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THE IMPACT OF SITE AND SERVICE PROJECTS ON
URBAN
HOUSING MARKETS: THE CASE OF DANDORA, NAIROBI
by
Joyce Mwende Maloxnbe
Department of Geography
Submitted in partial fulfilment
of the requirement for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy

Faculty of Graduate Studies
The University of Western Ontario
London, Ontario
February 1990
©Joyce Mwende Malombe 1990
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THE IMPACT OF SITE AND SERVICE PROJECTS ON
URBAN HOUSING MARKETS:
THE CASE OF DANDORA, NAIROBI
( signature o f witness ') (signature o f student)
May 1, 1990 Ph.D. Geography
(date) (degree) (departm ent o f student)
with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction
prohibited without permission.
THE UNIVERSITY OF WESTERN ONTARIO
FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES
CERTIFICATE OF EXAMINATION
Chief Advisor
Advisory Committee
The Thesis by
Joyce M. Malombe
entitled
The Impact of Site and Service Projects on Urban
Housing Markets: The case of Dandora, Nairobi.
is accepted in partial fulfilment of the
requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy

Date
Chairman of Examining Board
i i
ABSTRACT
This dissertation is an evaluation of site and service
projects as a strategy for meeting the housing needs for the
low-income households in Nairobi, Kenya. These projects were
an attempt by the government to help low-income households by
increasing the housing stock available to these kinds of
households.
The major source of data was from interviews conducted
over a period of five months in the large Dandora project in
Nairobi. Here, information was gleaned on changes in socio-
economic, housing and migratory variables.
The data confirmed that the project significantly
improved the housing conditions of those who moved. The
project, however, did not directly meet the housing need of
the low-incomes group because of the high housing costs of
this project. The Dandora project benefited only a small
percentage of residents from the squatter settlements and
these characteristically earned higher incomes than were
intended for this project. The analysis showed that the
project mainly benefited respondents who had moved from
standard housing (housing constructed with permanent materials
and approved by the City Council) . However, this does not
necessarily indicate the failure of this housing strategy

beceiuse the benefits to the ill housed in the squatter
settlements could have been indirect ones resulting from
iii
filtering. The survey determined that 85 percent of those
moving from standard housing left vacancies that could have
benefited low-income households through filtering. An
analysis of the migratory history of those surveyed indicated
that most of the respondents had moved from the rural areas
to standard housing prior to Dandora and not from the squatter
settlements, suggesting that even with the second tier moves
included, the site and service schemes' direct impact on the
City's squatter settlements was limited. Even so, by enabling
rural households to move to standard housing (which would not
have been the case if the project had not been implemented),
the project indirectly provided housing for migrants, who
would have had more limited alternatives to the squatter
settlements.
iv
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I wish to express my sincere gratitude to several
organizations and individuals whose support and contribution

made possible the successful completion of this work. Special
thanks must go to my chief advisor, Dr. W.R. Code, for his
assistance and patience throughout the writing of this thesis.
I am grateful for his having read the drafts and offered
constructive criticisms, suggestions and guidance. My special
thanks also go to Dr. D. Janelle, Dr. M. Goodchild, Dr H.
Hosse, Dr. E. Bjorklund, Dr. A. Philbrick and Dr. D.
Cartwright and indeed to all the faculty for their support and
encouragement. I am particularly grateful to Kim Holland for
his support and great help with the maps. As well, I am
grateful to Tim Bailey for his friendly he’p. I also
appreciate the on going support of my other colleagues:
Catherine Hooey, Quentin, Bert, Gloria, Tom, Shuo Chao Fu
among others.
I wish to acknowledge the help from the administrative
staff and especially Diane Shillington. Outside the
Department, my thanks are extended to many friends for their
great support and encouragement. I am especially grateful to
Linda McLean, Kimberley Granger, Michele Anderson, Ruth
Hufnagel, Ben Hartford and Wambui Kiai for all their support
and help and for making mv stay in Canada such a pleasant
experience. I am also grateful to Angeliek Wick, Yaap
v
Hogeling, Ruth Knutson, Easther Waruiru, Beatrice Adimola
and
Dr. Tom Mcfarlane.
I wish to thank the Canadian International Development

Agency for the financial support. I am thankful to the
University of Nairobi for giving me study leave. Special
thanks go to Dr. Syagga and all the staff of Housing Research
and Development Unit for their help during the field work.
I am greatly indebted to Mr. Muindi Mulili, the research
assistant, for his faithfulness and support. His experience
in housing research at the university was of great help during
the challenging field work. A very special thanks must also
be extended to the individuals and families in Dandora who
made this research possible. Finally I want to thank my
family for their unfailing support. I especially want to
thank my mother and my father and my brother to whom I
dedicate this work. I greatly appreciated my brother's help
in transporting me daily to Dandora. Above all, I thank God
without whom this work would not have been completed.
vi
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
CERTIFICATE OF EXAMINATION ............................... ii
ABSTRACT .................................................... iii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS .......................................... v
TABLE OF CONTENTS ......................................... vii
LIST OF APPENDICES ........................................ X
LIST OF TABLES ............................................. xi
LIST OF FIGURES ............................................ xiv
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION .......................................... ... 1

1.1 Introduction ......................................... 1
1.2 Problem Statement ................................... 3
1.3 Operational Definitions ............................ 10
1.4 Organization of the Study .......................... 15
1.5 Description of the Dandora Community Project .... 17
1.5.1 Historical Development of the Site and
Service Strategy ............................... 17
1.5.2 The Dandora Community Development
Project ......................................... 19
1.5.3 Goals and Objectives of the Dandora
Project ......................................... 21
1.5.4 Implementation of the Project ................. 25
1.5.5 Conditions of the Lease Agreement.... ......... 30
1.5.6 House Type Plan Options ........................ 31
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW ......................................... 34
2.1 Introduction ......................................... 34
2.2 Third World Urban Housing .......................... 35
2.3 The Filtering Process .............................. 43
2.3.1 The Filtering Process in Nairobi's Urban
Housing Market ................................. 4 6
2.4 Urbanization in Kenya ............................... 49
2.5 National Housing Policy ............................ 51
2.6 Evolution of Housing Policy in Nairobi ........... 63
2.6.1 Housing Before Independence........ 66
2.6.2 Housing After Independence ................... 7 3
2.7 Housing Programmes .................................. 84

2.7.1 Nairobi City Council ........................... 86
2.7.2 National Housing Corporation .................. 92
2.7.3 Housing Finance Company of Kenya ............. 94
2.8 Conclusion ........................................... 98
vii
Page
CHAPTER 3
DATA SOURCES AND RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
.................. 100
3.1 Research Design ..................................... 100
3.2 The Method of Data Collection ..................... 102
3.3 Sampling Procedure .................................. 103
3.4 Questionnaire Design ................................ 106
3.5 Field Investigation Problems ...................... 116
3.6 Method of Data Analysis ............................ 118
CHAPTER 4
SOCIO-ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS AND HOUSING
CONDITIONS OF THE DANDORA RESIDENTS .....................
121
4.1 Introduction ......................................... 121
4.2 Socio-economic Characteristics ..................... 122
4.2.1 Age Distribution and Length of
Stay in Nairobi ................................ 124
4.2.2 Family Composition of the Dandora
Households ...................................... 127

4.2.3 Jobs Held by the Dandora Residents .... 130
4.2.4 Transportation System and Cost to
the Residents ........ 134
4.2.5 Monthly Incomes of the Dandora
Residents........................................ 140
4.3 Building Process ..................................... 143
4.4 Housing Conditions in the Dandora Project......... 153
4.4.1 Number of Rooms Occupied by the
Respondents in Dandora......................... 154
4.4.2 Available Services in the Dandora
Project ......................................... 158
4.4.3 Monthly Housing Costs in the Dandora
Project ......................................... 161
4.4.4 Reasons for Moving to Dandora ................ 166
4.5 Respondents' Housing Conditions Before
Moving to Dandora .................................... 169
4.6 Evaluation of Housing Improvements as a
Result of the Move to Dandora .............,....... 180
4.7 Conclusions ............. 191
CHAPTER 5
AN EVALUATION OF HOUSING BENEFITS AS A RESULT
OF A
DIRECT MOVE TO DANDORA FROM THE SQUATTER
SETTLEMENTS ................................................ 194
5.1 Introduction ......................................... 194
viii

Page
5.2 Socio-economic Characterise!cs of the
Respondents Moving from the Squatter
Settlements to Dandora ............................. 199
5.3 Evaluation of Housing Conditions as a Result
of the Move from the Squatter Settlements
to Dandora .......................................... 207
5.4 Direct Move from the Rural Areas to Dandora ....... 221
5.4.1 An Evaluation of Housing Conditions
a Result of the Move from the
Rural Areas to Dandora ......................... 228
5.5 Conclusions ......................................... 235
CHAPTER 6
THE MIGRATION FROM OTHER HOUSING AND THE
INDIRECT
IMPACT OF THE SITE AND SERVICE PROJECTS ON THE
SQUATTER SETTLEMENTS ..................................... 239
6.1 Introduction ........................................ 239
6.2 Socio-economic Characteristics of the
Residents Moving from Standard Housing
to Dandora .......................................... 242
6.3 An Evaluation of Improvement in Housing

