1 History of the First Crusade Era Hist. 6543, Hi.docx

1
History of the First Crusade Era
Hist. 6543, History of the Crusades
Danny Kopp
September 26, 2011
The decline and eventual fall of Rome in 476 shattered the
secular government in the
West, but the Eastern Roman Empire remained under the control
of Constantinople. During the
11
th
century, the Roman Emperors maintained control of their ever
shrinking realm due to
foreign incursions. Nomads, Muslims and Latin Christians
remained adversaries of the Empire,
but in the late 11
th
century the situation finally caused a mass migration of
pilgrims from the

West through the Byzantine Empire on their way to Jerusalem
that upset the balance of power in
the Levant. Viewed as mercenaries by Byzantines, marauders in
the Balkans and barbarian
invaders by the Muslims, the waves of armed pilgrims trekked
on their mission for Christ.
The reasons for the Crusades have been misinterpreted, but
certainly not more than they
were misconstrued by the contemporary groups of people who
were involved. The confusion
among leaders, crusaders and civilians alike, were rooted in the
cultural heritage of the respective
groups. To adequately understand the era of the First Crusade,
one must consider the
background of the Western Europeans, Byzantines, and Muslim
participants because all of these
groups met, argued and fought across Southern Europe, the
Levant and Anatolia. To appreciate
the thoughts of the crusaders one must ask why any person
would sell out and trudge three
thousand miles over hellish terrain, devastate the lives and
lands of everyone along the path and
finally battle to win a city in the heart of enemy territory? The
answer is often debated, but

significant study of the forming society in Western Europe
yields only one answer, religion.
After the fall of the Western Roman Empire due to the
infiltration of the barbarian tribes,
the only significant remainder of government was the Latin
Christian Church.
1
Tribal warlords
near former Roman cities, for the most part, sought Roman
civilization and although holding on
to much of their culture became relatively sedentary.
2
In the late 6
th
Century, Pope Gregory I
2
began a massive campaign to convert the barbarian tribes to
Christianity.
3
Many missionaries
such as St. Boniface became successful at conversion with the
understanding that the head of
Christianity was Christ’s representative, the successor of St.

Peter in Rome.
4
Although these
missionaries were successful at converting heathens, they
gradually instructed the converts to the
fine points of Latin Christianity by teaching women and
children over generations.
5
Christianity prevailed, but a feudal system developed around
tribal enclaves. Serfs
gathered to the feudal lords for protection and sustenance.
6
The nobles continued their tribal
warfare although they were taught killing was a sin. Western
Europe became an armed camp of
woefully ignorant, smelly, diseased, and hungry people.
7
The Franks’ realized the opportunity to
unite under Christendom to protect their land from the invading
Muslims. Relying on the
Augustinian definition of a Just War, Christian kingdoms joined
Charles Martel, who defeated
the invading Muslims at the Battle of Tours in 721.
8
Successful later battles by Charlemagne,

who was crowned the first Holy Roman Emperor by the Pope in
AD 800, fostered the mentality
that God provided success when fighting for Christian Territory.
In a late 10
th
century attempt to
control violence, the Church instituted “The Peace of God”
proclamation which guaranteed
excommunication for those who hurt noncombatants or fought at
certain times of the year. In
1027, “The Truce of God” forbade war upon other Christians.
The Papal mandates did not
completely stop the infighting.
9
Although the Christian kingdoms unified to protect Christian
lands, they often allied with
an enemy to combat each other.
10
With no strong central authority to govern the region, Pope
Gregory VII, in the late 11
th
century began claiming Papal sovereignty over distraught
lands.

