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Name ________________________
Date ________________________
Critical Reflection #4- “The Myth of the Culture of Poverty”
Gorski, P. (2008). The Myth of the Culture of Poverty.
Educational Leadership, 65(7). Retrieved from
http://www.ascd.org/publications/educational-
leadership/apr08/vol65/num07/The-Myth-of-the-Culture-of-
Poverty.aspx
Read the assigned article(s), then answer the following
questions honestly and completely in short answer form. Your
response to EACH section of every question should be between
150-500 words. Answers that do not fulfill the minimum word
requirement will NOT earn credit. Collegiate-level writing is
expected, including, but not limited to, using complete
sentences, appropriate punctuation, proper paragraph structure,
and editing for spelling and grammar mistakes. Please cite any
sources you use, and quotations are not counted in the word
minimum.
Use appropriate supporting evidence for your statements.
Answer each prompt question thoroughly. If you can ask
"why?", "how so?", or "how do you know that?" after reading
what you've written, you've got more work to do. Your answers
are for your own reflection and will only be viewed by your
instructor. Each question should address the information in the
article, content from class, and your reflections of the material.
1. According to the article, “what is the so-called “culture of
poverty”? What are some common stereotypes of people who
live in poverty? What are some incomplete ideas you have or
have had about people who live in poverty? Moving forward,
how can you reevaluate these incomplete ideas and apply them
to everyday life?
2. In what ways do or could the myths about poverty in the
article affect the population with whom you work?
3. Gorski describes the deficit perspective in schools, the idea
that teachers and schools may define students by their
weaknesses rather than their strengths. Look through materials
that your organization produces: their website, brochures,
flyers, fundraising letters, etc. In what ways is the population
you serve described in terms of weaknesses? In terms of
strengths?
4. Based on our discussion in class and the article, what role do
you think the government should play in providing assistance
for its citizens? How is the Federal Poverty Line determined?
Do you think that Line is fairly determined? Why or why not?
5. Gorski names a handful of American iconic persons or groups
who have done significant antipoverty work in the U.S.: Martin
Luther King, Jr., Helen Keller, the Black Panthers, Cesar
Chavez. Choose one about which you know the least, and
describe 1-2 of their antipoverty efforts: Who was it aimed to
help? During which period of time did they operate? What was
their work, and where did it take effect? What were the results
of their work? (400 words minimum)
The Myth of the
Instead of accepting myths that
harm lo'w-income students, we
need to eradicate the systemwide
inequities that stand in their way.
Paul Gorski
A
s the students file out of Janet's classroom, I sit
in the back comer, scribbling a few final notes.
Defeat in her eyes, Janet drops into a seal next
to me with a sigh.
"I love these kids," she declares, as if trying to
convince me. "1 adore them. But my hope is fading."
"Whys ihai?" I ask, stuffing my notes into a folder,
"They're sman. I know they're smart, b u t . . ."
And then the deficit floodgates open: 'They don't care
about school. They're unmotivated. And their parents—I'm
lucky if two or three of them show up for conferences. No
wonder the kids are unprepared to leam."
At Janet's invitation, 1 spent dozens of hours in her class-
room, meeting her students, observing her teaching, helping
her navigate the complexities of an urban midwestern
elementary classroom with a growing percentage of students
in poverty. 1 observed powerful moments of teaching and
learning, caring and support. And I witnessed moments of
intemal conflict injanei, when what she wanted to believe
about her students collided with her prejudices.
Like most educators, Janet is detennined to create an envi-
ronment in which each student reaches his or her full poten-
tial. And like many of us, despite overflowing with good
intentions, Janet has bought into the most common and
dangerous myths about poverty.
Chief among these is the "culture of poverty" myth—the
idea that poor people share more or less monolithic and
predictable beliefs, values, and behaviors. For educators like
Janet to be the best teachers they can be for all students, they
need to challenge this myth and reach a deeper understanding
of class and poverty.
Roots of the Culture
of Poverty Concept
Oscar Lewis coined the term culture of
poverty in his 1961 book The Children
oj Sanchez. Lewis based his thesis on
his ethnographic studies of small
Mexican communities. His studies
uncovered approximately 50 attributes
shared within these communities:
frequent violence, a lack of a sense of
history, a neglect of planning for the
future, and so on. Despite studying
very small communities, Lewis extrap-
olated his findings to suggest a
universal culture of poverty. More than
45 years later, ihe premise of the
culture of poverty paradigm remains
I the same: that people in poverty share
I a consistent and observable "culture."
:• Lewis ignited a debate about the
S nature of poverty that continues today
32 EDUCATIONAL LTIADERSHIP/APRIL 2008
"Culture of Poverty"
But jusl as important—especially in
the age of data-driven decision
making—he inspired a flood of
research. Researchers around the
world tested the culture of poverty
concept empirically (see Billings,
1974; Carmon, 1985; Jones & Luo,
1999). Others analyzed the overall
body of evidence regarding the culture
of poverty paradigm (see Abeli &
Lyon, 1979; Ortiz & Briggs, 2003;
Rodman, 1977).
