Impact of Communities' Livelihoods from a Hydropower Dam Resettlement

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL FOR INNOVATIVE RESEARCH IN MULTIDISCIPLINARY FIELD ISSN: 2455-0620 Volume - 4, Issue - x, xxxx – 2018
Monthly, Peer-Reviewed, Refereed, Indexed Journal with IC Value: 86.87 Impact Factor: 5.60 Publication Date: 00/00/2018
Available online on – WWW.IJIRMF.COM Page 1
Impact of Communities' Livelihood Resulting from Lower Sesan 2
Hydropower Dam's Resettlement Project
1
Narith POR, 2
Solany KRY, 2
Kosal HORM, 2
Channak TEANG, 2
Chanvanny KO
1
The University of Cambodia, 2
My Village Organization
Cambodia, Country
Email: 1
narith_por01@yahoo.com
I. INTRODUCTION
1.1. Background
Rapid growth along the Mekong River has resulted greater demand for resources. The Association of Southeast Asian
Nations (ASEAN) accelerate economic growth in the region in order to strengthen the foundation for a prosperous and
peaceful community of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN, n.d). As a membership of ASEAN, the nation can compete
in the world market and access foreign direct investment (ASEAN, n.d).
The regional integration has successfully attracted increased investment in Cambodia, especially energy development.
The Cambodian government planned seventy percent of the rural households to be electrified by the year 2030
(Ministry of Mining, n.d). An increase in demand of the energy, electricity generation from hydropower dam and other
reviewable energy sources are projected to increase at an average annual rate of 1.7% from 2004 to 2030, for an
overall increase of 60% through 2030 (International Energy Agency [IEA], 2014). This focus on energy development
has resulted in the construction of numerous hydroelectric dams.
The potential of hydropower in the Mekong River Basin (MRB) is about 53,000 MW, consisting of 23,000 MW in the
Upper Mekong Basin (China) and 30,000 MW in Lower Mekong Basin (LMB), which includes Lao PDR, Thailand,
Cambodia and Viet Nam. There are 26 projects either constructed or planned in the mainstream and the remaining 126
projects in the tributaries. The tributaries in the LMB are currently producing 3,225 MW (10% of its potential) and a
further 3,209 MW are under construction. Thailand and Viet Nam have developed most of their potential tributaries
sites. Although Lao PDR has the largest remaining potential for hydropower, Cambodia still has untapped potential for
further development (Mekong Flows, n.d).
The Lower Sesan II hydropower dam was initially proposed to match the potential of water resources with predicted
energy demand. The dam is located near the confluence of the Sesan and Srepok rivers in Stung Treng province,
Abstract: The demand of energy in Cambodia increased. There are potential natural resources in Mekong River
for hydropower dam development that can generate energy to support Cambodia country. Lower Sesan San II
project has been constructed and the people of the five villages have been relocated and have planned to be
relocated to new sites. This was reason of the research was proposed with topic of “Impact of Communities'
Livelihood Resulting from Lower Sesan 2 Hydropower Dam's Resettlement Project” with two objectives: (1) to
compare the change of livelihood conditions between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement communities when
considering the interrelations of water, food and energy and (2) to determine whether the community is satisfied
with the relocation.
The research was conducted in Sre Sranuk village with random sampling of 58 people for interview and 10
people for group discussion. The quantitative and qualitative data were used in the research. Table, diagram and
t-tests tools were used in data analysis.
Research findings were that the livelihood of relocated people changed in comparison of pre-resettlement and
post-resettlement due to differences of community resources. The satisfaction of relocated people on community
resources, incomes and expenses in pre-resettlement and post-resettlement was based on community resource
types, sources of incomes and expenses. The recommendation include support more rice, skill, forest areas for
CF establishment, location of budget for CF establishment, spiral areas, inclusion of local people in conflict
resolution, well repairing, guarantee of houses for relocated people.
Key Words: Impact, Livelihood and Resettlement

Cambodia with capacities of 400 MW. The Lower Sesan 2 Dam is estimated to cause a 9.3 percent drop in fish stocks
basin-wide, while threatening more than fifty fish species (International River, n.d). Although the general implications
of this dam’s construction have been studied, a more thorough investigation of the social impacts is necessary in order
to fully understand the implications of this project.
Approximately five thousand people, many of whom are ethnic minorities, will be forcibly evicted to make way for
the dam’s 33,560 hectare reservoir. The project will also alter the livelihoods and cultures of tens of thousands of
people living along the Sesan and Srepok Rivers, whose lives and traditions are closely linked to the river system and
its diverse and rich natural resources (International River, n.d). The people in Chrob and Sre Sranok villages were
located in the reservoir of the hydropower dam, and relocated to a new site located along national Raod 78. The
people of Sre Kor I, Sre Kor II and Kbal Romeas have been exposed to the process of new site preparations for their
resettlement since August 2015 (Provincial Cabinet, 2015). It remains unknown what specific strategies the
communities are implementing to deal with this relocation.
The people in relocated areas have faced some challenges including poor quality of houses, poor qualities of well
water, incompletely constructed houses and poor qualities of farm soil which cannot be cropped (Sre Sranok
community, 2015). To address the resettlement challenges, the government has been requested to establish
standardized policies of compensation which can contribute to improved livelihoods of the relocated people, in
contrast to current livelihood deterioration. A comparison of the population’s living conditions, before and after
relocation, needs to be assessed before the impact of the situation is clear.
Previous studies (Biggs et al. 2015) have investigated the livelihood strategies and outcomes. The livelihood
framework was used to assess the livelihood components like assets, strategies and outcomes of the community before
relocation and after relocation. Therefore this study will explore the impacts on community livelihoods as a result of
Lower Sesan 2 dam resettlement. Data will be compiled through face to face interviews, group discussion of
community leaders, and observation in order to explore and compare the status of livelihood assets, strategies and
outcomes between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement.
1.2. Objectives
There are main objectives of this research:
 To compare the change of livelihood conditions between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement communities
when considering the interrelations of water, food and energy.
 To determine whether the community is satisfied with the relocation.