Conditions as a Result of the Move from
Standard Housing to Dandora ....................... 249
6.4 An Evaluation of Indirect Benefit to
Residents of the Squatter Settlements as a
Result of the Move to Dandora from Standard
Housing to Dandora ................................. 261
6.4.1 Did the People Moving from Standard
to Dandora Begin a Vacancy Chain.............. 262
6.4.2 The Origin of Households Occupying
Residences Made Available as a Result
of the Move to Dandora ........... ............ 2 67
6.4.3 The Indirect Impact of the Dandora
Project on the Growth of the Squatter
Settlements .................................... 269
6.5 Conclusions ........................... 272
CHAPTER 7
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS ...........................:..... 275
7.1 Introduction ........................................ 275
7.2 Summary .......,...................................... 275
ix
Page
7.2.1 Household Characteristics of the
Dandora Residents ............................. 275

7.2.2 , Housing Conditions as a Result of
the Move to D a n d o r a ........................... 278
7.3 Conclusions .......................................... 281
7.3.1 Did the Site and Service Schemes
Address the Housing Needs of the
Target Income Group? .......................... 282
7.3.2 Did the Project Allow Incremental Housing
Development? .................................. 284
7.3.3 Were Housing Costs Reduced Through
Self-help and Residents' Involvement? ....... 285
7.3.4 Did the Project Provide Security of
Tenure? ......................................... 287
7.3.5 Did the Project Provide Affordable
Services? ...................................... 288
7.3.6 Did the Project Contribute to the
Elimination of Squatter Settlements? ........ 288
7.4 Recommendations ..................................... 292
LIST OF APPENDICES
I Grade II By-laws ................................... 295
II Questionnaire ....................................... 302
III Profile of Plot Owners and Tenants ................ 312
BIBLIOGRAPHY ............................................... 330
VITA ........................................................ 344
x

list of tables
Description Page
2.1 Centres by Size of Urban Population 1948-1979 .... 52
2.2 Estimated Housing Need by Category 1983-2000 .... 52
2.3 Level of Crowding in Urban Areas in 1965 ........ 55
2.4 1977 Estimated Household Incomes in Nairobi ..... 65
2.5 Population Growth in Nairobi Since 1906 .......... 75
2.6 Estimated Demolicions of Squatter Settlements
Since 1960........................................... 77
2.7 Construction Date and Current Rents of City
Council Housing Units in Eastlands ............... 88
2.8 City Council Rental Housing Located in Other
Parts of the City .................................. 89
2.9 City Council Tenant Purchase Projects ............ 91
2.10 Yearly Mortgage Advanced by the Housing
Finance Company of Kenya Since 1966 .............. 97
4.1 Age Distribution of Dandora Residents ............ 126
4.2 Number of Years the Respondents have live in
Nairobi . ........................................... 126
4.3 Jobs Held by the Respondents ...................... 132
4.4 Distance of Place of Work frcm Dandora ...... 135
4.5 Monthly Transportation Cost for the
Respondents ......................................... 139
4.6 People Involved in the Construction Process ..... 147

4.7 Average Number of skilled People Employed
During Construction of Dandora Plots ............. 149
4.8 Average Number of Unskilled Workers Employed
in Dandora .......................................... 149
4.9 Estimated Construction Cost of the
Dandora Plots ....................................... 152
xi
Page
4.10 Estimated Electricity Connection Cost
in Dandora .......................................... 152
4.11 Number of Persons per Room in Dandora ............ 157
4.12 Total Number of Rooms the Plot Owners
were Subletting ..................................... 160
4.13 Total Income from Subletting ...................... 160
4.14 Total Housing Cost Incurred by the
Dandora Residents.................................... 162
4.15 Reasons for Moving to the Dandora Project ........ 167
4.16 Location of Housing Estates the Residents
Lived in Before the Move to Dandora .............. 170
4.17 House Types the Respondents Lived in Before
Moving to Dandora ................................... 17 4

4.18 Number of Persons per Room Prior to the Move
to Dandora .......................................... 17 6
4.19 Rent Paid per Month Before the Move to Dandora ... 179
4.20 Available Services Before the Move to Dandora .... 179
4.21 Ranking of Housing Components ..................... 181
4.22 Number of Rooms Before and After the Move to
Dandora .............................................. 188
4.23 Number of Persons per Room Before and After the
Move to Dandora ..................................... 188
5.1 Jobs Held by the Respondents who Moved
Directly from the Squatter Settlements
to Dandora .......................................... 203
5.2 A List of the Different Squatter Settlements the
Respondents Lived in Before Moving to
Dandora .............................................. 209
5.3 Number of Rooms in the Squatter Settlements
and in Dandora .......................... 211
5.4 Number of Persons per Room in the Squatter
Settlements .................................... 213
xii
Page
5.5 Jobs Held by the Respondents Moving from the

Rural Areas to Dandora ............................. 224
5.6 Number of Persons per Household in the Rural
Areas and in Dandora ............................... 230
5.7 Number of Persons per Room in the Rural Areas
and in Dandora ..................................... 232
6.1 Jobs Held by the Respondents Moving from Standard
Housing to Dandora ................................. 245
6.2 The Housing Estates the Respondents Lived in
Prior to Dandora ................................... 250
6.3 Number of Persons in Standard Housing and in
Dandora ............................................. 254
6.4 Number of Persons per Room in Standard
Housing and in Dandora ............................. 256
y '.ii
LIST OF FIGURES
Description Page
1 Direct and Indirect Move to Dandora ............... 6
2 Map of Dandora ..................................... 2 6
3 House Type Design Options .......................... 31
4 Typical House Plans for Dandora Project

(Four-roomed Unit) 3 2
5 Nairobi Boundary Changes Between 1900 and 1963 ... 67
6 Nairobi in 1903 ........... ......................... 68
7 Land use in Nairobi in 1939 ........................ 70
8 Some of the Major Housing Estates in Nairobi ..... 79
9 Dandora Project in Relation to Estimated
Income Distribution in Nairobi ................... 80
10 Sampling Procedure .................................. 105
11 Respondents' Monthly Incomes ....................... 141
12 Owners' and Tenants' Monthly Incomes .............. 142
13 Plot Construction Time in Years ................... 14 5
14 Number of Rooms Occupied by the Respondents ...... 155
15 Housing Expenses for Owners ........................ 164
16 Comparison of Tenants and Owners
Housing Expenses ................................... 165
17 Available Services Before and After
the Move to Dandora ................................ 184
18 Rents Before and After the Move to Dandora ....... 190
19 Migration Histories of the Dandora Residents ..... 196
20 Migration Histories of the Residents Moving
from the Squatter Settlements to Dandora ......... 198
xiv
Page
21 Monthly Incomes for the Residents who had Moved

from the Squatter Settlements to Dandora ......... 2 05
22 Locations of the Squatter Areas the Respondents
had Lived in Before Moving to D a n d o r a ............ 208
23 Housing Expenses Before and After the Move to
Dandora .............................................. 216
24 Available Services in the Squatter Settlements
and in Dandora ...................................... 219
25 Monthly Incomes for the Residents Moving from
the Rural areas to Dandora................. 227
26 Migration History of Residents Moving from
Standard Housing to Dandora ....................... 240
27 Monthly Incomes of the Respondents Moving from
Standard Housing to Dandora ....................... 24 8
28 Standard Housing Origin Areas of the Dandora
Residents ............................................ 251
29 Number of Rooms in Standard Housing and in
Dandora .............................................. 253
30 Housing Expenses in Standard Housing and in
Dandora .............................................. 2 58
31 Available Ser-ices in Standard Housing and in
Dandora .............................................. 260
32 Housing Left Behind by Respondents Moving from
Standard Housing .................................... 263
33 Migration Histories of the Residents Moving to