These studies raise a variety of ques-
tions and come to a variety of conclu-
sions about poverty. But on this they
all agree: There is no .such thing as a
culture of poverty. Differences in values
and behaviors among poor people are
just as great as those between poor and
wealthy people.
In actuality, the culture of poverty
concept is constructed from a collec-
tion of smaller stereotypes which, however false, seem to
have crept into mamstream thinkmg as unquestioned fact.
Let's look at some examples.
MYTH: Poor people are unmotivated and have
weak work ethics.
Tiie Reality: Poor people do not have weaker work ethics
or lower levels of motivation than wealthier people (Iversen
& Farber, 1996; Wilson, 1997), Although poor people are
often stereotyped as lazy, 83 percent of children from low-
income families have at least one employed parent; close lo
60 percent have at least one parent who works full-time
and year-round (National Center for Children in Poverty,
2004), In fact, the severe shortage of living-wage jobs means
that many poor adults must work two, three, or four jobs.
According to the Economic Policy Institute (2002), poor
working adults spend more hours working each week than
their wealthier counterparts.
MYTH: Poor parents are uninvolved in their
children's learning, largely because they do not
value education.
The Reality: Low-income parents hold the same attitudes
about education that wealthy parents do (Compton-Lilly,
2003; Lareau & Horv^at, 1999; Leichter, 1978). Low-income
parents are less likely to attend school functions or volunteer
in their children's classrooms (National Center for Education
Statistics, 2005)—not because they care less about education,
but because they have less access to school involvement than
their wealthier peers. They are more likely to work multiple
jobs, to work evenings, to have jobs without paid leave, and
to be unable to afford child care and public transportation. It
might be said more accurately that schools that fail to take
these considerations into account do not value the involve-
ment of poor families as much as they value the involvement
of other families.
A S S O C I A T I O N T O R S U P E R V I S I O N A N D C U
R R I C U L U M D E V E L O P M E N T 33
MYTH: Poor people are
linguistically deficient.
The Reaiity: All people, regardless of
the languages and language varieties
they speak, use a full continuum of
language registers (Bomer, Dworin, May,
& Semingson, 2008). What's more,
linguists have known for decades that
all language varieties are highly struc-
tured with complex grammatical rules
(Gee, 2004; Hess, 1974; Miller, Cho, &
Bracey, 2005). What often are assumed
to be deficient varieties of English—
Appalachian varieties, perhaps, or what
some refer to as Black English Vemac-
ular—are no less sophisticated than so-
called "standard English."
MYTH: Poor people tend to abuse
drugs and alcohol.
The Reality: Poor people are no more
likely than their wealthier counterparts to
abuse alcohol or drugs. Although drug
sales are more isible in poor neighbor-
hoods, drug use is equally distributed
across poor, middle class, and wealthy
communities (Saxe, Kadushin, Tighe,
Rindskopf, & Beveridge, 2001). Chen,
Sheth, Krejci, and Wallace (2003) found
that alcohol consumption is sigtiificantly
higher among upper rniddle class white
high school students than among poor
black high school students. Their finding
supports a history of research showing
that alcohol abuse is far rnore prevalent
among wealthy people than among poor
people (Diala, Muntaner, & Walrath,
2004; Galea, Ahern, Tracy, & Vlahov,
2007). In other words, considering
alcohol and illicit diTigs together, wealthy
people are more likely than poor people
to be substance abusers.
Tiie Cuiture of Ciassism
The myth of a "culture of poverty"
distracts us from a dangerous culture
that does exist—the culture of ciassism.
This culture continues to harden in our
schools today. It leads the most well
intentioned of us, like my friend Janet,
into low expectations for low-income
students. It makes teachers fear their
most powerless pupils. And, worst of
all, it diverts attention from what people
in po'erty do have in common:
inequitable access to basic human
rights.
The most destructive tool of the
culture of ciassism is deficit theory. In
education, we often talk about the deficit
perspective—defining students by their
weaknesses rather than their strengths.
Deficit theory takes this attitude a step
funher, suggesting that poor people are
poor because ol their own moral and
intellectual deficiencies (Collins, 1988).
Deficit theorists use two strategies for
propagating this world view: (1) drawing
on well-established stereotypes, and
(2) ignoring systemic conditions, such
as inequitable access to high-quality
schooling, that support the cycle of
poverty
The implications of deficit theory
reach far beyond individual bias. If we
convince ourselves that poverty results
not from gross inequities (in which we
might be complicit) but from poor
people's own deficiencies, we are much
less likely to support authentic
antipoverty policy and programs.
Eurther, if we believe, however wrongly,
that poor people don't value education,
then we dodge any responsibility to
redress the gross education inequities
with which they contend. This applica-
tion of deficit theory establishes the
idea of what Gans (1995) calls the un-
deserving poor-—^a segment of our society
that simply does not deserve a fair
shake.