Although he did not bring the individual regions under the
domination of the Church, he
succeeded in developing relationships and increasing the
knowledge of Christianity in the
affected regions.
11
For centuries, the continual spread of Christian knowledge
fostered
3
understanding of fundamental beliefs such as sanctification,
holy relics, martyrdom and
intercessors. The most holy of places housed reliquaries
containing the relics of the original
Apostles. St. Peters relics in Rome were revered in the West,
but the most holy of all places was
the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, which contained
the site of Jesus’ resurrection.
For centuries, pilgrims such as the Pilgrim of Bordeaux traveled
the pilgrim road to worship in
the holy land and receive sanctifying grace for the redemption
of sin. To receive the sanctifying
grace one must prepare and go through the process of

justification which generally denotes some
type of suffering or anguish.
12
The Christian concepts of grace justification and pilgrimage
combined with the justification of war for the right reasons
together allowed the taking of the
cross on a journey, croisade in French, which evolved into
crusade.
Byzantine and Muslim backgrounds are equally important to the
era of the First Crusade.
The Byzantine Emperors since Constantine practiced
caesaropapism, which allowed them
significant control over the Roman Church.
13
This was a point of great contention between
Rome and Constantinople. After centuries of conflict, the
Roman Catholic Church and the
Eastern Orthodox Church split in 1054. Often called the Great
Schism, both Churches
excommunicated and labeled the other heretics. This divide
along geographical, linguistic,
political and doctrinal lines created two Christian enemy camps.
14

In 1081, the new Emperor of
the Roman Empire, Alexius I inherited a shrinking empire that
was surrounded by enemies on all
sides. Importantly, the Byzantine Emperors considered the
regions of the realm at its peak
belonged to them in perpetuity. The Byzantine Empire,
although quite wealthy due to its
location on the trade routes, maintained only a fraction of his
former territories.
After the death of Muhammad in 632, the Muslims continued to
rapidly advance into
Byzantine and Christian territory.
15
For Centuries the Byzantines fought and failed against the
Fatimids over territories including the Levant, southern Italy
and Crete. Although the Fatimids
4
destroyed the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in 1009, it was
rebuilt and pilgrimages continued.
16
During the 11

th
Century, the Seljuk Turks, who practiced Islam, expanded
westward. Byzantine
Emperors gave the Seljuk Turks money and land to compensate
for their mercenary services
against the numerous other groups including the Fatimids.
17
Resulting from an internal conflict
for the Byzantine throne the Seljuks found themselves in control
of the Levant and the Anatolian
peninsula, including Jerusalem in 1073. Although mercenaries
turned conquerors, the Seljuks
came to realize the need for the wealth resulting from the
pilgrims in Jerusalem. The proper
treatment of pilgrims came too late, the original violence and
persecution of the pilgrims proved
unacceptable to Christendom.
18
Religion somewhat consolidated the kingdoms in Western
Europe under the Holy See in
Rome. The Turks continually gained ground in the Byzantine
Empire until they became a threat.
Byzantium was surrounded by enemies on all sides.

Constantinople was only saved from the
Seljuk Turks in 1091 because the Norman invasions in Greece
were halted for a time. Alexius,
sought help from his Christian brothers in Rome.
19
The letter requesting aid and troops reached
the hand of Gregory’s successor, Pope Urban II.
The Pope summoned a large church council at Clermont
Cathedral in 1095. His message
was simple, Christ commanded all Christians to stop fighting
among themselves and dispatch the
despicable infidels from Christ’s sacred lands to receive their
eternal reward.
20
In this speech
Urban II combined the elements of a just war and pilgrimage to
achieve sanctifying grace. It was
only a sin to kill Christians. This religious war or crusade was
considered a penance or devotion.
Priests and Bishops preached the crusade across Europe. Some
scholars argue Urban’s ulterior
motives lay in the domination of the Holy See over all
Christendom, but there is no evidence that

he was doing this for personal gain. Christ commanded this
crusade, not Urban.
21
Although
many kingdoms subscribed to the preeminence of the Papacy,
this period was marked by
5
arguments and disagreements between King and Pope. It is far
more likely warlords would fight
for their salvation. The First Crusade was preached throughout
Christendom and thousands
responded to the call. Although he was technically in charge,
Urban was not able to control the
multitude of pilgrims. His “Letter of Instruction to the
Crusaders” went largely unheeded.
22
The moral code of chivalry demanded the Christian heroes serve
justice, piety, the
Church and the oppressed. Strong leaders responded to the
Pope’s Call such as Raymond, Count
of Toulouse, who previously fought the Reconquista in Spain,
Godfrey of Lorraine, and Hugh of