Dandora Indirectly from the Rural Areas .......... 268
xv
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
l.l introduction
The general theme of this study is the provision of
housing for low-income families in the cities of the Less
Developed Countries, and its specific concern is with such
provision in Nairobi, Kenya. Most cities in the Less
Developed Countries have experienced rapid growth in the last
three decades, growth which has rarely been accompanied by
the necessary development of infrastructure, and this deficit
has frequently induced problems. One of the major problems
is an acute shortage of housing for the majority of urban
dwellers. The initial responses to this housing shortage were
attempts to eliminate slums and squatter settlements and to
limit the growth of cities. One of the most direct attempts
to address the shortage was the construction of public housing
projects. As Payne has commented, although dwellings in these
projects usually conformed to high standards of construction
and services provision, they were far too expensive for the
households for which they were designed and required such
heavy subsidies, that they were unable to meet more than a
small proportion of the total housing demand (1984, 1).
The end result of this mismatch in demand and supply has

been continued expansion of squatter settlements and
1
increased densities in existing low income areas (Payne 1984,
2). The growth of these sguatter areas has created the need
for a more realistic approach to the housing problem.
Previous studies by J.F Turner and W. Mangin, among others,
concluded that people were the best judges of their housing
need, and that in most cases they were capable of obtaining
it. The government's role was seen as that of providing
tenure and basic services. Financial support by the World
Bank led to the creation of site and service projects. Site
and service projects provide urban land in small plots so that
individual households can build their own dwellings. In these
projects, lots are levelled and furnished with access roads,
drainage, water, sewerage, electricity, health clinics, refuse
collection, fire protection and other services. Projects of
this type were implemented in Nairobi in 1975.
This investigation examines the impact of this housing
policy as a strategy for meeting the housing need for low-
income urban dwellers. By interviewing both owners and
tenants in the large Dandora project in Nairobi, it was
established the degree to which benefit accrued and to whom.
The interviews identified whether beneficiaries came directly
from squatter settlements as intended, or whether the project
drew groups housed in better housing outside the squatter
settlements, and if so, whether through vacancy chains opened
other opportunities for people to move from the squatter
settlements. The investigation also provided insight into the
overall structure and functioning of the housing market and

3
indicated whether this housing policy directly or indirectly
addresses the housing need of Nairobi's low-income population.
1.2 Problem Statement
The purpose of this dissertation is to evaluate the
impact of the Government's policy of providing housing to low-
income people through site and service projects. Large scale
implementation of these projects was started in Nairobi in
1975, with the implementation of the Danuora project. Site
and service projects are seen as the government's tool for
spreading housing benefits to the urban poor who had not
benefited from the public housing constructed since political
independence (1963). The policy addressed the cost of
construction and services, building standards and land tenure.
One policy goal was to reduce the cost of construction by
generating community group involvement in the construction
process. The reduction of housing cost was supposed to make
it possible for squatters to move directly into these
projects.
This study examines whether these projects improved the
housing situation of low-income urban dwellers through direct
movement to the projects, or indirectly through the filtering
process. Change in the housing quality of the households is
examined. Housing improvement is evaluated according to
quality, level of services provided, and degree of crowding.

Housing quality is assessed according to the type of building
materials used for construction. The level of services
provided is determined by the provision of such basic minimum
services as availability of water, bathroom and kitchen
facilities. To assess the importance of these components, the
respondents were asked to rank them in their order of
importance. This ranking made it possible t ̂ give a
numerical value to each of the components. Also, the
respondents were asked to rate housing components according
to their perceived importance. This ranking showed the
relative weight the inhabitants place on the different aspects
of housing, thus indicating whether or not the most important
component of housing for low-income residents is provision of
services as advocated by the site and service policy. These
values were used to make a housing quality index which enabled
ar assessment of the housing situation of beneficiaries before
and after the move to Dandora.
Two other important aspects of housing considered are
crowding and cost. Crowding is assessed according to the
number of occupants per room. The level of overcrowding was
determined by the residents themselves answering some of the
questions addressed by the questionnaire. The cost of housing
to the occupants is measured according to the percentage of
their income devoted to housing. Residents spending more than
25 percent of their income on housing were considered to be
paying too much.

5
Central to the study are the migration histories of the
beneficiaries. The analysis of migration patterns showed
where Dandora residents came from, and their housing situation
at each stage in their migration history. Four hypothetical
categories of migration histories from which the respondents
could directly or indirectly benefit from the creation of the
Dandora project were identified (see Figure 1).
Case 1 This is a situation where a household moved directly
from squatter settlements to Dandora. Squatter settlements
have the worst kind of housing which is mainly built with
temporary materials and is characterized by overcrowding and
a lack of basic services. These settlements are usually entry
points for migrants to the City and are growing rapidly in
number. One of the government's methods of limiting the
growth of squatter settlements was the implementation of site
and service projects. The provision of basic services and the
reduction of construction costs through community involvement
in the building process was meant to reduce housing costs,
thus make it affordable to low-income groups. This would in
turn make it possible for squatters to move directly from
squatter settlements to site and service projects. The study
made it possible to quantify the degree to which households
moved directly from squatter settlements as intended. The
housing condition of the squatters before and after the move
to Dandora is also determined. In the cases where residents
moved directly from squatter settlements, the project met the

6
DIRECT AND MDIRECT MOVE TO DANDORA
Casa 1 Direct mova tha aquattar aattiamanta
Diract mova from tha rural
Dir act mova from standard housing
Mova from tha aquattar sattinmnnts to
atandard housing prior to Dandora
Squattar Sattlamanta
Sits and Ssrvics
Projacta
7
housing need of the urban poor in Nairobi as intended and thus
was a viable way of directly alleviating the housing need of
the squatters. The absence of moves from the squatter
settlements is however not a sufficient condition to argue the
lack of benefit to the poor. The project could have been
beneficial to low-income families indirectly through the
filtering process. The next three cases represent other
situations where the site and service projects could have
benefited the urban poor.

Case 2 The second case represents another direct move.
This involves households who moved directly from rural areas.
The numbers of migrants are significant given the high rate
(7.5 percent) of migration to Nairobi. Most of the housing
in rural areas is regarded as substandard because it 1? ks
basic services and is usually constructed with temporary
building materials. The previous housing conditions of these
households are assessed and compared to that in Dandora to
determine if these projects improved the housing situation of
the new migrants. Most of the new migrants are young and have
no housing in the rural areas. These projects would therefore
have provided housing for them. Their entry point to the
City, for the most part, is through squatter settlements or
crowding in with relatives or friends. The provision of site
and service projects would have prevented this situation for
some and thus improved their housing situation. This confirms
8
that although the households may not have directly moved from
squatter settlements, the project benefited them.
Case 3 In case three, the households moved directly from
standard housing to Dandora, and through the filtering process
made housing available to another household. Due to the acute
housing shortage in Nairobi, much of the existing low-income
housing is occupied by middle-income families. Their move to
Dandora could have made housing available to low-income
families as well as other middle-income families. Where
lower income families moved to the vacated residence, it
indicated that site and service projects indirectly benefited

low-income households. In addition, it has been argued (Ward
1984) that site and service projects are too expensive for
low-income families. If this is the case, the moving of a
higher income group to site and service projects would not
only have made housing available, but would have both
provided
the required finances for construction and increased the
housing stock. Thus, through the filtering process, housing
outside of site and service projects can be made available
and affordable to low-income people.
Case 4 Case four represents a situation where the
households moved from squatter settlements to minimum
standard
housing1 prior to the Dandora site and service project. Where
1 See definition on page 12
9
this was the case, it is assessed whether squatters indirectly
benefited from site and service projects. The study attempts
to determine whether the housing situation of the families
that moved improved. If housing improved, the move to a site
and service project could have been beneficial to the low-
income households by improving the housing situation of the
family that moved.
Improvement in the households' housing condition is
assessed on the basis of whether the housing unit was
constructed using either permanent or temporary building

materials. Other aspects included are the level of services
and the level of crowding. The move may have also made a
standard dwelling available to another famixy, thus providing
housing indirectly to low-income households. Hence, although
the beneficiary may not have directly moved from the squatter
settlement, Dandora provided them with better housing than
they had before.
To assess the impact of the Dandora project on low-income
households, the study answers the following questions:
1. Did the owners and tenants directly or indirectly
move from the squatter settlement or other
substandard housing?
a) What were their housing conditions in previous
locations in Nairobi?
b) What was their housing situation just prior to
the move to Dandora?
c) Has their housing situation and the level of
available services improved over time?
d) Did their move make housing available for another
household?
1 0
2. Are site and service schemes affordable by the low-
income groups?
a) What were the total housing costs before moving
to the scheme?
b) What are their total housing costs since the
move?