If the goal of deficit theory is to
justify a system that privileges economi-
cally advantaged students at the expense
of working-class and poor students,
then it appears to be working
marvelously. In our determination to
"fix" the mythical culture of poor
students, we ignore the ways in which
our society cheats them out of opjiortu-
34 EDUCATIONAL LPADFRSHIP/APRIL 2008
nities that their wealthier peers take for
granled. We ignore the fact that poor
people suffer disproportionately the
effects of nearly every major social ill.
They lack access to health care, living-
wage jobs, safe and affordable housing,
clean air and water, and so on (Books,
2004)—conditions that limit their abili-
ties to achieve to their full potential.
Perhaps most of us, as educators, feel
powerless to address these bigger
garten but allow those families that can
afford to do so lo pay for Full-day serv-
ices. Our poor students scarcely make il
out of eariy childhood without pacing
the price for our culture of classism.
Deficit theory requires us to ignore
these inequities—or worse, to see them
as normal and justified.
What does ihis mean? Regardless of
how much students in poverty value
education, they must overcome tremen-
The myth of a "culture of poverty" distracts
us from a dangerous culture that does
exist—the culture of classism.
issues. But the question is this: Are
we willing, at the very least, to tackle
the classism in our own schools and
classrooms?
This classism is plentiful and well
documented (Kozol, 1992). For
example, compared vnth their wealthier
peers, poor students are more likely to
attend schools that have less funding
(Carey, 2005); lower teacher salaries
(Karoty, 2001); more limited computer
and Internet access (Gorski, 2003);
larger class sizes; higher student-to-
teacher ratios; a less-rigorous
curriculum; and fewer experienced
teachers (Barton, 2004). The National
Commission on Teaching and America's
Future (2004) also found that low-
income schools were more likely to
suffer from cockroach or rat infestation,
dirty or inoperative student bathrooms,
large numbers of teacher vacancies and
substitute teachers, more teachers who
are not licensed in their subject areas,
insufficient or outdated classroom mate-
rials, and inadequate or nonexistent
learning facilities, such as science labs.
Here in Minnesota, several school
districts offer universal half-day klnder-
dous inequities to learn. Perhaps the
greatest myth of all is the one that dubs
education the "great equalizer." Without
considerable change, it cannot be
anything of the sort.
What Can We Do?
The socioeLonomic opportunity gap
can be eliminated only when we stop
trying to "fix" poor students and start
addressing the ways in which our
schools perpetuate classism. This
includes destroying the inequities listed
above as well as abolishing such prac-
tices as tracking and ability grouping,
segregational redistricting, and the
privatization of public schools. We
must demand the best possible educa-
tion for all students—higher-order
pedagogies, innovative learning mate-
rials, and holistic teaching and learning.
But lirst, we must demand basic human
rights for all people: adequate housing
and health care, living-wage jobs, and
so on.
Of course, we ought not tell students
who suffer today that, if they can wait
for this education revolution, every-
thing will fall into place. So as we
prepare ourselves for bigger changes,
we must
• Educate ourselves about class and
poverty
• Reject deficit theory and help
students and colleagues unlearn mis-
perceptions about poverty.
• Make school involvement accessible
to al! families.
• Follow Janet's lead, imiting
colleagues to observe our teaching for
signs of class bias.
• Continue reaching out to low-
income families even when they appear
unresponsive (and without assuming, if
they are unresponsive, that we know
why).
• Respond when colleagues stereo-
type poor students or parents.
• Never assume that all students have
equitable access to such learning
resources as computers and the
Internet, and never assign work
requiring this access without providing
in-school time to complete it.
• Ensure that learning materials do
not stereotype poor people.
m Fight to keep low-income students
from being assigned unjustly to special
education or low academic tracks.
• Make curriculum relevant to poor
students, drawing on and validating
their experiences and intelligences.
• Teach about issues related to class
and poverty—including consumer
culture, the dissolution of labor unions,
and environmental injustice—and about
movements for class equity.
• Teach about the antipoverty work
of Martin Luther King Jr., Helen Keller,
the Black Panthers, Cesar Chavez, and
other U.S. icons—and about why this
dimension of their legacies has been
erased from our national consciousness.
• Fight to ensure that school meal
programs offer healthy options.
• Examine proposed corporate-school
partnerships, rejecting those that require
the adoption of specific curriculums or
pedagogies.
A S S O C I A T I O N F O R S U P E R V I S I O N A N D C U
R R I C U L U M D E V E L O P M E N I 3 5
Most important, we must consider
how our own class biases affect our
interactions with and expectations of
our students. And then we must ask
ourselves, Where, in reality, does ihe
deficit lie? Does it lie in poor people, the
most disenfranchised people among us?
Does it lie in the education system
itself—in, as Jonathan Kozol says, the
savage inequalities of our schools? Or
does it lie in us—educators with
unquestionably good intentions who
too often tall to the temptation of the
quick fix, the easily digestible frame-
work [hat never requires us to consider
how we comply with the culture of
classism. S!