France, who was the brother of the French King. The leaders
certainly had strong personalities
and personal desires. The experienced generals were all
expecting to become leader of the
campaign. The tales of Charlemagne provided knowledge of
chivalry and the just war. To fight
for Christ was an assured victory as evidenced throughout the
history of the Reconquista.
23
The
initial salvo of the Pope’s army became a mass migration of
soldiers, farmers, women and
children. It is possible that Alexius did not understand the lack
of caesaropapism in Rome. The
initial phalanx of the army of Christ is often called the People’s
Crusade, which was led by a
zealous tramp called Peter the Hermit. Leaving before the
appropriate time, he gathered
thousands of pilgrims and embarked on the road to Byzantium.
Normans joined from the north
and the motley crew of soldiers and pilgrims continued on to
eliminate the enemies of Christ.
24

Peter the Hermit’s group gathered in Cologne on April 12, 1096
to await the Normans.
Not only was Peter leaving early, he failed to maintain the
integrity of his own entourage. There
was no apparent logistical planning. Food was scarce and gold
ran out for the horde of
pilgrims.
25
The initial group, led by Walter-Sans-Avoir arrived in
Belgrade unheralded.
Skirmishes ensued due to theft from a local market. Peter’s
group also had a squabble in the
market, which led to an assault on the castle leaving thousands
dead. At Nis, they were greeted
by a Byzantine official who guaranteed them food and passage
if they would leave immediately.
6
A squabble at a mill resulted in 10,000 crusader deaths.
26
When Alexius was informed of the
crusaders he was certainly appalled or at least disenchanted. He
had requested mercenaries or

companies of Knights, but was sent thousands of men, women
and children carrying crosses and
psalms. He was also mistaken about their mission, which was
to free the Holy Land from the
infidels. Upon their arrival at Constantinople, Alexius I
requested they wait for the real army,
but he eventually relented and granted them passage across the
Bosporus. The army squabbled,
divided and proceeded according to their God given task of
sacking and looting villages and
unmercifully killing the enemy. The Turks rallied and only a
few thousand refugees survived.
27
Additional problems along the pilgrim route through the
Balkans, which evidences the
complete lack of central control by the Papacy, included
numerous attacks on the Jewish
communities. Crusaders rationalized, Jews were the murderers
of Christ and living on the
proverbial doorstep of Christendom and therefore should be
eliminated.
28
One of the most

devastating attacks is often called the Worms Massacre of May
1096. Led by Count Emicho of
Leiningen, the Rhineland crusaders killed over 800 Jews
including the ones who sought and
received sanctuary in the palace of local Bishop Adalbert.
29
This example of crusading against
the Jews is not limited to this particular band, including the
aforementioned Peter the Hermit’s
gaggle, who also massacred Jewish settlements. In addition to
the hatred for the Jews, both
hunger and lack of money indicate additional incentive for
attacking the rich Jewish
settlements.
30
Weeks later, the official army of the Pope began to arrive in
Constantinople. Hugh of
France was informed by Alexius that any lands conquered
would belong to the empire. An oath
of allegiance to Alexius became precedent. Alexius handled the
forces piece meal to prevent a
large army at his gates because the crusader unpredictability
could result in them sacking the

city. Raymond, Count of Toulouse, Duke Godfrey of Lorraine
and Bohemond were all marching
7
along differing routes toward Constantinople. Both Bohemond
and Godfrey refused to pay
homage to Alexius. In return, Alexius refused to feed them.
The barbarian crusaders stormed
the walls of the most powerful city in the known world.
31
Alexius dispatched his soldiers.
Bohemond and Godfrey relented and were immediately
transported to the Anatolian coast.
Other armies subsequently arrived and added to the barbarian
war machine massing on the coast.
This second army consisted of battle hardened mounted knights,
who were prepared to die for
their God in order to receive eternal salvation. The
noncombatant pilgrims who were seeking
plenary indulgence, priests, nuns, prostitutes and assorted
others marched with the army.
32