c) What was the total construction cost?
d) What was the method of construction?
e) What role did the bui'* ding groups play ir: housing
construction?
The analysis of both these questions and the four cases
provide information on the real beneficiaries of the project
and whether site and service projects improved their housing
condition. The housing index developed indicates what
aspects of housing improvements resulted from the project.
This study also evaluates whether construction cost was
reduced or not.
1.3 Operational Definitions
One of the problems involved in housing research is the
lack of commonly accepted operational definitions. This is
especially true in Third World cities where the same words
mean different things in different cities. Commonly used
terminology such as "low-income housing," "slum" and
"squatter
areas" mean different things to different communities. Listed
below are terms used in this study and their meanings.
Squatter Settlements
Nairobi's squatter areas can be divided into four types
(Kayongo-Male 1988, 135). These include semi-permanent
rural,
semi-permanent urban, temporary urban and mixtures of
temporary urban. Buildings in squatter settlements include

a wide mixture of styles and quality. Many of these areas
were originally villages on the outskirts of the City that
were incorporated when the boundaries were expanded. There
is a mixture of ownership patterns. In "squatter area," as
many as one-third of the residents may own plots and are not
really squatters. About 10 percent of the plots are often
owned by absentee landlords. There are also parcels of land
owned by squatters who form companies and built barrack-style
housing. The rest of the plots are owned by the Central
Governments and the City Council (Kayongo-Male, 137).
According to the above characteristics, squatter
settlements refer to unregulated residential areas. S«'me of
these are built illegally while others are legally built but
were initially outside the boundaries of the City before
extension. They are regarded by the City Councils as
substandard because the owners did not follow the housing
standards laid down by the municipality. Most of these
settlements are characterized by overcrowding and a lack of
basic services. Construction is done mainly with temporary
materials. The term "slum" and "squatter" settlements are
used interchangeably in this study.
Site and Service Projects
Site and service projects involve servicing urban land
and making it available in small plots so that individual
households can build their own dwellings. In these projects,
lots are levelled and incorporated with access roads,
drainage, water, sewerage, electricity, health clinics, refuse
collection, fire protection and other services (Grimes 1976,

18) .
Squatter Upgrading
Squatter upgrading involves the provision of basic
services to existing squatter settlements and improving them
over time. Upgrading of squatter settlements has not been
successful in Nairobi mainly due to mixed land ownership
patterns which cause delays in the land acquisition process.
Upgrading processes depend largely on community participation
for housing improvement. Services are provided through loans
given to the owners of the plots. The high rate of absentee
landlords makes it difficult to mobilise community
participation. Identifying who the owners are is also a
difficult process. Once they are identified and the services
provided, they increase their rents. The tenants are thereby
displaced by a higher income group who can afford to pay the
increased rents. Since the funds for these projects are
borrowed, the delays associated with this whole process makes
it unfavourable to developers. There is also a lack of policy
commitment to these kinds of projects because of the negative
attitudes towards squatter settlement. Thus site and service
projects have been preferred where funds have been available.
Overcrowding
Overcrowding is a housing market situation characterized
by too many persons living in too few dwelling units. This
was defined by the residents of Dandora as a situation where
more than one person lived in one room. Most respondents

would
have preferred to have a separate room to co and do all
their other household functions but the acute lack of housing
prevents this from being feasible in the near future.
"Overcrowding" in this study will include those with more than
one person per room.
Low-income Households
Low- income refers to those households earning between
280-1,000 Kenya Shillings per month ( 1 U.S. $ = 21 Kenya
Shillings, January 1990 exchange rate). This was the target
income group for the Dandora project. Households income
distribution estimate show that the lowest 40th percentile of
Nairobi's population were within this income bracket in 1985
(Chana 1984, 18). This is assumed to have remained the same
due to the slowing down of the economic growth of the country.
Due to the low incomes these households continue to live in
the squatter settlements since this is the only housing that
they can afford.
Minimum Housing Standard
This has been specified as a permanent house having two
habitable rooms, a kitchen, a shower, and a toilet. This
study however uses the word "standard housing" to mean any
housing that was constructed with permanent materials and was
approved by the Nairobi City Council. This includes one-
roomed units constructed before independence. These do not
meet the current minimum housing standard but are regarded as

standard housing. Although the one-roomed unit policy was
abolished after independence, most households continue to rent
rooms in houses or apartments because they can not afford the
whole unit. Thus in practice, most households continue to
rent rooms. This is especially true in site and service
projects where most of the households sublet one room.
Household
This term refers to a group of people living together.
The household head is the one who paid the rent or the one to
whom the plot was allocated.
Formal and Informal Sectors
Residents working in the formal sector include those
employed in the wage sector by either the public or private
sector. Those in the informal sector were self-employed.
1.4 Organisation of the Study
The dissertation is organized in seven chapters; the rest
of this chapter provides information on the Dandora Community
Development Project. It reviews historical development and
the objectives of the project.
Chapter 2 provides a detailed literature examination of
urbanization and housing problems in the Third World and in
particular, Kenya. This is followed by an examination of
housing policies and the historical development of the housing
problems in Nairobi. Also discussed in this chapter are the

housing programmes implemented by both public and semi-
public
housing agencies. Literature on the filtering process, which
is the theoretical framework of this study, is also reviewed.
Chapter 3 provides information on the data and the
research methodology. A detailed description of the sampling
procedure, questionnaire objectives and method of data
analysis follows.
Chapter 4 is the first of the chapters presenting the
research findings. It provides information on the socio-
economic characteristics of the respondents. These are
discussed to assess the characteristics of the beneficiaries
of these projects. Also discussed in detail are the housing
conditions of the residents before and after moving to the
Dandora project. The housing conditions in these locations
are compared to assess whether the housing improved as a
result of the move and in what aspects.
Chapter 5 provides information on the respondents who
moved directly to Dandora from the squatter settlements or
the rural areas. The issues addressed include the socio-
economic characteristics and the housing conditions before
and after the move to Dandora.
Chapter 6 discusses the households who moved from
standard housing to Dandora. The socio-economic and housing
conditions are discussed to assess whether the move improved
the residents housing conditions. Also discussed in this

chapter is whether the respondents left housing behind that
could have benefited low-income households.
Chapter 7 is the summary and conclusion and also contains
policy recommendations.
1.5 Description of the Dandora Community Project
1.5.1 Historical Development of the Site and Service
Projects in Kenya
The idea of site and service projects in Kenya dates back
to the early sixties when mass urban migration began. The
schemes were mainly intended for the resettlement of squatters
who had lost their land due to the demolition of squatter
settlements. The concept of site and service was however,
adopted as Governments' policy of meeting housing needs of the
low-income families in Kenya in the 1970-74 Development plan
which stated:
These schemes will be a significant part of the housing
programmes in urban areas. If no alternatives are
available, the lowest income families will build the
temporary houses they need anyway, as witnessed by the
existence of large expanding illegal squatter areas near
the urban centres. It will be the responsibility of the
local authorities and National Housing Corporation to
ensure that this activity is channelled into proper self-
help schemes on serviced sites, lest the task of removing
them or providing them with services later on become a
grave problem. The degree of servicing such sites will

vary from the mere laying out of the sites to houses and
spaces for communal facilities to fully developed
services systems commensurate with the type of community
envisaged (Republic of Kenya, 519).
The small scale projects started in the sixties had a
variety of standards, and in some cases, a roof plan was
provided to the plot holders to assist them in building their
house. Many problems were experienced during the
implementation of these projects and plot holders'
satisfaction varied from project to project.
As a result of past experiences, and faced with no other
alternatives, the concept of site and service projects
received increased recognition as a realistic approach for
meeting the residential needs of the greater portion of the
urban population. A survey done in 1975 by the Nairobi City
Council revealed a lack of funds for housing construction, a
high percentage of absentee landlords, a lack of
administrative procedure, slow development of plots, criticism
of house design and delays in cadastral surveys. The housing
construction standards were also found to be too high for a
majority of urban dwellers.
The National Housing Corporation, in response to these
findings, changed the site and service concept by limiting
the contract work for these projects to the provision of
infrastructure and services only. Plot holders were
responsible for the construction of their own houses, with
the aid of loans for materials. The projects were under the

supervision of the technical staff of the Corporation, which
also established a department to assist local authorities.
The first of these large scale projects to be implemented was
in Nairobi in 1975. This was the Dandora Community
Development project which is the focus of this study.
1.5.2 The Dandora Community Development Project
The history of this project dates back to 1970 when the
Nairobi City Council set up the Nairobi Urban Study Group to
establish and formulate an urban metropolitan development
strategy. This study group recommended, among other things,
that there was an urgent need for about 20,000 affordable
housing units for the lower income households (earning
between Kshs. 200 and Kshs. 800 per month). Since the World
Bank was willing to finance such housing projects, the Nairobi
City Council formed the Dandora Community Development
Department in 1975. The primary goal of this department was
to implement the Dandora project in Nairobi as part of a loan
agreement between the International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development (IBRD), and the International Development
Assistance (IDA) of the World Bank and the Kenya
Government.
At this time, the national housing policy was developing
interest in the site and service approach as a viable strategy
to meet the housing need of the low-income earner. With the
availability of funds, the Nairobi City Council and the
commissioner of lands made available 350 hectares of land in
the eastern part of Nairobi for development of 6,000 plots and
related community and commercial facilities and services.