References
AbcU, T, & Lyon, L. (1979). Do the differ-
ences make a difference? An empirical
evaluation of the culture of poverty in the
United States. Amciican Anthropolo^st,
6(3), 602-62L
Barton, R E. (2004). Why does the gap
persist? Educational Leadership. 62(3),
8-13.
Billings, D. (1974). Culture and poverty in
Appalachia: A theoretical discussion and
empirical analysis. Sodal Forces, 53(2),
315-323.
Bomer, R., Dworin,J. E., May, L, & Semingson,
P (2008). Miseducaling teachers about
the poor: A critical analysis of Ruby
Payne's claims about poverty. Teachers
College Record, 110(11), Available:
www. ic record. o r ^ r i n t C o n tent, asp?
ComentID=14591
Books, S. (2004). Powrty and schooling in ihe
U.S.: Coniexts and consequences. Mahway,
NJ: Erlbaum.
Carey, K. (2005). TheJmding gap 2004: Many
stales still shoiuhange low-income and
minonty sludcnls. Washington, DC:
Education Tmst-
Carmon, N. (1985). Poveny and culture,
Sodolo^cal Perspectives, 28(4), 403-418.
Chen, K., Sheth, A., Krejci,J., & Wallace,].
(2003, August). Understanding difjerences
in alcohol use among high school students in
two different communities. Paper presented
at the annual meeting of the American
Sociological Associaiion, Atlanta, GA.
Collins, J. (1988). Language and class in
minority education. Anthropology and
Education Quarterly, /9(4), 299-326.
Compton-Lilly, C. (2003). Reading families:
The literate lives of urban children. New
York: Teachers College Press.
Diala, C. C , Muntaner, C , &• Walrath, C.
(2004). Gender, occupational, and socio-
economic correlates of alcohol and drug
abuse among U.S. rural, metropolitan,
and urban residents, American Journal of
Drug and Alcohol Abuse, 30(2), 409-428.
Economic Policy Institute. (2002). The state
of working class America 2002-03. Wash-
ington, DC: Author.
Galea, S., Ahern,J., Tracy, M., & Vlahov, D.
(2007). Neighborhood income and
income distribution and the use of ciga-
rettes, alcohol, and marijuana. American
journal of Preventive Medicine, 32(6),
195-202.
Gans, H. J. (1995). The war against the poor:
The underclass and antipoverty policy. New
York: BasicBooks.
Gee, j . R (2004). Situated language and
learning.' A critique of traditional schooling.
New York: Routledge.
Gorski, R C. (2003). Privilege and repres-
sion in the digital era: Rethinking the
sociopolitics of the digital divide. Race,
Gender and Qass, 10(4), 145-76.
Hess, K. M. (1974). The nomtandard
speakers in our schools: What should be
done? The Elementary School journal,
74(5), 280-290.
Iversen, R. R., & Farber, N. (1996). Trans-
mission of family values, work, and
welfare among poor urban black women.
Work and Occupations, 23(4), 437-460.
Jones, R. K., & Luo, Y. (1999). The culture
of poverty and African-American culture:
An empirical assessmenl. Sociolo^cal
Perspectives, 42(3), 439-458.
Karoly, L. A. (2001). Investing in the future:
Reducing poverty through human capital
investments. In S. Danzinger & R,
Haveman (Eds.), Understanding poverty
(pp. 314-356)- New York: Russell Sage
Foundation.
Kozoi,J. (1992). Savage inequalities: Children
in Ameiica's schools. New York: Harper-
Collins.
Lireau, A., &• Horvat, E, (1999). Moments
of social inclusion and exclusion: Race,
class, and cultural capital in family-school
relationships. Sociology oj Education, 72.
37-53.
Leichter, H. J. (Ed.), (1978). Familiesand
communities as educators. New York:
Teachers College Rress.
Lewis, O, (1961). Vic children ojSanchez:
Autobiography of a Mexican family. New
York: Random House.
Miller, P J., Cho, G, E,. & Bracey, J. R.
(2005). Working-class children's experi-
ence through the prism of personal story-
telling, human Development, 48, 115-135.
National Cenler for Children in Poveny.
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families. New York: Author.
National Center for Educaiion Statistics.
(2005). Parent and family involvement in
eductKion," 2002-03. Washington, DC:
Author.
NiJtiona! Commission on Teaching and
Americas Euture. (2004). Fifty years after
Brown v. Board of Education: A two-tiered
education system. Washington, DC: Author.
Oniz, A. T, &r Briggs, L. (2003). The culture
of poverty, crack babies, and welfare
cheats: The making of the "healthy white
baby crisis." Social Text, 2J(3), 39-57.
Rodman, R. (1977). Culture of poveny: The
rise and fall of a concept. Sociolo^cai
Review, 25(4), 867-876.