The force assembled on the coast was not a unified army under
a single command. The
mob of crusaders was divided by language, custom and
loyalties. These leaders were as
suspicious of each other as they were of the Turks and
Byzantines. The Turkish city of Nicaea,
was the capital of Kilij Arslan, the Red Lion. Underestimated
by Arslan, the crusaders lay siege
to the city, but broke the siege to route the Turks. Upon
returning to the undefended city, the
crusaders were assured victory.
33
In the night, Alexius sailed across Lake Iznik and accepted
their surrender. The crusaders were betrayed because Alexius
claimed the city without fighting.
Moreover, he protected the infidels and deprived the crusaders
of their sacred right to plunder.
For many, the crusaders oath to Alexius was negated.
34
Realizing the logistical mistakes made while traveling through
the Balkans, the army split
into two groups. Bohemond, Tancred and Duke Robert of
Normandy led the first wave and the

second army followed a day later under the leadership of
Godfrey and Raymond.
35
On the plain
of Dorylaeum, King Arslan surprised Bohemond’s army, who
formed a tight formation around
the women and other noncombatants. Bohemond suffered great
losses, but held rank until
Godfrey and Raymond arrive hours later and route the Turks.
Bent upon killing every Turk in
creation, the crusaders relentlessly followed them for a day and
a night.
36
This battle at
8
Dorylaeum is important because the crusaders defeated the
Turks against all odds, which
convinced them that God was on their side and victory lay
ahead.
37
The crusaders suffering across the Balkans was insignificant to
the suffering they

incurred crossing the waterless wasteland of Anatolia.
Temperature in July often exceeded 110
degrees and the terrain consisted of volcanic remnants. The
crusaders ate their horses, falcons
and dogs. Women give birth, old people were left behind and
great champions like Raymond
became so ill that he was given Last Rights.
38
The crusaders reached Iconium in September
where they found water and rest, but while the main body
rested, some soldiers, including
Tancred and Baldwin, set out to make private conquests of their
own. Tarsus is claimed without
significant struggle, but Tancred and Baldwin fight over who
would claim the city. Baldwin
claims Tarsus, city of St. Paul, because he has the larger army.
Tancred marched east and
claimed for himself the cities of Adana and Mamistra.
39
Newly widowed Baldwin marches
farther east and through political intrigue becomes the ruler of
Edessa.
40

The crusading warlords
apparently took territory for personal gain.
After another treacherous trek through the rain soaked
mountains, the crusaders reached
the city of Antioch, where the title “Christian” was first given
to the followers of Jesus. The rich
city of Antioch was the most heavily fortified city in the region.
The crusaders waited outside
starving in the cold, wet weather. Seeing no possible victory,
numerous crusaders deserted the
army of Christ. Most notable was Stephen of Blois, who,
expecting a Turkish victory, left in the
middle of the night taking his knights with him.
41
Bohemond’s inside man facilitated the entry
into the city. The streets were strewn with corpses as the
crusaders killed every Turk in sight.
42
The flag of Bohemond was flown over the ramparts in defiance
of the Byzantine Emperor. The
city of Antioch was taken, against all odds by Bohemond and
the other crusaders. Only God
could have granted this victory, but the starved crusaders could

not hold out without support
9
from Byzantium. The Byzantine reinforcements encountered
Stephen of Blois and returned to
Constantinople.
43
Thousands of half-crazed starving crusaders were crying to
heaven for
deliverance as the Turkish army advanced on Antioch the very
next day. Ibn Al Qalanisi
chronicles the crusaders as rude, barbarous and cruel while
stating his tribe would return to seize
Antioch when they grew strong enough.
44
The hero of the Antioch story is Peter Bartholomew, who
informs the leaders of his
vision that the Holy Lance could be found in the city. If found,
the Holy Lance would call upon
the heavenly host to destroy the Turkish army. The crazed and
starving crusaders began digging.
Eventually, Peter jumped into the hole and finds a shard of iron.