This project was conceived as a pilot project so that the
government and the local authorities could evaluate the
potential of such projects for other urban centres in Kenya.
20
Preparation work for the project started in January 1973 and
continued until May 1974. The project appraisal report was
prepared between June 1974 and May 1975. The Grade II By-
laws
(see appendix 1) of the building code were adopted for the
project area. The plans for phase 1 were prepared in
accordance with the Grade II By-laws requirements. In some
cases, however, the standards used were higher than the ones
stipulated by these by-laws. For example, the provision for
the sewerage was at a higher standard and was based upon a
waterborne system rather than pit latrines. Actual project
implementation began in 1975.
1.5.3 Goals and Objectives of the Dandora Project
The goals and objectives of the project were specified as
follows:
a. To provide access to land and security of tenure on
a long-term basis primarily for residential use,

with supporting community facilities including
schools and clinics.
b. To control speculation and profit-making at the
expense of the low-income sector.
c. To stimulate employment opportunity and industrial
activities in the organization of local residents'
associations and for credit, purchasing, equipment,
training of special skills, management, legal
assistance and marketing outlets.
d. To provide a framework within which residents can
develop their own associations to administer the
development of housing units and utility networks.
e. To provide communications and utilities channels
which will stimulate transportation routes, and
investment in residential, industrial and commercial
activities, both within and near new communities
(Njihia 1982, 88).
The four major housing components were specified as follows:
a. All services other than those pertaining to the
preparation of the plots will be provided by the
Nairobi City Council as part of its regular
responsibility and will not be charged to the
project. This means that the cost of health
facilities, circumferential roads (other than those
needed for the direct implementation of the
project), educational and social facilities will be
borne by the Nairobi City Council budget and only
partly covered by charges and taxes paid by the
inhabitants of the plots;

b. The built form, while circumscribed by the nature
of the materials and equipment provided, will be
left to the discretion of the builder-lessee subject
to regulations pertaining to safety and sanitation.
Design and production assistance will be necessary
to insure sound investment by the individual;
22
c. The financial institution will be a quasi-private
body with powers of eviction, transfer of title,
loan moratoria and renewal. The financial
institution will prepare building materials and
equipment necessary to construct the housing unit.
It will then make loans-in-kind in the form of
materials and possible equipment (at interest rate
calculated to cover its administrative expenses) to
the builder-lessee. These loans will be repaid over
a period of up to 25 years. The financial
institution will also act as agent for the Nairobi
City Council for purposes of collecting the plot
rent. This will facilitate payment by the builder-
lessee and reduction of administrative expenses;
d. The tied loans will be granted in amounts sufficient
to enable the construction of a two room dwelling
on the plot. The builder-lessee will construct the
housing unit, perhaps in cooperation with other such
individual local residents' associations. At least
one of the rooms built will be occupied by the
builder-lessee while one of the rooms could be

rented to another qualified occupant. The
responsibilities for payment of the loan and for
payment for water, sewerage and refuse disposal and
other chargeable services will rest on builder-
lessee (Njihia 1982, 90).
The Dandora Community Development Department(D.C.D.D.)
of the Nairobi City Council was established in 1975 and had
the following functions:
a. To prepare and service 6,000 residential plots of
100 to 160 sq. meters, with individual water and
sewerage connections, access roads, security/street
lighting, and refuse collection services in the
Dandora project site.
b. To construct the following wet cores and
demonstration houses for the serviced plots:
i. Options A 3,870 plots with wet cores (toilets
and shower) on plot sizes of 100, 120 and 140 sq.
meters.
ii. Option B 1,800 plot with wet cores and one
kitchen and store on plot sizes 100, 120 and 140
sq. meters.
iii. Option C 300 plots with wet cores, kitchen,
store and one room on 160 sq. meter plots and 30
23
demonstration houses to illustrate housing for
option A and B plots. The option C plots were

sold on market prices.
c. To operate and administer a materials loan fund
amounting to Kenya pounds 1.5 million, to enable
plot tenants for options A and B to borrow
appropriate amounts for building materials required
to expand such plots to have two rooms through self-
help or contracting.
d. To construct community facilities including six
primary schools, two health centres with day care
facilities, one sports complex and 400 market
stalls.
e. To construct trunk access roads to the project site.
f. To insure impartiality in the selection of
prospective plot tenant, who must meet at least the
following eligibility requirements:
i. The total income at the time of application of
the tenant and such members of his family as will
live with him on his plot is between Kshs. 280 and
Kshs. 500 per month for option A plots and Kshs.
450 and Kshs. 650 per month for option B plots.
ii. The prospective tenant has lived in Nairobi for
at least two years immediately prior to application
for a plot and does not own any residential property
in Nairobi.
iii. The tenant's family (spouse, if any, or
children) does at the time of application, and will
upon allocation of a plot, reside with the tenant.
iv. Prospective tenants will pay Nairobi City
Council the appropriate fees for sewerage and water
connection and a deposit of Kshs. 400 within sixty
days of notification that they have been allocated
a plot (Wanjohi 1977, 5).

To achieve the functions outlined above, the Dandora
Community
Development Department (D.C.D.D.) was organized into four
major sections, consisting of the managerial section,
technical section, the financial section and the community
section. The functions of each of these are outlined below:
24
Managerial Section
This section was in charge of the overall activities of the
D.C.D.D. and was to ensure that other sections conducted their
specified tasks. It consisted of the Project Manager, Deputy
Manager, and the Project Attorney.
Technical Section
The section was to
"a. Supervise detailed planning, engineering, and
preparation of tender documents for site
infrastructure, wet cores and community facilities;
b. Provide technical staff with specific building skill
on site to show allottees how to perform technical
skills, and
c. Illustrate the techniques of housing construction
by erecting demonstration units on the site.

Finance Section
This section had the following tasks:
a. Keep all project accounts involving expenditures
related to the project;
b. Develop an accounting and management system;
c. Prepare quarterly financial reports, and annual
project accounts audited by an independent auditor;
and
d. Operate and administer the materials loan fund.
2 5
The Community Development Section
This section had the following tasks:
a. Publicize the project;
b. Solicit and process applications for the residential
plots?
c. Orient and train allottees prior to the occupation
of the plots;
d. Work with families during the construction phase;
and
e. Assist residents in developing institutions and

programmes to enable them to create a genuine
community (Wanjohi 1977, 6-7).
1.5.4 Implementation of the Project
The actual implementation of the project was carried out
in two phases: phase 1, which consisted of residential area
1, and phase 2, which consisted of residential areas 2, 3, 4,
5, and a central spine of community facilities to be
originally developed over a period of about four years (see
Figure 2).
Construction of phase I started in October 1975 after
obtaining approval from the Dandora Community Development
Project Committee. However, in May 1976, the comments
received from the Nairobi City Council did not agree with
these plans and the City Council argued that certain Grade I
building by-laws had to be maintained, although being a low-
income area, Grade II Building By-laws should have been
MA
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E
DA

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O
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27
followed. This concerned the designed standards for sewers,
water supply, roads and ventilation. These plans were finally
accepted and the first 1,000 plots were ready for allocation
to selected families in December 1976.
During the construction, the applications for the plots
were processed and the plot allocation was made well in
advance. Initially, the applicants for the plots were
interviewed personally to ascertain whether the information
contained in the application forms was true and correct. A
computer was used for random allocation but in spite of this,
there were a few people who were allocated the plots
illegally. Allottees were prepared through meetings and
lectures to undertake the task of construction of their own
houses. The nature and intent of the technical assistance to
be given was explained to them.
The delays caused in obtaining the acceptance of phase
1 planning and infrastructure layout plans, in turn, resulted
in delays in issuing house type plans to the plot allottees,
and delays in the construction of demonstration houses in
phase 1. Finally, the house type plans were accepted on the
basis that it was too late to change them. This occurred in
January 1977, while plots had been allocated in November
1976.
Phase 2 plans were based upon the same planning design
standard but included many changes. Phase II consisted of
4,971 residential serviced plots, 3,180 option A, 1,536 option
B and 300 option C.

28
Residential Plots
The project provides 6,000 residential plots, each with
individual water and sewer connection, and related basic
services and infrastructure, including roads, security
lighting and refuse collection. The plots vary in size from
100 square meters to 160, and are leased for a period of 50
years. The gross density of the project is 32 plots per
hectare and the net density is approximately 45 plots per
hectare. The plot occupancy rate is assumed to be 10 people
pei plot, creating a gross living residential population
density of 320 people per hectare.
At the time of drawing the plans, the total development
cost of the plots was estimated as follows:
Option A between Kshs. 11,000-12,000
Option B between Kshs. 12,000-13,000
Option C about Kshs. 16,500
Financial Component
The Dandora project, estimated at Kshs. 200 million.
(U.S. $ 30 million), is a joint venture of the Kenya
Government (US$ 14 million.), the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development ($8 million), and the
International Development Assistance (IDA) ($8 million).