Saxe, L,, Kadushin, C , Tighe, E., Rindskopf,
D., &Beveridge, A. (2001). Ndfional eval-
uation of (he fighting back program: Ceneral
population suneys, 1995-1999. New York:
City University of New York Graduate
Center
Wilson, W. J. (1997). Wlien work disappears.
New York: Random House,
Paul Gorski is Assistant Professor in the
Graduate School of Education, Hamline
University, St. Paul, Minnesota, and the
founder of EdChange (www.edchange.org);
651-523-2584; [email protected]
3 6 E D U C A T I O N A L L E A D E R S H I P / A P R I L 2 0
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The Myth of the Culture of Poverty: A Critical Reflection

  • 1. Name ________________________ Date ________________________ Critical Reflection #4- “The Myth of the Culture of Poverty” Gorski, P. (2008). The Myth of the Culture of Poverty. Educational Leadership, 65(7). Retrieved from http://www.ascd.org/publications/educational- leadership/apr08/vol65/num07/The-Myth-of-the-Culture-of- Poverty.aspx Read the assigned article(s), then answer the following questions honestly and completely in short answer form. Your response to EACH section of every question should be between 150-500 words. Answers that do not fulfill the minimum word requirement will NOT earn credit. Collegiate-level writing is expected, including, but not limited to, using complete sentences, appropriate punctuation, proper paragraph structure, and editing for spelling and grammar mistakes. Please cite any sources you use, and quotations are not counted in the word minimum. Use appropriate supporting evidence for your statements. Answer each prompt question thoroughly. If you can ask "why?", "how so?", or "how do you know that?" after reading what you've written, you've got more work to do. Your answers are for your own reflection and will only be viewed by your instructor. Each question should address the information in the article, content from class, and your reflections of the material. 1. According to the article, “what is the so-called “culture of poverty”? What are some common stereotypes of people who live in poverty? What are some incomplete ideas you have or have had about people who live in poverty? Moving forward, how can you reevaluate these incomplete ideas and apply them to everyday life?
  • 2. 2. In what ways do or could the myths about poverty in the article affect the population with whom you work? 3. Gorski describes the deficit perspective in schools, the idea that teachers and schools may define students by their weaknesses rather than their strengths. Look through materials that your organization produces: their website, brochures, flyers, fundraising letters, etc. In what ways is the population you serve described in terms of weaknesses? In terms of strengths? 4. Based on our discussion in class and the article, what role do you think the government should play in providing assistance for its citizens? How is the Federal Poverty Line determined? Do you think that Line is fairly determined? Why or why not? 5. Gorski names a handful of American iconic persons or groups who have done significant antipoverty work in the U.S.: Martin Luther King, Jr., Helen Keller, the Black Panthers, Cesar Chavez. Choose one about which you know the least, and describe 1-2 of their antipoverty efforts: Who was it aimed to help? During which period of time did they operate? What was their work, and where did it take effect? What were the results of their work? (400 words minimum) The Myth of the Instead of accepting myths that harm lo'w-income students, we need to eradicate the systemwide inequities that stand in their way. Paul Gorski A
  • 3. s the students file out of Janet's classroom, I sit in the back comer, scribbling a few final notes. Defeat in her eyes, Janet drops into a seal next to me with a sigh. "I love these kids," she declares, as if trying to convince me. "1 adore them. But my hope is fading." "Whys ihai?" I ask, stuffing my notes into a folder, "They're sman. I know they're smart, b u t . . ." And then the deficit floodgates open: 'They don't care about school. They're unmotivated. And their parents—I'm lucky if two or three of them show up for conferences. No wonder the kids are unprepared to leam." At Janet's invitation, 1 spent dozens of hours in her class- room, meeting her students, observing her teaching, helping her navigate the complexities of an urban midwestern elementary classroom with a growing percentage of students in poverty. 1 observed powerful moments of teaching and learning, caring and support. And I witnessed moments of intemal conflict injanei, when what she wanted to believe about her students collided with her prejudices. Like most educators, Janet is detennined to create an envi- ronment in which each student reaches his or her full poten- tial. And like many of us, despite overflowing with good intentions, Janet has bought into the most common and dangerous myths about poverty. Chief among these is the "culture of poverty" myth—the idea that poor people share more or less monolithic and predictable beliefs, values, and behaviors. For educators like Janet to be the best teachers they can be for all students, they