Whether it was or not, the
crusaders believed it was the Holy Lance. The crusaders fasted,
which was not too difficult
because they had no food, attended mass and venerated the Holy
Lance.
45
By the hand of God,
the crusaders, once again, were victorious. Muslim chronicler
Ibn Al Qalanisi chronicles the fear
of the Franks and cites the failure of the Muslim leaders when
they are massacred.
46
By
November, the suffering in Antioch continued as a plague broke
out. The Papal emissary died,
and incidents of cannibalism are recorded. The leaders squabble
over the ownership of the city.
Raymond of Toulouse, after failing to take command, leaves for
Jerusalem to fulfill his crusader
oath. In apparent shame, the other lords follow except
Bohemond, who remains as ruler of the
principality of Antioch.
47

After suffering every misery known to man, the crusaders, who
numbered less than
20,000, marched toward Jerusalem. Prior to their arrival, the
Fatimid Caliphate routed the Turks
in Jerusalem. Because the Fatimids were friendly to pilgrims,
they sought peace, but wanted to
keep Jerusalem. Another sign from God came in the form of a
lunar eclipse on June 5, 1099.
Ignoring the ambassadors of the Fatimids, who were the enemy
of the Turks, the war against the
Turks became a Holy War against all Muslims.
48
10
On June 13, 1099, at the behest of a strange hermit, the
crusaders stormed the walls of
Jerusalem. The Muslims are puzzled at the attack of the dirty,
naked, diseased rabble.
49
Several
signs from God influence the crusaders including Tancred’s
timber, due to his diarrhea, and a

vision of deceased Bishop Adhemar, who demanded a barefoot
procession around Jerusalem.
After receiving supplies from several English Ships, the siege
began on June 14. The Franks
invaded the city killing everyone, but Tancred offers protection
at the Dome of the Rock and
Raymond escorts the Arab governor Ifikhar and his court from
the city. Ignoring Tancred’s
protection, the crusaders kill all Muslims and Jews are treated
similarly.
50
Jews sought
protection in a synagogue, but were burned alive inside.
Jerusalem was a Holy Christian city,
but the crusaders squabbled over money and power.
51
Eventually, much to the chagrin of Raymond, Godfrey of
Bouillon, descendant of
Charlemagne, becomes “Advocate of the Holy Sepulcher.” On
August 11, the Egyptian army at
Ascalon woke to the trumpets of the Christians. Armed with the
power of God, the Holy Lance
and the True Cross, the crusaders route Al-Afdal’s Saracen

army.
52
The Muslim threat had been
abated and three of the Latin States had begun to take shape.
Count Raymond, not willing to
take orders from Godfrey, vowed to spend his life in the Holy
Land and subsequently conquered
a strip of land between Mount Lebanon and the coast, which
became the County of Tripoli.
Although, Raymond maintained relations with Alexius, the Four
Latin States were complete.
Governing the small enclaves in the middle of hostile territory,
especially in Jerusalem
with only 300 knights, would prove problematic. Despite their
dismal numbers, the remaining
crusaders appeared to have induced fear in the Muslim
population. On their march from France
to Jerusalem, the crusaders, against all odds, had managed to
defeat the Turks at Nicea,
Dorylaeum and Antioch and the Egyptians at Jerusalem and
Ascalon. The largely illiterate,
unwashed and uncivilized barbarians simply terrified the hell
out of the civilized Byzantine and