1.3. Significance
The project finding will be important for decision-makers to establish compensation policies and re-design programs
which provide distributional fair benefits for 627 indigenous people including 317 women of 133 families for
improved livelihoods in the research site. The benefits of amended compensation policies will have the potential to be
scaled up for 4,375 peoples of 705 families in four villages subject to relocation located in the reservoir areas of
Lower Sesan II hydropower dam (Sre Kor & Kbal Romeas commune halls, 2015).
1.4. Scope of Study
The research will be conducted from 8th
August to 24 November 2016. Within the timeframe, household members will
be invited to prioritize the livelihood assets which contribute to their livelihood. The livelihood outcome focuses on
the household incomes of the relocated people.
RESEARCH MODEL
Previous studies (Biggs et al. 2015) have investigated the livelihood strategies and outcomes1
. The livelihood
framework was used to assess the livelihood components like assets, strategies and outcomes of the community before
relocation and after relocation.
1
http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1462901115300563

The figure 1 helps to understand the components of livelihoods such as livelihood assets, strategies and outcomes.
Therefore this study explored the impacts on community livelihoods as a result of Lower Sesan 2 (LS2) dam
resettlement. Data will be compiled through face to face interviews, group discussion of community leaders, and
observation in order to explore and compare the status of livelihood assets, strategies and outcomes between pre-
resettlement and post-resettlement.
METHOD AND MATERIALS
This chapter outlines the research methodology. There are eight steps of the research process: research site selection,
sample size selection, consultation with community leaders, data collection (primary data and secondary data), data
analysis, writing research finding report, finalizing research report and publication.
Sre Sranok village has been selected to conduct the research. Sre Sranok 80 kilometers from Stung Treng along
national Road 78 connecting Stung Treng provincial town to Ratanakiri provincial town. Previously, Sre Sranok
village is located along the Sre Pok River about ten kilometers from resettled community, now flooded by
construction of the Lower Sesan II dam. Currently, there are 586 relocated individuals, 288 of whom are females of
143 families.
In order to collect data about the effects of relocation, fifty-eight individuals were randomly selected from 133
families. The sample frame of the random interview selection is illustrated. This sample size should be sufficient to
reduce the standard error to 10%. Standard error of the sample is calculated as:
n= N/(1+N(e)2
)
n: sample size
N: population (133)
e: error (0.01 or 10%)
n= 133/ (1+133 (0.01)2
) = 58 individuals or respondents
Community leaders from the resettled community were consulted to prioritize the main livelihood strategies and
outcomes which should be explored based on the livelihood framework. The livelihood conceptual framework was
formulated which reflects to the real situation of relocated communities. The results of this consultation suggested that
water, food and energy are the most important factors influencing the community’s satisfaction with the resettlement.
There are two kinds of data used in this research: primary data and secondary data. The primary data is gathered
through group discussion, household interview and observation. The secondary data was collected from NGOs,
provincial departments and local authorities.
The quantitative and qualitative data will be analyzed in different approaches. Quantitative data obtained through
interviews will be coded as favorable or unfavorable responses to current and pre-settlement conditions. A paired
sample t-test will be used to determine whether opinions about livelihood resources have shifted after the relocation.
The qualitative data will be transcribed and analyzed using thematic analysis based on the objectives of the study. The

results of this qualitative analysis will identify issues related to satisfaction with the relocation that cannot be
measured quantitatively.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION
3.1. Occupations in pre-resettlement and post-resettlement
In comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement, it indicated that the numbers of the families who
depended mainly on selling products, farming, logging, and selling labour increased. The increases in numbers of
families in product sales were due to the resettlement village which is located along National Street 78. This enabled
people to access the village easily. Additionally, the numbers of the people was more in new resettlement village than
pre-resettlement village. The people lived more in post-resettlement village than pre-resettlement village. The people
in post-resettlement village have come from three villages: Sre Sranok, Srepok in Chrob village. Most people from Sre
Sranok or pre-resettlement village along Srepok River. Some people were from Srepok in Chrob village and some
people have lived in post-resettlement villages for years. The risen numbers of families who regarded logging as their
main occupation were due to even though the space for logging have decreased for years but because of losing jobs in
post-relocation, people have tried to compete to log for their incomes and house construction. For labor sales, it was
mostly related to construction workers which construct houses in post-resettlement village. In post-resettlement
village, new houses were constructed. This opportunity has offered job and employment for local people. Construction
employments are still concerns of construction workers due to the house construction was available in only short
period.
It decreased in the numbers of the families who regarded NTFP collection and fishing as their main occupation. The
decreases were due to the area for NTFP collection was small in post-resettlement village. This area was surrounded
with Economic Land Concession. The areas where the people have collected NTFP previously were now converted to
existing resident of the people in Sre Sranok village. Additionally, the fishing grounds in post-resettlement were very
limited. The cannel, O’Soy about three kilometres from existing resident of relocated people in Sre Sranok village,
was the main fishing grounds in post-resettlement village. Some people catch fish at the cannel above while few
people tried to catch fish in pre-resettlement village when they moved to grow rice there. The numbers of the families
who depended on governmental employment and animal rearing stayed the same.
The research indicates that none of 60 respondents are depended on selling products as their secondary occupations in
pre-resettlement while eight percent of 60 respondents confirmed that they relied on selling products as their
secondary occupation in post-resettlement. Sixty percent of 60 respondents were categorized their farming as their
supplemental occupation in pre-resettlement while 13 percent of the 60 respondents were regarded farming as their
supplemental occupations. Fifty-two percent of 60 respondents prioritized NTFP collection as their secondary
livelihood activities in pre-relocation while 20 percent of 60 respondents was regarded NTFP collection as secondary
occupation in post-resettlement. Ten percent of 60 respondents confirmed that the labor sale were their secondary
occupation in pre-resettlement while two percent of 60 respondents prioritized labor sales as their secondary
livelihood activities in post-resettlement. Seventy-two percent of 60 respondents ordered fishing as their supplemental
occupation in pre-resettlement while 38 percent of 60 respondents depended on fishing as their supplemental
livelihood activities in post-resettlement. Eighteen percent of 60 respondents confirmed that they depended on logging
in pre-resettlement as their secondary occupations while 27 percent of 60 respondents were loggers in post-
resettlement as the secondary occupation. Fifty-eight percent of 60 respondents relied on animal rearing in pre-
resettlement as their secondary occupation while 38 percent of 60 respondents depended on animal rearing as their
secondary occupation in post-resettlement.