  • 4. need to challenge this myth and reach a deeper understanding of class and poverty. Roots of the Culture of Poverty Concept Oscar Lewis coined the term culture of poverty in his 1961 book The Children oj Sanchez. Lewis based his thesis on his ethnographic studies of small Mexican communities. His studies uncovered approximately 50 attributes shared within these communities: frequent violence, a lack of a sense of history, a neglect of planning for the future, and so on. Despite studying very small communities, Lewis extrap- olated his findings to suggest a universal culture of poverty. More than 45 years later, ihe premise of the culture of poverty paradigm remains I the same: that people in poverty share I a consistent and observable "culture." :• Lewis ignited a debate about the S nature of poverty that continues today 32 EDUCATIONAL LTIADERSHIP/APRIL 2008 "Culture of Poverty" But jusl as important—especially in the age of data-driven decision making—he inspired a flood of research. Researchers around the world tested the culture of poverty
  • 5. concept empirically (see Billings, 1974; Carmon, 1985; Jones & Luo, 1999). Others analyzed the overall body of evidence regarding the culture of poverty paradigm (see Abeli & Lyon, 1979; Ortiz & Briggs, 2003; Rodman, 1977). These studies raise a variety of ques- tions and come to a variety of conclu- sions about poverty. But on this they all agree: There is no .such thing as a culture of poverty. Differences in values and behaviors among poor people are just as great as those between poor and wealthy people. In actuality, the culture of poverty concept is constructed from a collec- tion of smaller stereotypes which, however false, seem to have crept into mamstream thinkmg as unquestioned fact. Let's look at some examples. MYTH: Poor people are unmotivated and have weak work ethics. Tiie Reality: Poor people do not have weaker work ethics or lower levels of motivation than wealthier people (Iversen & Farber, 1996; Wilson, 1997), Although poor people are often stereotyped as lazy, 83 percent of children from low- income families have at least one employed parent; close lo 60 percent have at least one parent who works full-time and year-round (National Center for Children in Poverty, 2004), In fact, the severe shortage of living-wage jobs means that many poor adults must work two, three, or four jobs. According to the Economic Policy Institute (2002), poor
  • 6. working adults spend more hours working each week than their wealthier counterparts. MYTH: Poor parents are uninvolved in their children's learning, largely because they do not value education. The Reality: Low-income parents hold the same attitudes about education that wealthy parents do (Compton-Lilly, 2003; Lareau & Horv^at, 1999; Leichter, 1978). Low-income parents are less likely to attend school functions or volunteer in their children's classrooms (National Center for Education Statistics, 2005)—not because they care less about education, but because they have less access to school involvement than their wealthier peers. They are more likely to work multiple jobs, to work evenings, to have jobs without paid leave, and to be unable to afford child care and public transportation. It might be said more accurately that schools that fail to take these considerations into account do not value the involve- ment of poor families as much as they value the involvement of other families. A S S O C I A T I O N T O R S U P E R V I S I O N A N D C U R R I C U L U M D E V E L O P M E N T 33 MYTH: Poor people are linguistically deficient. The Reaiity: All people, regardless of the languages and language varieties they speak, use a full continuum of language registers (Bomer, Dworin, May, & Semingson, 2008). What's more, linguists have known for decades that
  • 7. all language varieties are highly struc- tured with complex grammatical rules (Gee, 2004; Hess, 1974; Miller, Cho, & Bracey, 2005). What often are assumed to be deficient varieties of English— Appalachian varieties, perhaps, or what some refer to as Black English Vemac- ular—are no less sophisticated than so- called "standard English." MYTH: Poor people tend to abuse drugs and alcohol. The Reality: Poor people are no more likely than their wealthier counterparts to abuse alcohol or drugs. Although drug sales are more isible in poor neighbor- hoods, drug use is equally distributed across poor, middle class, and wealthy communities (Saxe, Kadushin, Tighe, Rindskopf, & Beveridge, 2001). Chen, Sheth, Krejci, and Wallace (2003) found that alcohol consumption is sigtiificantly higher among upper rniddle class white high school students than among poor black high school students. Their finding supports a history of research showing that alcohol abuse is far rnore prevalent among wealthy people than among poor people (Diala, Muntaner, & Walrath, 2004; Galea, Ahern, Tracy, & Vlahov, 2007). In other words, considering alcohol and illicit diTigs together, wealthy people are more likely than poor people to be substance abusers.
