence, or of liberty.
It may be answered, that when men enter into a society they are
bound to conform to its
rules; they may say, the majority ought to govern the minority

...granted ...but they ought
to leave a man free to join, or not to join the society. If I go
into a country I am bound to
submit to its laws, but surely I may judge, "whether or not I will
go there. The society has
b “Bespoken work” is custom work.
Page 3 of 4
no right to force you into its body, and then say you shall obey
its rules under severe
penalties. By their constitution you find, and from their own
lips I must take the words,
that though a man wants no more wages than he gets, he must
join in a turn-out. The man
who seeks an asylum in this country, from the arbitrary
laws of other nations, is coerced into this society, though he
does not work In the article
intended to be raised; he must leave his seat and join the
turnoutc.
Recorder Levy, in his charge to the jury, made the following
statements, among
others:
It is proper to consider, is such a combination consistent with
the principles of our law,
and injurious to the public welfare? The usual means by which
the prices of work are
regulated, are the demand for the article and the excellence of

its fabric. Where the work
is well done, and the demand is considerable, the prices will
necessarily be high. Where
the work is ill done, and the demand is inconsiderable, they will
unquestionably be low.
If there are many to consume, and few to work, the price of the
article will be high; but if
there are few to consume, and many to work, the article must be
low.
Much will depend, too, upon these circumstances, whether the
materials are plenty or
scarce; the price of the commodity, will in consequence be
higher or lower. These are the
means by which prices are regulated in the natural course of
things. To make an artificial
regulation, is not to regard the excellence of the work or quality
of the material, but to fix
a positive and arbitrary price, governed by no standard,
controlled by no impartial person,
but dependent on the will of the few who are interested; this is
the unnatural way of
raising the price of goods or work. This is independent of the
number who are to do the
work. It is an unnatural, artificial means of raising the price of
work beyond its standard,
and taking an undue advantage of the public. Is the rule of law
bottomed upon such
principles, as to permit or protect such conduct?
Consider it on the footing of the general commerce of the city.
Is there any man who can
calculate (if this is tolerated) at what price he may safely
contract to deliver articles, for
which he may receive orders, if he is to be regulated by the
journeymen in an arbitrary

jump from one price to another? It renders it impossible for a
man, making a contract for
a large quantity of such goods, to know whether he shall lose or
gain by it. If he makes a
large contract for goods today, for delivery at three, six or nine
months hence, can he
calculate what the prices will be then, if the journeymen in the
intermediate time, are
permitted to meet and raise their prices, according to their
caprice or pleasure? Can he fix
the price of his commodity for a future day? It is impossible
that any man can carry on
c A ‘turnout’ is a strike.
Page 4 of 4
commerce in this way. There cannot be a large contract entered
into, but what the
contractor will make at his peril. He may be ruined by the
difference of prices made by
the journeymen in the intermediate time. What then is the
operation of this kind of
conduct upon the commerce of the city? It exposes it to
inconveniences, if not to ruin;
therefore, it is against the public welfare.
What is the case now before us? ...A combination of workmen
to raise their wages may
be considered in a two fold point of view; one is to benefit
themselves ...the other is to

injure those who do not join their society. The rule of law
condemns both. If the rule be
clear, we are bound to conform to it even though we do not
comprehend the principle
upon which it is founded. We are not to reject it because we do
not see the reason of it. It
is enough, that is the will of the majority. It is law because it is
their will-if it is law, there
may be good reasons for it though we cannot find them out. But
the rule in this case is
pregnant with sound sense and all the authorities are clear upon
the subject. Hawkins, the
greatest authority on the criminal law, has laid it down, that a
combination to maintaining
one another, carrying a particular object, whether true or false,
is criminal... the authority
cited does not rest merely upon the reputation of that book. He
gives you other authorities
to which he refers.
It is adopted by Blackstoned, and laid down as the law by Lord
Mansfield 1793, that an
act innocent in an individual, is rendered criminal by a
confederacy to effect it. One man
determines not to work under a certain price and it may be
individually the opinion of all;
in such a case it would" be lawful in each to refuse to do so, for
if each stands, alone,
either may extract from his determination when he pleases. In
the turn-out of last fall, if
each member of the body had stood alone, fettered by no
promises to the rest, many of
them might have changed their opinion as to the price of wages
and gone to work; but it
has been give n to you in evidence, that they were bound down
by their agreement, and

pledged by mutual engagements, to persist in it, however
contrary to their own judgment.
The continuance in improper conduct may therefore well be
attributed to the
combination. The good sense of those individuals was prevented
by this agreement, from
having its free exercise.
The defendants were found guilty and were fined eight dollars
each plus costs.
d Lord Blackstone was British and the preeminent Anglo-
American legal scholar of this era.

121315, 1138 AMDocumentsPage 1 of 7httpwww.wwnorton..docx

Recommended

Recommended

More Related Content

Similar to 121315, 1138 AMDocumentsPage 1 of 7httpwww.wwnorton..docx

Similar to 121315, 1138 AMDocumentsPage 1 of 7httpwww.wwnorton..docx (10)

More from hyacinthshackley2629

More from hyacinthshackley2629 (20)

Recently uploaded

Recently uploaded (20)

121315, 1138 AMDocumentsPage 1 of 7httpwww.wwnorton..docx