29
Loans to Allottees
The Dandora Community Development Department (D.C.D.D.)
section operated a materials scheme. Cash loans were made
for the value of the materials in that portion of the house
already constructed. The rate of interest for loans
(materials and plot) was 8.5 percent. Type A plots have a
loan repayment period of 30 years and type B plots 20 years.
All loans were repayable in equal monthly instalments (i.e.
by way of annuity), consisting of principal and interest.
Loan repayments were due at the end of each month,
commencing
the month after the plot was made available for possession.
Repayment of the materials loan began 18 months after the date
the first instalment of the plot loan is due. The interest
rate accrued during the construction period on any material
loan borrowed was capitalized, and the total interest was
repayable by type B plot owners over eighteen and a half
years. Type A plot-holders had five years grace period on the
principal only. After 18 months they paid interest only for
three and half years on any material loans borrowed and on
which interest is accrued. On the expiry date of the three
and a half year grace period, payment for interest commences
and continues for 25 years.
3 0

1.5.5 Conditions of Lease Agreement
The lease specifies four conditions. The plot holder
shall:
a. Undertake construction of dwelling according to the
minimum standards laid down by the D.C.D.D., within
18 months of signing the lease. The materials used
for the construction is either to be one's own or
obtained under the materials loan scheme.
b. Pay all charges promptly and, in general, conform
to agreements.
c. Sublet rooms only on conditions specified by the
project administration and make the identity of
tenant known to it prior to subletting.
d. Notify the administration of intention to leave the
project and conform to the project rules and
regulations regarding the transfer (Njihia 1982,
103-104).
1.5.6 House Type Plan Options
The project provided a range of alternative plot layouts,
thus giving the allottees the choice of plan type (see Figure
3 and 4). On average, five rooms were to be constructed on
each plot.
Each stage of house construction was monitored and a
progress report maintained by a building inspector. The main
stages which were monitored and inspected were the setting-up
of rooms, foundation trenches and walls, ground floor slab,
external and internal walls, wall plates, roof structure and

finishings, and fittings. The intended purpose of monitoring
and inspecting the house construction was: to ensure that the
3 1
Figure 3
HOUSE TYPE DESIGN OPTIONS
6.3 m
Eini"-in
coco
P
si
7.35m
Oi
Plot area 100 m2
“1
2
— i
— 4 ir
H

—I _L_
4 rooms 3 rooms 4 rooms 3 rooms 3 rooms
6.3 m r 3H
5 rooms 4 rooms 3 rooms 4 rooms
6.3 m
~r
"I*"!
J L .
-I
-I
_L5 rooms Upper floor
4 rooms 4 rooms 4 rooms
5 *
_j
—ir-
JL
5 rooms 6 rooms
X
JL
J l_
Comer plots
areas: 180-240m
6 rooms ♦

Source: Ghana 1984, 26
R
eproduced
with
perm
ission
of
the
copyright
ow
ner.
F
urther
reproduction
prohibited
w
ithout
perm
issio
n
.

Figure 4
TYPICAL HOUSE TYPE PLANS FOR
DANDORA PROJECT (Four Room Unit)
Pre-built core
ROOM 1
12.3 M2
_T_
ROOM 2
Yard
WC
10.2 M
VERANDAH
VERANDAH
8.3 M
Yard
Source: Chana 1984,26
Figure 3
0 1 2 3 4
1 I I I I
metres

3 3
construction was based upon the building specifications; to
meet the general standards of building and planning practice;
to ensure the allottee sought material loans in the stage that
D.C.D.D. specified, i.e. at completion of each stage; and
lastly, to ensure that the MminimumN number of rooms were
completed within the 18 month period.
CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 introduction
The inability of Third World governments to meet the
housing need of the majority of urban dwellers led to the
implementation of site and service projects in many cities in
the 1970s. To understand what general problems the projects
were supposed to solve, a brief review of the urban housing
problem and the response in the Third World is included. This
review is followed by literature on the historical development
of the filtering process and its application to the Nairobi
case. The filtering process is central to this study, because
it is one of the ways in which the urban households could have
benefited from the development of site and service projects.
A detailed review of the urbanization process in Kenya
and the national housing policy is included. This enables

one to see the total picture in the urban areas. The site
and service projects were not only supposed to benefit Nairobi
residents, but also the other towns in the country. The
discussion on this issue as well, shows the magnitude of the
housing problem in the rapidly growing towns of Kenya. The
housing policies made in the past have mainly been directed
to Nairobi, which experiences an acute housing shortage. This
3 4
35
chapter discusses the general housing policy and the
historical development of housing in Nairobi. Thus, a
detailed discussion of the historical developm vt of the
housing policy of the City is included. The historical
development is important because it shaped the current housing
policy in Kenya. This is followed by a discussion of the
different public and semi-public organizations involved in
housing development. The type and number of housing units
developed greatly influence who the beneficiaries of the site
and service projects are.
2.2 Third World Urban Housing
Cities of the Developing Countries have grown rapidly in
the last three decades. This rapid urbanization process has
not been accompanied by the necessary growth of housing and
related services. The lack of these services is more
noticeable among the low-income households who have housed
themselves in squatter settlements. These settlements are

very common in Third World cities and are said to characterize
the urban landscapes of these cities. The settlements are
also a direct manifestation of the high rate of urbanization
in these cities. For example, "in the past 40 years Third
World urban populations have grown at between 3 percent and
5 percent annually, from a total of under 300 million people
to 1.3 billion people. In the 1970s alone, the number
36
increased by nearly 300 million, currently Third World cities
are receiving 45 million new inhabitants each year, compared
to 7 million in developed countries" (Harris 1989, 175). By
the year 2000, some 45 percent of the people in developing
countries will live in cities or towns (Linn 1983, 3).
The number of very large cities is also increasing
rapidly. In 1950, only one city in the Developing Countries
had more than five million inhabitants. By the end of this
century, some 40 cities are expected to be at or above this
size. This rapid urbanizetion process has been accompanied by
the explosive growth of large cities. For example, in the mid
1970s, Mexico City and Sao Paulo each grew by over a half a
million people annually, while cities such as Jakarta and
Seoul grew by over a quarter of a million people each year.
Small and medium sized cities are also growing rapidly (Linn
1983, 3).
This growth varies from one country to another, with the
Latin American countries being the most urbanized and the
African countries least urbanized. For example, in Latin

America, Mexico city and Sao Paulo are already among the most
populous cities in the world and it is predicted that they
will swell to populations of well in excess of 20 million by
the end of the century. Asia has more uniform growth with an
urban population of 25 percent (kept at this low level by the
huge populations in India and China) . Africa is much less
urbanized, with some countries having less than 10 percent of
their population living in urban areas (Drakakis-Smith 1987,
3?
4) . However, African urban areas, particulary primary cities,
now display the world's fastest rates of population increase.
In addition, this growth will continue to be the most rapid
in the world. The degree of urbanization and the rate of
urban population in Africa varies considerably from country
to country and from one region to another. The southern
region of Africa has the highest level of urbanization (46.5
percent), the northern region has the longest tradition of
urbanization (44.3 percent), the western and the central
regions have the longest tradition of African urbanization
(22.5 percent and 34.5 percent), and the eastern region is the
least urbanized (16.4 percent) (Obudho 1988, 6).
The rapid urbanization that is taking place in these
cities has not been accompanied by growth in other sectors,
and has therefore brought numerous problems. Lack of adequate
shelter is one of the most visible problems faced by Thiia
World cities. This lack of adequate housing has been brought
about by the existing deficit and the inability of most city
dwellers to pay for decent housing. This is especially true

of low-income households who have met their housing need by
living in substandard housing in squatter settlements. As
Linn states, "sprawling shanty towns, slums, or squatter
areas; dilapidated shelter structures patched together from
scraps of cardboard, corrugated iron, wood, and sometimes
bricks; an appalling lack of basic services such as safe water
supply, sanitation, and drainage; all these problems are
glaringly obvious to anyone living in or visiting the cities
38
of developing countries" (124). The following examples
illustrate the case: In 1977, out of the eight million
inhabitants of metropolitan Calcutta, 5.3 million (67 percent)
were living in squatter and slum communities. About 75
percent of Ibadans and 60 percent of Bajotas were living in
similar conditions (Qadeer 1983, 2). Other cities with high
percentages of slum and squatter dwellers include Addis Ababa
(90 percent), Accra (53 percent), Abidjan (60 percent), Lome
(74 percent), Mogadishu (77 percent), Dakar (60 percent) and
Ibadan (75 percent) . In Asia the highest is in Colombo
(SriLanka), with 43 percent, followed by Kuala Lumpur
(Malaysia) with 37 percent, Manilla 35 percent, and Seoul 31
percent. In Latin America, Bogota (Colombia) has 60 percent,
Guayaquil (Equador) 49 percent, Lima 40 percent, Caracas
(Venezuela) 40 percent and Mexico City 46 percent. The above
statistics reveal that the percentage of people living in
slums and squatter settlements is highest in Africa (Linn
1983, p.12-13).
Most Developing Countries' response to housing shortages