3.2. Incomes of communities in pre-resettlement and post-resettlement
3.2.1 Incomes (Cash)
In comparison between pre-resettlement village and post-resettlement village, the numbers of the families who earned
incomes from product sales, agricultural product sales and wood sales increased. The numbers of the families who
generated incomes from NTFP sales, fish sales, and animal sales decreased. The numbers of families who earned
income from government employment stayed the same. The results of a t-test comparison of income means indicates
the mean incomes from product sales of the pre-settlement responses (2,000,000 Riel) is significantly more than the
mean income from product sales of post-resettlement responses (1,644,800 Riels) at a significance level of p<0.05.
The results of a t-test comparison of income means indicated the mean incomes from agricultural product sales of the
pre-settlement responses (2,600,000 Riel) is not significantly different from the mean income from government
employment of post-resettlement responses (1,320,000 Riel) at a significance level of p<0.05. The results of a t-test
comparison of income means indicated the mean incomes from NTFP sales of the pre-settlement responses (2,135,294
Riel) is not significantly different from the mean income from government employment of post-resettlement responses

(780,000 Riel) at a significance level of p<0.05. The results of a t-test comparison of income means indicated the
mean incomes from labor sales of the pre-settlement responses (6,400,000 Riel) is significantly more than the mean
income from labour sales of post-resettlement responses (1,316,667 Riels) at a significance level of p<0.05. The
results of a t-test comparison of income means indicated the mean incomes from government employment of the pre-
settlement responses (1,680,000 Riel) is not significantly different from the mean income from government
employment of post-resettlement responses (1,920,000 Riel) at a significance level of p<0.05.
3.2.2. Food and consumption
The T-test comparison of meat consumption mean indicated that meat consumption mean (90 kg/year) of pre-
resettlement is significantly more than meat consumption mean (60 kg/year) of post-resettlement. The numbers of the
people in post-resettlement decreased due to limitation of fishing grounds in post-resettlement. The main sources of
food and consumption for the people in new resettlement are rice, animal meat and fish. The amounts of rice are
consumed based on the numbers of family members. The rice that they used are the rest from last year of their rice
production in pre-resettlement and buy rice from market using the money compensated by the government/Lower
Sesan II compensation project. The compensated rice covers only the adult people. It has challenged for the people
who have many kids which are not eligible to claim compensation from Lower Sesan II hydropower dam project.
Each of the relocated people was compensated 20 kilogram for one year. But this was compensated by cash
(Cambodia Energy Department, Jul 2015). But the community leaders confirmed that the relocated people aged 18 or
above years old were compensated by LS2 compensation project. The relocated families consisting members aged
below 18 years old faced challenges of rice shortage for their consumption. The fish still are the main source of food
for the people in new resettlement. The research indicates that 59 of 60 respondents ate fish on average of 103.59
kilograms a year. The families who have less family members used minimum of 25 kilogram while large family used
the maximum of 360 kilogram a year. Some of the fish consumed were caught by themselves while some of the fish
consumed were bought from fish middle sellers. The people have bought meats from markets and they sometimes
have bought food from the local food shop in their village. In the new village, there is one local food shop to sell food
and rice for local people and outsiders. The local food shop owners reported that the people in new resettlement have
bought only food from her food shop to have lunch or dinners at their home. They have often bought food from her
shop for food of the people who went to forest for logging. Other compensation and promotion as cash were done for
relocated people. The petrol (equal to 15$) was compensated for each of the relocated families per month. The
coverage of the compensation was for one year. Fifty dollars were compensated for each of the families to buy seeds,
insect killing subsistence). Two hundred dollars were compensated for each of the families who agreed with the
project as plan (Cambodia Energy Department, July 2015).
3.3. Access to natural resources
3.3.1. Access to land resources
There are four kinds of land which were compensated for the people. Those lands include rice field lands, resident
land, spiritual land and social land. The research indicates that 572 hectares of residential lands, 1000 meters squares
of which were for each of the relocated families, and 2,067 hectares of agricultural lands, five hectares of which were
for each of the relocated families, were compensated for relocated families in Sre Sranok village (July 2016). It was
reported by community leaders that the social land will be compensated by LS2 resettlement project. Until now, the
specific size and location of social lands were not informed to local people yet. Based on the compensation policy,
seven hectares are compensated for social lands. The area for CF has not been clearly identified yet where it is located
and how big it is. It will be based on the forest resource availabilities. Seven hectares will be compensated but no
specific area was identified. The relocated people were not aware of the area. In comparison among pre-resettlement
and post-resettlement, it is concluded (1) the numbers of the families who have farmlands reduced. This was due to the
farmlands in post-resettlements were compensated only rice fields. The families who have farmland occupied their
lands in the areas of post-resettlement (2) the numbers of the families who have rice fields stayed the same. (3) The
numbers of residential lands have decreased. This was because they have just separated their families after moving to
post-resettlement. The results of a t-test comparison of land size means indicates that the mean farmland sizes of the
pre-settlement responses (2.59 ha) is significantly less than the mean farmlands of post-resettlement responses (5 ha)
at a significance level of p<0.05. The mean rice field sizes of the pre-settlement responses (2.05 ha) is significantly
less than the mean rice field of post-resettlement responses (5 ha) at a significance level of p<0.05. The mean
residential land sizes of the pre-settlement responses (0.49 ha) is significantly more than the mean residential land
sizes of post-resettlement responses (0.10 ha) at a significance level of p<0.05. In comparison of the pre-resettlement
and post-resettlement, the average sizes of farmlands and rice fields of the families who have that decreased while the
average size of residential lands increased. Five hectares of rice fields were compensated each of the relocated
families (Hydropower Lower Sesan II Co Ltd, 2014).

In comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement, the numbers of families who had good quality
farmlands and moderate quality farmlands reduced while the numbers of families who had bad quality farmland
increased. The numbers of families who had good quality farmland reduced while the numbers of families who had
moderate quality rice field increased. The numbers of the families who had bad quality rice field increased.