11
Muslim populations.
53
Although the crusaders wrought initial destruction, in the
aftermath, they
provided a period of economic stability and prosperity in the
conquered territories.
The economic geography of the four crusader states differed
greatly. Antioch had a very
fertile hinterland rich with natural resources. The port favored
a merchant class and the large
Christian population could be relied upon and taxed to support
the monarchy. Edessa was
situated on a large grass plain along the trade route and also
contained a large Christian
population. Both governments issued Byzantine style bronze
coins and were able to tax the
population from the beginning. The European feudal system
suffered a change from the system
of servitude to a system of tax which was supported by the
common coinage.
54
The situation in

Jerusalem was more problematic, but the ports on the Levantine
shore including the County of
Tripoli, which remained very close to Jerusalem, allowed
immigration and trade with Western
Europe. Muslims found crusader rule intolerable because the
protected ones, who were not
supposed to bear arms, ruling over believers was intolerable,
but the incredibly diverse groups of
Many factions of Muslims agreed they did not like the Turks as
rulers any better than the
Christians, who, in due course, allowed their religious practices
and provided financial gain.
The Christians were a small minority in Jerusalem and could not
assimilate the
population into their ranks. Although the climate forced
different growing seasons and crops,
feudalism was adapted onto a commercialized farming system.
Lords were given money-fiefs
which consisted of the revenues from the land.
55
The farmlands were left in the hands of locals.
Most of the customary Muslim law continued on the agricultural
estates. In fact more changes

were made on the attitudes of the crusader lords than on the
population. Most of the lords lived
in the cities on the coast holding fairs and markets, but were
absentee landlords. The region had
been a battleground for decades prior to the crusaders arrival,
but trade with the Genoese and
Venetians opened the European markets to the region.
56
12
Feudal style government prevailed with the king holding court,
but traditions in the
Levant also forced the crusaders to rethink some of their most
revered institutions. The military
monastic orders, most notably the Templars and the Hospitalars
developed out of necessity to
protect pilgrims.
57
These warriors, accepted as a religious order by the Pope,
were soldiers of
Christ dedicated to defend the Holy Land. The crusaders
proved very successful in exploiting

and adapting to their environment. Subsequently, in many
ways, the crusaders were transformed
by it. They successfully created a series of principalities in the
Levant. Although the Latin States
relied on constant trade with Western Europe, their leaders
adapted to the local setting and
allowed them to become autonomous regions.
58
Muslims resented the invasion into their territory, but no more
than the Byzantines who
considered the Levant occupied territory. Although personal
hostilities and ambitions deterred
some crusader lords from their pilgrimage to Jerusalem, it is
quite clear that the religious
convictions and moral code of chivalry were paramount in the
decision to carry the cross to
liberate the Holy Sepulcher in the name of Christ.
13
Notes

1
John Vidmar, The Catholic Church through the Ages: a History
(New York: Paulist Pr,
2005), 54.
2
Thomas S. Burns, Rome and the Barbarians, 100 B.C.-A.D. 400
(Ancient Society and
History) (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press,
2009), 24.
3
John Moorhead, Gregory the Great (London: Routledge, 2005),
5-8.
4
Willibald, The Life of Saint Boniface (Cambridge: Harvard
University Press, 1916), 55.
5
John Moorhead, 5-6.
6
Kenneth M. Setton and Marshall W. Baldwin, eds., A History
of the Crusades, Volume
I: The First Hundred Years, 2 ed. (Madison: University of
Wisconsin Press, 2006), 10-13.
7
Sidney B. Heath, Pilgrim Life in the Middle Ages (Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Co.,

1912), 26.
8
St Augustin, St. Augustin the Writings Against the Manicheans
and Against the
Donatists: Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian
Church, Part 4, ed. Philip Schaff
(publication place: Kessinger Publishing, LLC, 2004), 300-302.
9
of the Crusades, 15.
10
Alan G. Jamieson, Faith and Sword: a Short History of
Christian-Muslim Conflict
(London: Reaktion Books, 2006), 48.
11
12
O.J. Thatcher and E.H. McNeal, trans. Pope Leo IV’s Letter to
the Franks, In A Source
Book for Medieval History (New York: Charles Scribner’s
Sons, 1905), 511-12.
13
John Vidmar, The Catholic Church through the Ages, 54.