in the 1960s was characterized by policies which assumed that
only the public sector could provide housing for the low-
income groups. This led to policy objectives which were
geared towards providing safe and decent, and sanitary housing
for all people. These objectives were seen as supporting
public sector shelter consisting of walk-up flats. These were
built to high physical standards and required high monthly
subsidies per unit. In reality, comparatively little such
39
shelter was ever built compared to the total needs of low-
income groups (Van Huyck 1987, 340). Not only were there few
housing units, but they could not be afforded by the majority
of urban households due to their low incomes. Studies done
by Grimes in the 1970s revealed that the cheapest new housing
currently being built was still not affordable by the poor.
Under reasonable repayment terms and at interest rates of 10
percent, one-third to two-thirds of urban families could not
afford the cheapest new housing in the cities studied (Grimes
1976, 9). The total percentage of urban households unable to
afford the cheapest new housing unit accounts for 68 percent
of households in Nairobi, 90 percent in Cairo, and 50 percent
in Rabat, Morocco, 55 percent in Mexico City and 47 percent
in Bogota (Grimes 1976, 69). In Indonesia, conventional site
and service programs and low-income housing were beyond the
ability of the poorest 30-4 0 percent of the urban population
to be served, despite subsidy estimated to amount to 65
percent of the total cost. Since the poor could not afford
publicly constructed housing of this type, the housing units
almost invariably were purchased or leased by high-income

groups (Linn 1983, 138). Thus very few poor households
obtained accommodation in public housing projects. The
number of such units built annually fell far below needs in
virtually all nations. Ambitious targets were set but rarely
met. For instance, in Kenya, the 1979-83 Development plan
admitted that "over the last plan period, only 8 percent of
the low cost units planned were in fact completed and these
4 0
cost an average of five times the expected cost" (Republic of
Kenya 1979, 50). Also, the criteria for the allocation of the
few that were built often excluded the poorer households, for
they lacked the proof of regular income which was demanded by
eligibility criteria, or did not belong to officially
recognized organizations or trade unions, whose members got
first priority. The situation has become worse since then
and the projections for most of these cities show a grim
picture. It has been argued that these population increases
have overwhelmed even the most extensive programmes for
housing construction and improvement of social services,
particularly in the rapidly growing major centres (Bourne
1976, 244).
Apart from public housing construction, the 1960s were
characterized by a negative attitude towards squatter
settlements. These settlements were viewed by the government
as below national standards and therefore, should be cleared
where they existed, and new settlements built below national
standards, prohibited. This policy led to the tearing down
of 'illegal* housing stock and harassment of low-income people

who sought to shelter themselves at standards they could
afford (Van Huyck 1983, 340). No housing was constructed to
replace the units which were demolished. The owners moved to
other parts of the city where they were not likely to be
evicted, but they moved to the same kind of housing since that
was the only housing they could afford.
The failure of the conventional s.ielter policies became
widely recognized in the 1970s. International donor agencies
drawing from experiences in Puerto Rico, Peru, and India,
among others began to support new approaches for housing low-
income groups. These initiatives, called site and service
projects, focused investment on the provision of serviced
sites and minimum structures provided if any. These projects
are defined by the World Bank as the subdivision of urban
land, and its servicing with varying combinations and levels
of public utilities and community facilities for residential
and commercial use (World Bank 1974, 3). Generally, the
objective of site and service schemes was to provide an
economically accessible physical framework to a specific
target low-income population for their shelter and related
employment needs.
The necessary aid given by local, regional, national,
and international institutions can be in the form of
infrastructure, sanitary core, roof plans, supporting
structures, standard designs and specifications, demonstration
prototypes, instructions, supervision, fencing, and supply of
certain materials and/or plant tools. Technical aspect
variables would include such items as land acquisition and
tenure requirements; credit arrangements; technical

assistance; cooperatives for the purchase of materials,
service and tools; building codes; standards and restrictions;
the mix of individual, mutual and subcontracted labour and
utilization of local leadership, voluntary associations and
42
informal networks (UNCHS Habitat 1982, 180). Site and service
projects differ from conventional housing in that families who
move into site and service neighbourhoods receive only
incomplete housing, which means a degree of gradual
construction of infrastructure or houses, or both, with a
significant amount of total investment left until after
occupancy. Also, they invest in their own housing, rather
than pay for something decided on and provided by someone
else. With self-help, the direct investment by families can
take the form of either labour from family members and
friends, or purchased materials and hired labour, or a
combination of both (Skinner and Rodell 1983, 22).
The other major initiative was called "squatter
upgrading." This approach recognized the basic worth of
informal settlements regardless of their existing standards
and focused investment on providing the essential minimum
infrastructure (e.g. water, toilet facilities and access
roads) which was missing. Frequently this upgrading process
was accompanied by efforts to provide secure tenure.
Settlements upgrading in some countries clearly proved that
when informal neighbourhoods were provided with
infrastructure
and security of tenure, the people themselves would invest

substantially in the improvement of their own shelter.
International donor support for these kinds of projects
increased dramatically throughout the 1970s. However, in many
countries there was a continued resistance to adopt these
techniques as national shelter policy. Often international
43
resources were invested in these kinds of projects, whereas
domestic resources continued to be invested in other higher
standard shelter projects (Van Huyck 1983, 342).
The success of these projects in meeting the housing need
of the urban poor has been questioned. Grimes and Payne,
among others, have argued that these projects have not
benefited squatters in Third World cities as intended. Payne
states that these projects benefit the upper and middle-income
groups, "but isolate the poorest groups, still from suitable
housing and employment opportunities" (Payne 1984, 5). The
same point is stressed by Grimes, who argues, that due to
market imperfections, "it is common to see site and service
projects that are designed for low-income groups be occupied
in the end by middle-income groups" (89). In general, due to
this high cost, it was found that these projects did not
address the realities of low-income groups whom the site and
service projects were supposed to help (Ward 1984, 152). This
study evaluates the beneficiaries of these projects to see
whether the low income households benefited directly as
intended or indirectly through the filtering process.
2.3 The Filtering Process

The term filtering has been used widely in studying the
urban housing markets. Its definition has varied depending
on the emphasis of researchers. The history of the concept
Reproduced with permission o f the copyright owner. Further
reproduction prohibited w ithout permission.
goes back to the British special committee report on slum
housing in 1929 which stated "when the post-war building
began, it was hoped that there would be a gradual movement of
the working-class population out of the slums into better
houses. This might occur in two ways, either the slum dweller
might go directly into the new house or a process of
"filtering up" might occur under which the slum dweller would
move from the slum into a better pre-war house" (Davies 1976,
140) . However, Hoyt is said to have given the first
systematic definition to the filtering process, which he
referred to as a process whereby all groups "move up a step
leaving the oldest and cheapest houses to be occupied by the
poorest families or to be vacated" (Hoyt 1939, 122). He
stated that obsolescence of higher-priced dwellings and
population growth were the major contributors to
neighbourhood
movement.
A comprehensive definition of the term was developed by
Ratcliff who defined the process as "the changing of occupancy
as the housing that is occupied by one income group becomes
available to the next lower income group as a result of
decline in market place" (Ratcliff 1945, 1). This definition
could be used to describe the filtering down of dwelling units
or the filtering up of families. The argument is that
filtering down will provide housing for the poor, and also

eliminate substandard housing by building enough units. "Thus
the solution for substandard housing conditions is a rate of
housing production which will release a sufficient number of
used dwellings to successively lower income groups so that the
substandard housing may be retired and the families at the
bottom of the income scale may have the opportunity to live
in housing of acceptable quality at no higher rents than they
paid for substandard housing" (Ratcliff 1945, 1).
Fisher and Winnick departed from this definition and
argued tha* this definition brought confusion between
downward
price movement, which they regarded as the actual filtering,
and change of occupancy which they viewed as the effect. They
dropped Ratcliff's key element - change in occupancy. They
saw filtering as a movement of dwelling units and the test for
filtering as in rent and price not in income. They defined
filtering as "a given dwelling unit or group of dwelling units
within the distribution of housing prices and rents in the
community as a whole" (Fisher and Winnick 1951, 47). Grigsby
argues that Fisher-Winnick's definition has the advantage of
avoiding the problem of the changing price level. Their
definition does not address the argument "whether filtering
works or not; i.e. supplies lower-income groups with decent
housing, for it is now only a statistical measurement
incapable of illuminating this question" (Grigsby 1965, 91).
Lowry later developed another definition which he used to
examine whether filtering can provide adequate housing for
lower-income groups. He defines it as "a change in the real
value (price in constant dollars) of an existing dwelling