3.3.2. Access to forest resources
In comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement, it was concluded that the families collecting wood,
honey, resin, vegetable, wildlife and medicine plants have decreased. These were due to the forest areas where were
less people accessed to in post-resettlement village than in pre-resettlement village. The forest areas where the people
depended on when they lived in pre-resettlement village were converted for existing residential land and rice fields for
the relocated people in post-resettlement village. The t-test comparison of forest resource amount mean indicated that
the wood mean of 23 cubic of pre-resettlement is significantly more than wood mean of 20 meter cubs of post-
resettlement at a significant of P<0.5. The honey quantity mean (seven litters) of pre-resettlement is significantly more
than honey quantity mean (0 kg) of post-resettlement at a significant of P<0.5. The resin quantity mean (3,255 litters)
of pre-resettlement is significantly more than honey quantity mean (0 kg) of post-resettlement at a significant of
P<0.5. The wild vegetable quantity mean (186 litters) of pre-resettlement is significantly more than honey quantity
mean (59 kg) of post-resettlement at a significant of P<0.5. The wildlife quantity mean (103 kg) of pre-resettlement is
not significantly different from wildlife quantity (103 kg) of post-resettlement at a significant of P<0.5. The quantities
of the wood, honey, resin and wild vegetable which were gathered by the families in target research reduced in
comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement. The average quantity of the wildlife hunted remained the
same in comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement.
3.3.3. Access to fishery resources
The research analysis showed that ten respondents or 17 percent of the 60 respondents mainly depended on fishery
resources in pre-resettlement while two respondents or three percent of the 60 respondents mainly relied on fish
resource in post-resettlement. Forty-three respondents or 72 percent of the 60 respondents relied on fish as their
second occupation in pre-resettlement while 23 respondents or 38 percent of the 60 respondents depended on fish as
their secondary occupation in post-resettlement. It was concluded that the numbers of families who relied on fishery
resource in particular fish decreased in comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement. This was due to
the residents in pre-relocation is located along Sre Pok river where is the main fish source while the post-resettlement,
there is space of fishing ground (cannels) known as O’So. The results of a t-test comparison of fish catch means
indicated that the mean fish catch of the pre-settlement responses (844 kg/year) is significantly more than the mean
fish catch of post-resettlement responses (100 kg/ year) at a significance level of p<0.05. The average amount of fish
caught by the families reduced in comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement. This was because the
fishing grounds were smaller in post-resettlement than pre-resettlement.
3.4. Access to physical infrastructure in pre-resettlement and post-resettlement
3.4.1. Houses and settlement
The research suggested that 58 respondents or 97 percent of the 60 respondents had wooden houses in pre-resettlement
village while three respondents or five percent of the 60 respondents have compensated wooden houses in post-
resettlement village. One respondent or two percent of the 60 respondents had brick houses in pre-resettlement village
while 40 respondents or 67 percent of the 60 respondents have compensated brick houses in post-resettlement.
Seventeen respondents or 28 percent of the 60 respondents have self-constructed wooden houses in post-resettlement
village.
In comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement, the numbers of wooden houses were reduced. Even
though their houses in pre-resettlement were wooden houses but the brick houses in post-resettlement were selected by
the relocated families. The numbers of brick houses increased and third the wooden houses constructed by themselves
were only in post-resettlement. Additionally, 63 percent of the 60 respondents were satisfied with compensated houses
and self-constructed houses in post-resettlement while 37 percent of the 60 respondents were dissatisfied with the
compensated houses and self-constructed houses in post-resettlement. Of 38 respondents who satisfied with
compensated houses and self-constructed houses, five percent of the 60 respondents were satisfied with the wooden
houses, 42 percent of the 60 respondents satisfied with brick houses, and 63 percent of the 60 respondents satisfied
with self-constructed wooden houses. The families who were appreciated their houses were more than the numbers
who were not appreciated in post-resettlement. All of the families who have wooden houses were appreciated their
compensated houses in post-resettlement. The families who were appreciated with brick houses were more than the
numbers of families who were not appreciated the brick houses. The numbers of families who were appreciated with

their self-construction houses more than the numbers of families who were not appreciated with self-construction
houses. The research suggested that 48 percent of the 60 respondents confirmed that their houses were better in pre-
resettlement than in post-resettlement. Seventeen percent of the 60 respondents confirmed that their houses were the
same in pre-resettlement than in post-resettlement. Thirty-six percent of the 60 respondents confirmed that their
houses were worse in pre-resettlement than in post-resettlement. The numbers of the families who confirmed that their
houses were better in pre-resettlement than post-resettlement were more than the numbers of families who confirmed
their houses were the same in pre-resettlement and post-resettlement and more than the numbers of the families who
confirmed that their compensated houses were worse in pre-resettlement than post-resettlement.
3.4.3. Access to schools
One primary school and one secondary school, which consist of five rooms with one toilet, were compensated by
Lower Sesan II hydropower dam project which are located in new resettlement, Sre Sranok. Currently, there are one
pre-school which contains five rooms with one bathroom. There are eight point three percent or five of the 60
respondents, whose children have completed primary school and secondary school. The primary school in post-
resettlement started in May 2016. Based on the discussion with community leaders both women and men, they scored
the performance of primary educations both teachers and students in pre-relocation and post-relocation. The indicators
set by community leaders and research team were the following: all teachers were on time, all teachers provided class
regularly, all teachers touch in hours as it was set in regulation, all students were on time, all students regularly joined
in class. The score results were that all teachers were on time (70% was true) in pre-resettlement and (95% was true)
in post-resettlement, all teachers regularly provided class (65% was true) in pre-resettlement and (95% was true) in
post-resettlement, all teachers taught in hours as set in regulation (50% was true) in pre-resettlement and (95% was
true) in post-resettlement, all students were on time (80% was true) in pre-resettlement and (95% was true) in post-
resettlement and all students regularly joined in class (80% was true) in pre-resettlement and (95% was true) in post-
resettlement. The community leaders reported that the performance of teachers and students improved for their study
at new resettlement due to the schools in post-resettlement was nearby the commune councillors and local people.