  • 8. Tiie Cuiture of Ciassism The myth of a "culture of poverty" distracts us from a dangerous culture that does exist—the culture of ciassism. This culture continues to harden in our schools today. It leads the most well intentioned of us, like my friend Janet, into low expectations for low-income students. It makes teachers fear their most powerless pupils. And, worst of all, it diverts attention from what people in po'erty do have in common: inequitable access to basic human rights. The most destructive tool of the culture of ciassism is deficit theory. In education, we often talk about the deficit perspective—defining students by their weaknesses rather than their strengths. Deficit theory takes this attitude a step funher, suggesting that poor people are poor because ol their own moral and intellectual deficiencies (Collins, 1988). Deficit theorists use two strategies for propagating this world view: (1) drawing on well-established stereotypes, and (2) ignoring systemic conditions, such as inequitable access to high-quality schooling, that support the cycle of poverty The implications of deficit theory reach far beyond individual bias. If we convince ourselves that poverty results
  • 9. not from gross inequities (in which we might be complicit) but from poor people's own deficiencies, we are much less likely to support authentic antipoverty policy and programs. Eurther, if we believe, however wrongly, that poor people don't value education, then we dodge any responsibility to redress the gross education inequities with which they contend. This applica- tion of deficit theory establishes the idea of what Gans (1995) calls the un- deserving poor-—^a segment of our society that simply does not deserve a fair shake. If the goal of deficit theory is to justify a system that privileges economi- cally advantaged students at the expense of working-class and poor students, then it appears to be working marvelously. In our determination to "fix" the mythical culture of poor students, we ignore the ways in which our society cheats them out of opjiortu- 34 EDUCATIONAL LPADFRSHIP/APRIL 2008 nities that their wealthier peers take for granled. We ignore the fact that poor people suffer disproportionately the effects of nearly every major social ill. They lack access to health care, living- wage jobs, safe and affordable housing,
  • 10. clean air and water, and so on (Books, 2004)—conditions that limit their abili- ties to achieve to their full potential. Perhaps most of us, as educators, feel powerless to address these bigger garten but allow those families that can afford to do so lo pay for Full-day serv- ices. Our poor students scarcely make il out of eariy childhood without pacing the price for our culture of classism. Deficit theory requires us to ignore these inequities—or worse, to see them as normal and justified. What does ihis mean? Regardless of how much students in poverty value education, they must overcome tremen- The myth of a "culture of poverty" distracts us from a dangerous culture that does exist—the culture of classism. issues. But the question is this: Are we willing, at the very least, to tackle the classism in our own schools and classrooms? This classism is plentiful and well documented (Kozol, 1992). For example, compared vnth their wealthier peers, poor students are more likely to attend schools that have less funding (Carey, 2005); lower teacher salaries (Karoty, 2001); more limited computer
  • 11. and Internet access (Gorski, 2003); larger class sizes; higher student-to- teacher ratios; a less-rigorous curriculum; and fewer experienced teachers (Barton, 2004). The National Commission on Teaching and America's Future (2004) also found that low- income schools were more likely to suffer from cockroach or rat infestation, dirty or inoperative student bathrooms, large numbers of teacher vacancies and substitute teachers, more teachers who are not licensed in their subject areas, insufficient or outdated classroom mate- rials, and inadequate or nonexistent learning facilities, such as science labs. Here in Minnesota, several school districts offer universal half-day klnder- dous inequities to learn. Perhaps the greatest myth of all is the one that dubs education the "great equalizer." Without considerable change, it cannot be anything of the sort. What Can We Do? The socioeLonomic opportunity gap can be eliminated only when we stop trying to "fix" poor students and start addressing the ways in which our schools perpetuate classism. This includes destroying the inequities listed above as well as abolishing such prac- tices as tracking and ability grouping, segregational redistricting, and the
  • 12. privatization of public schools. We must demand the best possible educa- tion for all students—higher-order pedagogies, innovative learning mate- rials, and holistic teaching and learning. But lirst, we must demand basic human rights for all people: adequate housing and health care, living-wage jobs, and so on. Of course, we ought not tell students who suffer today that, if they can wait for this education revolution, every- thing will fall into place. So as we prepare ourselves for bigger changes, we must • Educate ourselves about class and poverty • Reject deficit theory and help students and colleagues unlearn mis- perceptions about poverty. • Make school involvement accessible to al! families. • Follow Janet's lead, imiting colleagues to observe our teaching for signs of class bias. • Continue reaching out to low- income families even when they appear unresponsive (and without assuming, if they are unresponsive, that we know
  • 13. why). • Respond when colleagues stereo- type poor students or parents. • Never assume that all students have equitable access to such learning resources as computers and the Internet, and never assign work requiring this access without providing in-school time to complete it. • Ensure that learning materials do not stereotype poor people. m Fight to keep low-income students from being assigned unjustly to special education or low academic tracks. • Make curriculum relevant to poor students, drawing on and validating their experiences and intelligences. • Teach about issues related to class and poverty—including consumer culture, the dissolution of labor unions, and environmental injustice—and about movements for class equity. • Teach about the antipoverty work of Martin Luther King Jr., Helen Keller, the Black Panthers, Cesar Chavez, and other U.S. icons—and about why this dimension of their legacies has been erased from our national consciousness.