14
Thomas F. Madden, ed., Crusades: The Illustrated History (Ann
Arbor, Mich.:
University of Michigan Press, 2005), 30.
15
Ibid., 18-22.
16
Delia Cortese and Simonetta Calderini, Women and the
Fatimids in the World of Islam
(Edinburg: Edinburgh University Press, 2006), 52.
17
Alan G. Jamieson, Faith and Sword: a Short History of
Christian-Muslim Conflict
(London: Reaktion Books, 2006), 41
18
Michael Paine, ed., The Crusades (Edison, NJ: Chartwell
Books, Inc., 2009), 10.
14
19
20

Robert the Monk, Robert the Monk’s History of the First
Crusade: Historia
Iherosolimitana (Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing Company,
2005), 79.
21
Ibid., 81-82.
22
Ibid., 44.
23
Nikolas Jaspert, The Crusades (New York: Routledge, 2003),
116-120.
24
Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades Vol. I., The First
Crusade and the
Foundation of the Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1951), 121.
25
Ibid., 126.
26
Albert of Aix, Historia Hierosolymitanae expeditionis, in
August. C. Krey, The First
Crusade: The Accounts of Eyewitnesses and Participants
(Princeton: 1921), 48-52.
27
Anna Comnena The Alexiad, in August. C. Krey, The First
Crusade: The Accounts of

Eyewitnesses and Participants (Princeton: 1921), 71-72.
28
Albert of Aix, Historia Hierosolymitanae expeditionis, 54-56.
29
Steven Runciman, A History of the, 138-140.
30
Nikolas Jaspert, The Crusades (New York: Routledge, 2003),
40.
31
Anna Comnena, The Alexiad (10:7), edited by Elizabeth A.
Dawes, (London:
Routledge, 1928), http://www.
fordham.edu/halsall/basis/AnnaComnena-Alexiad10.asp,
(accessed September 10, 2011)
32
Ibid., 10:8.
33
Gesta Francorum, In August. C. Krey, The First Crusade: The
Accounts of
Eyewitnesses and Participants (Princeton: 1921), 101-103.
34
Ibid.
35

Crusade, 107.
36
Alan G. Jamieson, Faith and Sword, 54.
37
Crusade, 111.
38
Ibid., 115.
39
Ibid., 116.
15
40
Ibid.
41
Ibid., 158.
42
Ibid., 141-146.
43
James A. Brundage, “An Errant Crusader: Stephen of Blois,”
Traditio 16 (1960): 390.
44
Ibn Al Qalanisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades

Translated by E.J. Costello, In
Francesco Gabarieli, Arab Historians of the Crusades (New
York: Routledge, 2010), 2.
45
Crusade, 162-164, 171.
46
Ibn Al Qalanisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, 4-5.
47
Crusade, 187.
48
Thomas F. Madden, ed., Crusades: The Illustrated History, 45.
49
Dambert, Godfrey and Raymonds Letter to the Pope from
Laodicea in September,
1099. In Dana C. Carlton, ed., Translations and Reprints from
the Original Sources of European
History: Letters of the Crusaders (Philadelphia:University of
Pennsylvania, 1896), 10.
50
Edward Gibbon, The Life and Letters of Edward Gibbon: with
his History of the
Crusades (London: Frederick Warne and Col, 1889), 536.
51

Crusade, 202.
52
Ibid., 207.
53
Ibn Al Qalanisi, The Damascus Chronicle of the Crusades, 5.
54
Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades
(Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1999), 114-116.
55
Ibid., 118.
56
Ibid., 132.
57
Alan G. Jamieson, Faith and Sword, 59-60.
58
Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Oxford History of the Crusades,
119-122.
16

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