unit" (Lowry 1960, 362). He stated that "the effectiveness
of filtering as a means of raising housing standards thus
hinges on the speed of value decline relative to quality
decline" Lowry's definition differs from Ratcliff's in its
exclusion of the notion of changing occupancy and from Fisher-
Winnick's by the standard against which the process is
measured.
2.3.1 The Filtering Process in Nairobi's Urban Housing
Market
Government involvement in the provision of housing to
the poor can either be direct or indirect. The direct
approach involves the construction or acquisition of housing
units for occupancy for a specified needy group. The indirect
approach consists of providing or stimulating the provision
of housing for higher or middle income households in
anticipation that the needy population will be accommodated
in housing left vacant as these higher income households move
to new housing. Although the term "filtering" has been used
widely in studying urban housing markets in developed
countries, considerable disagreement exists over its precise
definition and measurement .
In the absence of price data, the study must return to
Hoyt's original definitions who defined filtering as the
"move up a step leaving the oldest and cheapest houses to be
occupied by the poor families" (122). This move causes the
real housing condition of the families involved to change.
This definition has been chosen because it emphasizes the

movement of poor people to better housing, and also includes
the improvement of housing. Thus, it addresses the two
aspects to be investigated by this study. The price index of
houses is a major part of other definitions but information
on price index is not available in Nairobi.
Both the direct and indirect approaches discussed above
have been adopted in Nairobi. As stated in the National
Development Plan, "since independence the role of the
government in housing had been to encourage the private sector
to play an increasing role in building more houses and in
assisting local authorities through the National Housing
Corporation to enlarge public housing programs" (Republic of
Kenya 1970, 505) . The efforts of both the private and public
sector to provide housing could not keep up with the rapidly
increasing population in Nairobi. They could not even meet
the housing demand of middle and high income groups, on
whose
action the filtering process depends. Grigsby argues that
dissatisfaction with housing must originate among this group
or somehow be transmitted to them through the price
mechanisms
or by the actions of those who cannot afford new construction.
However, for filtering to occur throughout the stock, the
dissatisfaction must be sufficient to create an excess of
accommodation for the entire economy.
The housing shortage in Nairobi did not allow whatever
filtering took place to benefit low income households, "since
the number of houses completed so far, were for incomes in the

middle range, yet nearly 70 percent of demand for urban
housing was by the lowest income groups" (Republic of Kenya
4 8
1970, 505) . The government, realizing this situation, decided
to directly provide housing to low-income people through site
and service programmes. In the 1970-74 Development plan they
stated that "these schemes will be a significant part of the
housing programme in the urban areas. If no alternatives are
available, the lowest income families will build the temporary
houses they need anyway, as witnessed by the existence of
large expanding illegal squatter areas near the urban centres"
(Republic of Kenya 1970, 519). These projects were meant to
benefit low-income people who were living in squatter
settlements. It was hoped that the effect of low-priced
construction would be felt much sooner at the bottom since
these projects were designed to benefit low-income people
directly, or were positioned so that the impact could be
transmitted a shorter distance through the vacancy chains
(Grigsby 1963, 101). These projects were supposed to benefit
the low-income people directly.
This investigation addresses the situation in Nairobi in
order to determine whether these projects have either directly
or indirectly, through the filtering process, benefited low
income people is intended or whether they expanded the range
of housing stock for the Nairobi middle class. This is done
by using the migration history of the residents which
indicates whether the beneficiaries (directly or indirectly)
moved from squatter settlements and whether their housing

situation has improved as a consequence of the site and
service project.
2.4 Urbanisation in Kanya
Apart from limited areas, large-scale urbanization in
Africa as a whole was initiated almost entirely as a result
of colonial rule. In Kenya, before the construction of the
Kenya-Uganda Railway, there were virtually no urban centres
except along the coastal area. The human settlements were
highly rural and of a dispersed nature. The introduction of
railway routes led to the establishment of commercial and
administrative centres along the routes, which in turn had a
great effect in determining the number, size and distribution
of urban areas today. Other colonial policies initiating
commercial and administrative centres together with the
strategies of provision of infrastructure and agricultural
development in certain areas, also led to the growth of other
urban centres which were not along the railway network.
Urbanization as a major element of Kenya's development
is therefore comparatively recent. The number of urban
centres (defined as population centres inhabited by 2,000
people or more) is relatively small in size compared to urban
centres in many parts of the world. However, the growth of
such towns during the last three decades has been rapid and
follows general urbanization trends in other developing
countries. Kenya has therefore been identified as one of the
most rapidly urbanizing countries in the world in the sense
of having a largely rural population, few existing urban
centres and services, and a rapidly expanding rural and urban

50
population. It has been estimated that the urban population
would expand from only 2 million to 8 million in the last 25
years of this century (Obudho 1987, 180). This rapid growth
is clearly shown by the rate of increase of urban population.
For example, the annual rate of growth of urban population
during the 1962-1969 intercensal period was 7.2 percent
compared to 3.4 percent of the national population. During
the 1948 population census there were 17 towns with a
population of 2,000 people or more having a total population
of 276,240 or 5.1 percent of the national total. In 1962 the
number of towns doubled and the urban population numbered
671,000. The 1969 population census illustrated further the
rapid growth of the urban population to a total of about one
million people distributed over 48 towns. Urban centres
increased from 48 towns to 91 between 1969 and 1979, making
the urban population increase from 10 percent of the total
population in 1969 to 15.1 percent (2,309,000 people) in 1979
(see Table 2.1). This table shows a rapid increase of the
urban population, especially in the bigger towns. For
example, in 1948 Nairobi's population accounted for 41.6
percent of the total population. In 1962 this was 33.8
percent, in 1969 it was 47.2 percent while in 1979 the City
had 35.9 percent of the total urban population (Obudho 1987,
39).
However, the provision of housing has not kept pace with
the rapid increase of population. As a result, overcrowding
and squatter settlement development has increased, especially

in the big urban centres. According to the 1983 housing
survey, the estimated number of housing units provided between
1976-1982 was 44,600. This averages to 6,400 units per year.
The greater part of this output comes from the National
Housing Corporation (NHC), whose houses and site and service
projects together account for 64.4 percent of the seven year
total. The private sector contributed 25 percent, other
public agencies (mainly local authorities) accounted for 6.4
percent and the Ministry of Works and Housing and Physical
Planning a further 4.2 percent, chiefly for government
employees (1983 Urban Housing Survey, 12) . The survey
estimated the housing need between 1983 and 2000 to be as
shown in Table 2.2. The survey stated that the percentage
distribution of structures by status of permanency was 66.7
percent (33,452) permanent structures and 33.3 percent
(16,692) of both semi-permanent and temporary structures.
2.5 National Housing Policy
The first phase of the colonization of Kenya was
characterized by a government housing policy where housing
was provided by the individual branches of government and
private sector. But as the African settlement increased, the
African employees from the rural areas were housed in "labour
lines," which were grass thatched huts, clustered together in
a location with no facilities at all. In the urban centres,

Table 2.1
Centres by Size of Urban Population 1948-1979
Urban Population size 1948
Number of
1962
Urban centres
1969 1979
100,000 1 2 2 3
20,000-99,999 1 2 2 13
10,000-19,999 2 3 7 11
5,000-9,999 3 11 11 22
2,000-4,999 10 16 25 42
Total 17 34 47 42
Total Urban in '000 276 671 1080 2309
% of Total Population 5.1 -j • 00 9.9 15. 1
Source: Republic of
Estimated Housing
Kenya, 1986, p.11
Table 2.2
Need by Category 1983 -2000
Housing Need 1983-88 1989-90 1990-2000
New Population 70440 32310 187020
Depreciation 29395 10588 52790
Inadequate 17715 7086 35431
Total 117550 50484 275241

Source: Field Data
the provision of housing was the responsibility of the
individual households until the 1939 strike in Mombasa and
1941 in Nairobi (Obudho 1987, 17). Until this time, housing
for Africans had been planned on the assumption that the
African labour force was and would remain one of single men.
It was assumed that there would be no necessity to make
provision for the worker and his family. This policy was
reflected both in the low wage level and the provision of "bed
space housing" (Obudho 1987, 18).
The housing problem had by this time become too big for
the authorities to ignore so in the early 1940s, different
measures were taken to alleviate the problem. One such
measure was the creation of a Central Housing Board (CHB) in
1943. This organization was created to oversee the government
loan terms. The housing fund was to be used for houses
constructed by local authorities or as loans for individuals
to build their own houses. The CHB wanted to encourage actual
house ownership in addition to local authority rental housing.
The CHB was very active in the 1950s in providing housing to
consolidate tne Africans, to make them property owners. This
marked the beginning of the provision of public rental housing
in the major urban local authorities. Most of the
accommodation provided was in the form of single rooms in a
row of terraces with communal sanitary facilities. In
contrast to the Africans, the standard of European and Asian
housing improved simultaneously with urban development. The
first houses were made of whatever materials were available,

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