  • 14. • Fight to ensure that school meal programs offer healthy options. • Examine proposed corporate-school partnerships, rejecting those that require the adoption of specific curriculums or pedagogies. A S S O C I A T I O N F O R S U P E R V I S I O N A N D C U R R I C U L U M D E V E L O P M E N I 3 5 Most important, we must consider how our own class biases affect our interactions with and expectations of our students. And then we must ask ourselves, Where, in reality, does ihe deficit lie? Does it lie in poor people, the most disenfranchised people among us? Does it lie in the education system itself—in, as Jonathan Kozol says, the savage inequalities of our schools? Or does it lie in us—educators with unquestionably good intentions who too often tall to the temptation of the quick fix, the easily digestible frame- work [hat never requires us to consider how we comply with the culture of classism. S! References AbcU, T, & Lyon, L. (1979). Do the differ- ences make a difference? An empirical evaluation of the culture of poverty in the
  • 15. United States. Amciican Anthropolo^st, 6(3), 602-62L Barton, R E. (2004). Why does the gap persist? Educational Leadership. 62(3), 8-13. Billings, D. (1974). Culture and poverty in Appalachia: A theoretical discussion and empirical analysis. Sodal Forces, 53(2), 315-323. Bomer, R., Dworin,J. E., May, L, & Semingson, P (2008). Miseducaling teachers about the poor: A critical analysis of Ruby Payne's claims about poverty. Teachers College Record, 110(11), Available: www. ic record. o r ^ r i n t C o n tent, asp? ComentID=14591 Books, S. (2004). Powrty and schooling in ihe U.S.: Coniexts and consequences. Mahway, NJ: Erlbaum. Carey, K. (2005). TheJmding gap 2004: Many stales still shoiuhange low-income and minonty sludcnls. Washington, DC: Education Tmst- Carmon, N. (1985). Poveny and culture, Sodolo^cal Perspectives, 28(4), 403-418. Chen, K., Sheth, A., Krejci,J., & Wallace,]. (2003, August). Understanding difjerences in alcohol use among high school students in two different communities. Paper presented
  • 16. at the annual meeting of the American Sociological Associaiion, Atlanta, GA. Collins, J. (1988). Language and class in minority education. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, /9(4), 299-326. Compton-Lilly, C. (2003). Reading families: The literate lives of urban children. New York: Teachers College Press. Diala, C. C , Muntaner, C , &• Walrath, C. (2004). Gender, occupational, and socio- economic correlates of alcohol and drug abuse among U.S. rural, metropolitan, and urban residents, American Journal of Drug and Alcohol Abuse, 30(2), 409-428. Economic Policy Institute. (2002). The state of working class America 2002-03. Wash- ington, DC: Author. Galea, S., Ahern,J., Tracy, M., & Vlahov, D. (2007). Neighborhood income and income distribution and the use of ciga- rettes, alcohol, and marijuana. American journal of Preventive Medicine, 32(6), 195-202. Gans, H. J. (1995). The war against the poor: The underclass and antipoverty policy. New York: BasicBooks. Gee, j . R (2004). Situated language and learning.' A critique of traditional schooling.
  • 17. New York: Routledge. Gorski, R C. (2003). Privilege and repres- sion in the digital era: Rethinking the sociopolitics of the digital divide. Race, Gender and Qass, 10(4), 145-76. Hess, K. M. (1974). The nomtandard speakers in our schools: What should be done? The Elementary School journal, 74(5), 280-290. Iversen, R. R., & Farber, N. (1996). Trans- mission of family values, work, and welfare among poor urban black women. Work and Occupations, 23(4), 437-460. Jones, R. K., & Luo, Y. (1999). The culture of poverty and African-American culture: An empirical assessmenl. Sociolo^cal Perspectives, 42(3), 439-458. Karoly, L. A. (2001). Investing in the future: Reducing poverty through human capital investments. In S. Danzinger & R, Haveman (Eds.), Understanding poverty (pp. 314-356)- New York: Russell Sage Foundation. Kozoi,J. (1992). Savage inequalities: Children in Ameiica's schools. New York: Harper- Collins. Lireau, A., &• Horvat, E, (1999). Moments of social inclusion and exclusion: Race,
  • 18. class, and cultural capital in family-school relationships. Sociology oj Education, 72. 37-53. Leichter, H. J. (Ed.), (1978). Familiesand communities as educators. New York: Teachers College Rress. Lewis, O, (1961). Vic children ojSanchez: Autobiography of a Mexican family. New York: Random House. Miller, P J., Cho, G, E,. & Bracey, J. R. (2005). Working-class children's experi- ence through the prism of personal story- telling, human Development, 48, 115-135. National Cenler for Children in Poveny. (2004). Parental employment in low-income families. New York: Author. National Center for Educaiion Statistics. (2005). Parent and family involvement in eductKion," 2002-03. Washington, DC: Author. NiJtiona! Commission on Teaching and Americas Euture. (2004). Fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education: A two-tiered education system. Washington, DC: Author. Oniz, A. T, &r Briggs, L. (2003). The culture of poverty, crack babies, and welfare cheats: The making of the "healthy white baby crisis." Social Text, 2J(3), 39-57.
  • 19. Rodman, R. (1977). Culture of poveny: The rise and fall of a concept. Sociolo^cai Review, 25(4), 867-876. Saxe, L,, Kadushin, C , Tighe, E., Rindskopf, D., &Beveridge, A. (2001). Ndfional eval- uation of (he fighting back program: Ceneral population suneys, 1995-1999. New York: City University of New York Graduate Center Wilson, W. J. (1997). Wlien work disappears. New York: Random House, Paul Gorski is Assistant Professor in the Graduate School of Education, Hamline University, St. Paul, Minnesota, and the founder of EdChange (www.edchange.org); 651-523-2584; [email protected] 3 6 E D U C A T I O N A L L E A D E R S H I P / A P R I L 2 0 0 8