Additionally, the students from Sre Sranok and other areas come regularly that motivated teachers for regular class
provision. Teachers also complained that the teaching seemed more complicated in post-resettlement than pre-
resettlement due to the staff that were from different villages and different cultures (Khmer, indigenous people and
Khmer-Islam).
3.4.4. Access to health services
The people in post-resettlement, Sre Sranok accessed to health services in village and outside village. There was one
private clinic in village which enabled people in post-resettlement could access easily. Additionally, there was one
health center which was compensated by Lower Sesan II hydropower dam project. It is 10-meter-width and 23-meter-
long. It consisted of nine rooms: meeting room, birth delivery room with three toilets. The health center was located in
the new village of Sre Sranok. This situation has enabled the people in the post-resettlement, Sre Sranok, to access
health service easily. Two main activities of the health center: outreach health center service and provided health
services for people. It was reported by health center director that the people from Sre Sranok village using health
center service increased.
The data suggested that five percent of the 60 respondents accessed to health center service in pre-resettlement while
100 percent of the 60 respondents accessed to health center service. Thirty-five percent of the 60 respondents accessed
local health shops in pre-resettlement while 28 percent of the 60 respondents accessed the village health shops in post-
resettlement. All of respondents confirmed that they accessed to private clinics in village in post-resettlement. Fifty
percent of the 60 respondents accessed to private clinics at provincial town when they was at pre-resettlement while
43 percent of the 60 respondents accessed to provincial private clinics when they was post-resettlement.
In comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement, the situation of health service access changed. First,
the numbers of the families who accessed to health center increased. This was due to the health center where they
accessed in pre-resettlement was far from village about 100 kilometers from their village. Additionally, the road from
the village in pre-resettlement was bad which was hard for them to send their patients to health center. In post-
resettlement, one health center which was compensated by LS2 compensation project was in post-resettlement village.
This condition enabled local people to access information of health center easily and access to services of the health
center easily. Second, the numbers of the families who accessed to local health shops reduced. Similarly to points
mentioned above, in post-resettlement, there were private clinics with experts in their village and health center in the
village. This good situation attracted people to use their services rather buying medicine from local shops. Third, the
numbers of the families who accessed village private clinics were in post-resettlement. Forth, the numbers of the

families who accessed to provincial private clinics increased. This was due to the good condition of the roads from
post-resettlement to provincial town. This could cost cheaper for transportation from their village to provincial town.
3.5. Social resources
There are few Community-Based Organizations (CBOs) like youth groups, women groups and natural resource
protection group which were supported by NGOs. The mandates of those CBOs built capacities for community
members and mobilized people to do advocacy in relation to impacts of hydropower dam project and they are also
representatives of communities to engage with government institute to address the issues.
The conflicts which happened in post-resettlement in relation to the conflicts of family members, conflict with
neighbors and conflict with outsiders. The conflicts occurred that the people in new site have played games. The
people played games because they did not have any jobs in the new site. It was reported that 70% women and 30%
men of 20 families in the village have played cards since they moved to new village while 100% of the all families are
men abd 90% of women of 133 families have played snooker. It was observed that most of those who played snookers
aged from 16-20 years olds.
Cattle stealing have happened in post-resettlement. It was serious concerns for the relocated people. When they came
to live in new village of Sre Sranok, they looked after their cattle full year and cattle were kept in house at night time
but the cattle were stolen. When the cattle were stolen, they informed to commune councils and polices for
intervention but nothing was identified and found out. The community leaders had complaints that their new resident
was along the national street which make easy for stealers to transport their cattle fast and make them difficult to
identify and found out the stolen cattle because many cars and many people were on the street.
The conflicts among youths in village have occurred. In pre-resettlement, if there were any village ceremonies, the
youths in particular youth men have had conflicts with youths from other villages like Krabei Chrum, Sre Kor I and
Sre Kor II. But since they moved to live in new village, the youths in the new village have fought each other four
times in half year when there were ceremonies due to diversity of people who moved from different villages of Sre
Sranok, Sre Pok (Chrob) and from other provinces. In village, there are five guarders to security safe in ceremony, but
the security cannot be guaranteed. Local peoples were not appreciated with the compensation for health center staff
while some of affected people have not received compensation. Seventeen health center staff, who were from Stung
Treng provincial town, were not affected by Lower Sesan II hydropower dam project but 12 of 17 staff received the
compensation (20 meter-width and 50 meter-long). 12 of 17 health center staff got lands (20 meters*50 meters). It was
reported by Sre Sranok health center director that his colleagues previously was not listed in compensation but he
requested to prime minister during the prime minister visit. The prime minister approved to provide compensation for
health center officials. But twenty affected families have not seen they were listed in compensation list.
Since the affected people moved to live in new village of Sre Sranok, it was observed that new comers from Kratie
province have registered to live in new village and have requested for lands. Until now, each of ten families from
other Kratie province received five hectares of lands. This makes un-satisfaction of the affected people while their
land compensation was not faire for some families.
Compensated lands were sold. Until September 2016, 15 families rice field and resident lands to others. To secure
their livelihood, they have tried to occupy their rice fields, farm land and resident land through clearing forests. It was
risk for sustaining forest resource for next generation, if this issue was not managed well.
It was suggested that 18% of the 60 respondents confirmed that they have conflicts in their families in pre-resettlement
in full year and 12 percent of the 60 respondents confirmed that they had conflict in their families whine half year by
November 2016 in post-relocation. This was expected that the numbers of family conflicts will occurred in nw villges
than previous villages in the whole year. Additionally, two percent of the 60 respondents confirmed that they had
conflict with neighboring and outsiders in post-resettlement. The conflicts in families of post-resettlement are
expected to increase. The conflict in families was due to lack of money for their children and buying food. The
conflicts with neighboring and outsiders increased. This was due to the cattle which destroyed the fruits of the
neighbors.
3.6. Human resource and skills
3.6.1. Skill adaptive to new context
The people in post-resettlement did not have skills of agricultures like rice growing, animal rearing and farming but
they have traditional knowledge of rice growing, animal rearing and farming. These traditional knowledge faced

challenges for them to adapt to the situation in post-resettlement. In post-resettlement, the situation was not good as
their previous village because the qualities of rice fields of some families were poor. With the traditional knowledge of
rice growing, they could not produce the rice yield well. Land space for animal rearing was limited in new
resettlement site. Previously, they freed their cattle all year round because the space for cattle was large. Later on, the
space was limited by economic land concession. Nowadays, the rest space for cattle rearing was converted into the
new resettlement site. In new resettlement site, the raised cattle raised require higher technical knowledge to raise
cattle. Residential lands in new resettlement were smaller than their residential lands in previous resident.
Additionally, the most of the new residential lands were flooded when it rained. This made difficult for pig rearing.
There is no tree in new resettlement site which provide shade for animal and pig. This heat directly. Pig or animal
faced diseases.
A market will be compensated by LS2 Compensation Company. This will offer job employment for local people.
Currently, the relocated people do not have skill of product sales. In order that the opportunity can be taken by local
people there, the capacity building on product selling should be offered to local people. Another opportunities was that
most of relocated people had their vehicles and small tractors known as Kale Thorng and most of the relocated
families used electric equipments, the community members did not have skill of vehicle repairing, electronic
reparation. All of those skills should be offered to the interested people there.
3.7. Access to financial service
3.7.1. Access to credit service
The research suggested that all of the respondents did not accessed to financial service in post-resettlement while two
respondents or three percent of 60 respondents borrowed money from microfinance. In comparison between pre-
resettlement and post-resettlement, the numbers of families borrowed money from microfinance increased. The money
borrowed by the local people was used for hiring tractors to prepare lands for farming. The results of T-test
comparison indicated that mean borrowed money of post-resettlement responses (3,000,000 Riel a year) was
significantly more than the mean borrowed money of post-resettlement (0 Riel) at significant level of P<0.5. The
amount of the money that was borrowed by families were available only in post-resettlement while no families had
accessed financial services in the pre-resettlement.
3.8. Expenses
The results of T-test comparison indicated the mean expenses for food of pre-resettlement responses (252,105 Riel a
year) was significantly less than the mean expenses for food of post-resettlement (1,275,867 Riel) at significant level
of P<0.5. The mean expenses for health of pre-resettlement responses (373,448 Riel a year) was significantly less than
the mean expenses for health of post-resettlement (605,509 Riel) at significant level of P<0.5. The mean expenses for
agriculture of pre-resettlement responses (201,190 Riel a year) was significantly less than the mean expenses for
agriculture of post-resettlement (308,606 Riel) at significant level of P<0.5. The mean expenses for buying water of
pre-resettlement responses (0 Riel a year) was significantly less than the mean expenses for buying water of post-
resettlement (167,386 Riel) at significant level of P<0.5. The mean expenses for electric fee of pre-resettlement
responses (0 Riel a year) was significantly less than the mean expenses for electric fee of post-resettlement (137,931
Riel) at significant level of P<0.5. The mean expenses for buying clothes of pre-resettlement responses (166,226 Riel
a year) was significantly less than the mean expenses for buying clothes of post-resettlement (167,958 Riel) at
significant level of P<0.5. The mean expenses for fishing of pre-resettlement responses (175,455 Riel a year) was
significantly less than the mean expenses for fishing of post-resettlement (220,000 Riel) at significant level of P<0.5.
In comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement, the families expended for food, health, agriculture,
buying water, electric fee, buying clothes and fishing less in pre-resettlement than post-resettlement. There are some
factors leading to increase expenses for food in post-resettlement including there were lack of food source in post-
resettlement like reduction of fishing due to limitation of fishing ground, reduction of wildlife due to limited space for
wildlife, loss of wild vegetable. The factors which lead an increase in expenses for health were due to the families in
post-resettlement easily accessed to private clinics. This was because of the private clinic and health service was
located in their post-resettlement and the roads from their resident to provincial clinics were good. Additionally,
groundwater quality was very bad which cannot be used for drinking or cooking. This pressure required buying water
from middle seller. The families who caught fish at pre-resettlement required more cost for their transportation from
post-resettlement to pre-resettlement to catch fish.

0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
4.5
5
Spiritual land
Residential land
State land
Community forest
Spiritual forest
Fish Resource
Ground water
Surface water
Rain water
Saving
Financial serviceCBOs
Networks
Conflict in families
Conflict in
communities
Conflict with outsider
Access to road
Access to health
service
Access to schools and
education service
Access to commune
service
Skills for their
livelihood
Pre-Res
Post-Res
3.9.1. Satisfaction on community resources
Community leaders identified the satisfaction of the livelihood condition in pre-resettlement and post-resettlement.
Five score were categorized: score from one to five. Score (1): very dissatisfied, score (2): dissatisfied, score (3), less
satisfied, score (4) satisfied and score (5) very satisfied.
In comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement, the
community livelihood resource availabilities that families were
more appreciated in pre-resettlement than post-resettlement
included adaptive skills to fit their livelihoods, spiritual lands,
residential lands, forest resources for community, spiritual forests,
fish resource, groundwater, surface water, saving money, financial
service, CBO functioning, conflict with outsiders. Second, the
community livelihood resources that the families were more
appreciated in post-resettlement than pre-resettlement including
access to school, access to health service, access to roads and
access to commune service. Third, the community livelihood
resources that the families had the same preference included state
lands, rain water, and conflicts in communities.
The reduction of satisfaction level due to some reasons: in
compensation policy, 200 hectares will be compensated. Until now,
that area of spiritual land was not clearly identified yet. As bad experience was that one community member died but
they did not know where should be buried their death. Finally, they decided to bury nearby rice field in post-
resettlement. Large spaces of lands in previous village including forest areas were available for the people. Currently,
that area was converted for the new areas of post-resettlement where the people are living. The forest areas where
people have accessed to were large in previous village. Later on those areas become reservoirs of hydropower dam of
LS2 and some of those areas were converted into current resident of relocated people. This trend narrowed down the
forest space for community accessed. In pre-resettlement, community members caught fish resource along Sre Pok
River. In post-resettlement, there is only one cannel where they caught fish. In post-resettlement, most of the
community members depended on groundwater. The groundwater in pre-resettlement was available for the whole year
while in post-resettlement, the groundwater was available only rainy seasons for some places. The surface water that
the people in pre-resettlement depended on was from Sre Pok Eiver while in post-resettlement, the people bought
water from outsiders. In post-resettlement, lack of incomes, the people started borrowed money from finance
institutions. Based on the research finding, it indicates that two respondents or three percent of 60 respondents
borrowed money from banks. In pre-resettlement, the people mostly engaged in fishery resource protection through
patrolling, meetings, bringing issues to subnational authorities for intervention and disseminating impact of
hydropower dam on people. In post-resettlement, the people focused on hydropower dam impacts through
disseminating and mobilizing people to advocate for the dam. Few issues were addressed.
The increases in respondents’ satisfaction in post-village was due to resettlement including access to school, access to
health service, access to roads and access to commune service because of some reasons. The road from village in pre-
resettlement was very bad. It was constructed with gravels but most parts were destroyed in particular the roads from
village to old national road 78. The new resident is located in the new national street 78 which enable easily for people
to travel from village to provincial town. Additionally, the roads in village were built with good condition. There is
one road which connects from resident of relocated people to their rice field. This condition enabled them to transport
easily their agricultural products from rice fields to their resident. In pre-resettlement, the health center where the
people accessed was located about 100 kilometers from their village. The roads to the health center were bad. These
were barriers for the people to access to the health center service. When they had disease or not well, the people
bought medicine from local shops where sold medicine. Those sellers did not have medical skills. In post-resettlement,
the health center is located in relocated village. Additionally, there is one private clinic in the village. This enabled
people to access to health service from health center and private medical clinic. The people pay less money for
traveling from village to health centers or private clinic. The performances of teachers have improved as their
performances were on eyes of people and local authorities because the school is located nearby commune hall, police
post and citizen residents. Additionally, the study grade of studies increased in comparison between pre-resettlement
and post-resettlement. In pre-resettlement, only primary school grand one to grade five is available while in post-
village, the primary school and secondary school was available in village. Owing to the secondary school in village in
post-resettlement, children who study at secondary schools are expected to increase. In pre-resettlement, when any
children who intend to study at secondary school are required to study at provincial town. This was costly for travel,

accommodation and food during their study. The availability of secondary school in village enabled children to study
at the secondary school due to reduction of costs for travel and food during their study. The commune hall in pre-
resettlement was located far from Sre Sranok in other village. The road from village to commune hall was bad.
Additionally, the location of the commune hall was far from village. This was costly for traveling to commune hall.
The reasons above were the barriers for accessing commune service. In post-resettlement, the commune hall is located
in village. This good location enabled people to access commune service easily. In pre-resettlement, the occupations
of the people are rice growing, farming and fishing. The soil qualities were mostly good. With their skill and soil
quality, they could produce agricultural yields. Additionally, they were skillful in fishing. In post-resettlement, the soil
qualities were worse for agriculture growing. With current capacities, the people cannot grow agriculture products.
Additionally, they gave up some skill of fishing as fishery resources in post-resettlement were limited. There were
some opportunities for business in post-resettlement like selling product at marketing, repairing electronic tools but
the people did not have those skills yet to earn incomes.
3.9.3. Satisfaction on incomes
3.9.2. Satisfaction on occupation
In comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement, the level of satisfaction of the families on one type of
occupations as sellers increased. The level of satisfaction of five types of the occupations reduced. Those included
farmers, NTFP collectors, labour sellers, fishers, loggers and animal rearers. The level of satisfaction on one type of
employment as government employment was the same.
The satisfaction level of the incomes from product sales increased from score 3 to 5 because it is potentials for
creating shops for selling products and was expected to increase in the future even though the current income was now
lower in post-resettlement than pre-resettlement. The satisfaction level of the income from agricultural product sales
reduced from score 3 to 1 due to decrease in income
from agricultural product sale. The research indicated
that the average income from agricultural product sales
was 2,600,000 Riels in pre-resettlement while 1,320,000
Riels in post-resettlement. The satisfaction level of the
income from NTFP sales reduced from score 3 to 1 due
to decrease in income from NTFP sale. The research
indicated that the average income from NTFP sales was
2,135,294 Riels in pre-resettlement while 780,000 Riels
in post-resettlement. The satisfaction level of the
income from labour sales reduced from score 5 to 3 as it
is relate to long term securities of labour sales. The
community felt that this income would loss in new few
years as these types of employment will loss. The research indicates that the average income from product sales was
1,316,667 Riels in pre-resettlement an 6,400,000 Riels in post-resettlement. The satisfaction level of the income from
government employment stayed the same with score 1. The satisfaction level of the income from fishing reduced from
score 5 to 3 because of reduction of income from fish sales. The research suggested that the average income from fish
sale was 2,259,762 Riels in pre-resettlement while the average income from fish sale in post-resettlement was 900,000
Riels in post-resettlement. The satisfaction level of the income from log sales reduced from score5 to 3 because of
reduction of income from wood sales. The research suggested that the average income from wood sale was 5,236,364
Riels in pre-resettlement while the average income from wood sale in post-resettlement was 1,302,778 Riels in post-
resettlement. The satisfaction level of the income from animal sales reduced from score 5 to 3 because of reduction of
income from animal sales. The research suggested that the average income from animal sale was 2,314,815 Riels in
pre-resettlement while the average income from animal sale in post-resettlement was 1,745,714 Riels in post-
resettlement.
In comparison between pre-resettlement and post-resettlement, the level of satisfaction of the families on one type of
income from selling increased. The level of satisfaction of five types of the income reduced. Those incomes were from
agricultural product sake, NTFP sale, labour sales, fish sales, wood sale and animal sales. The level of satisfaction on
one type of income from government employment was the same.
3.9.4. Satisfaction on expenses for livelihood activities
0
1
2
3
4
5
Sellers
Farmers
NTFP collectors
Labors seller
Governmental
official
Fishing
Loggers
Animal Rearing
Pre-Res
Post-Res

Figure 1.6: Stafaction of incomes in pre-resettlement and post-resettlement
The satisfaction level of expenses for food reduced from score
5 to score 3 due to an increase in expense for food. The
research confirmed that average expense for food in pre-
resettlement was 252,105 Riels while 1,275,867 in post-
resettlement. The satisfaction level of expense for buying
water reduced from score 5 to 2. This was additional expense
in post-resettlement. The research indicated that the people did
not expense for buying water in pre-resettlement while their
average payments for buying water was 167,386 Riels a year.
The people in pre-resettlement used ground water and river
water while the people in post-resettlement used only ground
water and bought water from others. The quality of
groundwater was bad that cannot be used for cooking or
drinking. The satisfaction level of expenses for electric use
reduced from score 4 to 2. This was additional expense in post-
resettlement. The research indicated that the people did not
expense for electric fee in pre-resettlement while their average payments for electric fee was 137,931 Riels a year. In
pre-resettlement, people used Chanlos (local known) which was made of resin to light instead of electric usage. The
resin for producing Chanlos was collected by people from forest areas. The satisfaction level of expense for clothes
decreased from score 4 to 2. This was an increase of expense for buy clothes in post-resettlement. The research
indicated that average expense for buying clothes was 166,226 Riels in pre-resettlement while 167,958 Riels in post-
village. The satisfaction level of expense for fishing decreased score from 4 to 2 due to increase in expense for fishing.
The research suggested that the average expense for fish was 175,455 Riels in pre-resettlement while 220,000 Riels in
post-resettlement. The increase of expense was that people in post-resettlement went to catch fish in their previous
village. This was costly for their transportation.
RECOMMENDATIONS
To contribute the improvement of the livelihood of relocated people, the recommendations are proposed. Extend rice
support for relocated people up to four years after relocation should be done. The company support rice for one year.
Until now, some families have not been compensated yet. The compensation of rice fields for relocated people in
order that they can grow rice in next year (2017) should be sped up. Some skills for relocated communities like rice
growing techniques, farming techniques, selling product marketing and financial management should be supported for
relocated people. The forest area should be identified for relocated. Budget for establish community forestry should be
allocated in order that they can protect the forest resource for next generation. Local mechanism to manage ground
water should be established. Forty-two wells were compensated for relocated people. The establishment of local
mechanism can contribute to protect groundwater for better condition. Broken wells should be repaired for relocated
people. Rainwater storages should be relocated people. Indigenous traditional ceremony of entering to live in new site
should be organized. Death bury area should be prepared. The houses of relocated people constructed by companies
should guarantee for local people at least 30 years. Budget should be allocated for local people in order that they
engage in monitoring the impact of LS2. Inclusion of relocated people in resolution mechanism should be done.
Capacity on Financial Management should be provided for relocated people.
CONCLUSION
It was concluded that the livelihood of relocated people changed in comparison of pre-resettlement and post-
resettlement due to differences of community resources (natural resources, social resource, financial resource and
human resources) between villages of pre-resettlement and post-resettlement. The differences of those resources of
previous site and new site have changed the ways of living of the people like occupation, sources of incomes and
social connection. The numbers of the families who have farmlands reduced. The numbers of the families who have
rice fields stayed the same. The numbers of residential lands have decreased. The average sizes of farmlands and rice
fields of the families who have that decreased while the average size of residential lands increased. The qualities of
farmland and rice field reduced. The numbers of families who depended on natural resources changed and the natural
resource like forests and fishery resources changed. The numbers of wooden houses were reduced while the numbers
of brick houses increased. The wooden houses constructed by relocated people themselves were only in post-
resettlement. The families who were appreciated their houses were more than the numbers who were not appreciated
in post-resettlement. The performances of teachers and students have improved. Health physical infrastructure,
0
1
2
3
4
5
Sellers
Farmers
NTFP
collectors
Labors
seller
Governm
ental…
Fishing
Loggers
Animal
rearing
Pre-Res
Post-Res

building and equipment were better in post-resettlement. The social conflicts increased and expected to increase in
post-resettlement. Relocated people were hard to adapt to new context like low quality of rice fields and farmlands.
The expenses also increased.
The satisfaction of relocated people in pre-resettlement and post-resettlement was based on community resource types.
Their reduction of the respondents’ satisfaction include adaptive skills, spiritual lands, residential lands, forest
resources for community, spiritual forests, fish resource, groundwater, surface water, saving money, financial service,
CBO functioning, conflict with outsiders. Accessing to school, health service, roads and commune service were
preferred in post-resettlement. The increase of respondents’ satisfaction on occupations in post-resettlement was
sellers. Lower satisfaction of respondents in post-resettlement on occupation was farmers, NTFP collectors, labor
sellers, fishers, loggers and animal raisers. Income preferences of the respondents in post-resettlement was from
selling while lower income satisfaction in post-resettlement was from agricultural product sale, NTFP sale, labor sales,
fish sales, wood sale and animal sales. The lower satisfaction of the respondents on expenses were expenses for food,
fishing, clothes, electric, buying water because the expenses for those increase.
REFERENCES
ASEAN (n.d). About ASEAN: Establishment of ASEAN. Retrieved 3rd March 2016, from
http://www.asean.org/asean/about-asean/
Biggs, E. et al. (2015). Sustainable development and the water–energy–food nexus: A perspective on livelihoods. Retrieved on 3rd
April 2016, from http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1462901115300563
Hydropower Lower Sesan 2 Co Ltd (2014). The Policy Brief on Impact Resolution of Lower Sesan II project
International Engergy Agency, (2014). World Engergy Outlook 2014. Retrieved 3rd April 2016, from
www.iea.org/textbase/npsum/weo2014sum.pdf/
International River, (n.d). Lower Sesan 2 Dam. Retrieved on 17th August 2016, from
https://www.internationalrivers.org/campaigns/lower-sesan-2-dam.
Kbal Romeas commune hall (2015). Commune data
Mekong Flows (n.d). Hydropower. Retrieved on 3rd April 2016, from http://mekongriver.info/hydropower
Ministry of Mining (n.d). Cambodia Energy Sector Strategy. Retrieved 3rd April 2016, from
www.un.org/esa/agenda21/natlinfo/countr/cambodia/energy.pdf/
Provincial Cabinet (2015). Deadline Letter on Resettlement.
Sre Kor commune hall (2015). Sre Kor commune data.
Sre Sranok community (2015). Community Lawsuit.

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