2 Ethics Session 1.pptxEthics in Engineering Pra.docx

2 Ethics Session 1.pptx
Ethics in Engineering Practice
MET 2711
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This Photo by Unknown Author is licensed under CC BY-NC-
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What is Engineering?
Engineers concern themselves with:
“the art of the practical application of scientific and empirical
knowledge to the design and production or accomplishment of
various sorts of constructive projects, machines and materials of
use or value to man.”
“Value is not necessarily measured by an economic yardstick;
the ancient pyramids and not a few structures since are of slight
economic worth, while their value in terms of faith and beauty
has often been considerable.”

2
Socrates on Ethics
Ethics are the norms by which acceptable and unacceptable
behavior are measured.
According to Socrates, one develops ethics through maturity,
wisdom and love.
Introduced the concept of teaching ethics and acceptable
standards of conduct in 400 B.C.
Believed virtue was found primarily in human relationships,
love and friendship, not through material gains.
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https://classroom.synonym.com/what-were-socrates-beliefs-on-
ethics-12084753.html
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A Brief Look at Engineering Projects Through the Ages
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Roman Aquaducts
Contributed to the health and welfare of the society
Provided 200 million gallons of clean running water and
plumbing to individual structures daily (200 gallons per person)
Supported economic activity
Allowed city of Rome to grow to approximately 1 million
people
312 BCE to 500 AD
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This Photo by Unknown Author is licensed under CC BY-SA
Santa Maria del Fiori (Florence Basilica)
Earliest and largest free-standing dome
Built as Europe recovered from the Black Plague, which killed
approximately 1/3 of the population
An example of a project that reflected optimism for the future
(faith and beauty)
Design competition in 1423
Brunelleschi proposes unique design, but contract requires him
to share project responsibilities with Ghiberti
Brunelleschi had lost prior design competition to Ghiberti

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ND
https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/renaissance-
reformation/early-renaissance1/sculpture-architecture-
florence/v/brunelleschi-dome-of-the-cathedral-of-florence-
1420-36
Santa Maria del Fiori (Florence Basilica)
Designs unique dome requiring no scaffolding. Uses brick in
herringbone pattern to distribute weight out and down.
Includes a series of horizontal chains to keep structure from
expanding outward
When time to install chains, Brunelleschi claims to be ill, so
Ghiberti starts chain installation (without full details from
Brunelleschi)
Brunelleschi “recovers” and criticizes the work, saying it will
all have to be re-done
Setting up his fellow architect to fail (dishonorable conduct)
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1420-36
Boston Molasses Tank Collapse of 1919
Site in center of populous area (Boston North End)
Defects in construction
Failure to anticipate effect of increased temperatures
With higher temperatures, molasses expands and strains
structure
Seams start to leak – tank is quickly painted brown to disguise
evidence of molasses leaks
Tank fails, 11 killed and 50 hurt
Deceptive acts
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https://youtu.be/kGnUZfjcJ4E
Why Develop Professional Codes of Ethics?

9
Ethical Theories
Utilitarianism (Hursthouse, 1999, p. 26) An action is right [if
and only if] it promotes the best consequences.
Deontology (Hursthouse, 1999, pp. 26-27) An action is right [if
and only if] it is in accordance with a correct moral rule or
principle.
Contractarianism (Cudd, Ann, & Eftekhari, Seena, Summer
2018 Edition) An action is right if and only if is in accordance
with a valid social contract.
Virtue Ethics (Hursthouse, 1999, pp. 28-30) An action is right
[if and only if] it is what a virtuous agent would
characteristically (i.e., acting in character) do in the
circumstances.
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“Operationalize” Ethics for the Profession
Provide guidelines for the practice of engineering
11

Engineering Ethics from Crash Course Engineering
Overview of the topic of ethics in engineering
Highlights case studies we will look at later.
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5KZx81crb48&list=PL8dPu
uaLjXtO4A_tL6DLZRotxEb114cMR&t=0s
Federated Engineering Societies Joint Commission on Ethics,
1922
It is the duty of all Engineers to conduct themselves according
to the principles of the following Code of Ethics:
1. The Engineer will carry on his professional work in a spirit
of fairness to employees and contractors, fidelity to clients and
employers, loyalty to his country and devotion to high ideals of
courtesy and personal honor.
2. He will refrain from associating himself with or allowing the
use of his name by an enterprise of questionable character.
3. He will advertise only in a dignified manner, being careful to
avoid misleading statements.
4. He will regard as confidential any information obtained by

him as to the business affairs and technical methods or
processes of a client or employer.
5. He will inform a client or employer of any business
connections, interests or affiliations which might influence his
judgment or impair the disinterested quality of his services.
6. He will refrain from using any improper or questionable
methods of soliciting professional work and will decline to pay
or to accept commissions for securing such work.
7. He will accept compensation, financial or otherwise, for a
particular service from one source only, except with the full
knowledge and consent of all interested parties.
8. He will not use unfair means to win professional
advancement or to injure the chances of another engineer to
secure and hold employment.
9. He will co6iperate in upbuilding the Engineering Profession
by exchanging general information and experience with his
fellow engineers and students of engineering and also by
contributing to the work of engineering societies, schools of
applied science and the technical press.
10. He will interest himself in the public welfare in behalf of
which he will be ready to apply his special knowledge, skill and
training for the use and benefit of mankind.
13
A. G. Christie. “A Proposed Code of Ethics for All
Engineers.” The Annals of the American Academy of Political
and Social Science, vol. 101, 1922, pp. 97–104. JSTOR, JSTOR,
www.jstor.org/stable/1014594.
NSPE Code of Ethics Preamble
Engineering is an important and learned profession. As
members of this profession, engineers are expected to exhibit
the highest standards of honesty and integrity. Engineering has
a direct and vital impact on the quality of life for all people.
Accordingly, the services provided by engineers require
honesty, impartiality, fairness, and equity, and must be

dedicated to the protection of the public health, safety, and
welfare. Engineers must perform under a standard of
professional behavior that requires adherence to the highest
principles of ethical conduct.
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https://www.nspe.org/resources/ethics/code-ethics
NSPE Code of Ethics
Engineers, in the fulfillment of their professional duties, shall:
Hold paramount the safety, health, and welfare of the public.
Perform services only in areas of their competence.
Issue public statements only in an objective and truthful
manner.
Act for each employer or client as faithful agents or trustees.
Avoid deceptive acts.
Conduct themselves honorably, responsibly, ethically, and
lawfully so as to enhance the honor, reputation, and usefulness
of the profession.
15
II. Rules of Practice
Engineers shall hold paramount the safety, health, and welfare
of the public.
If engineers' judgment is overruled under circumstances that
endanger life or property, they shall notify their employer or
client and such other authority as may be appropriate.

Engineers shall approve only those engineering documents that
are in conformity with applicable standards.
Engineers shall not reveal facts, data, or information without
the prior consent of the client or employer except as authorized
or required by law or this Code.
Engineers shall not permit the use of their name or associate in
business ventures with any person or firm that they believe is
engaged in fraudulent or dishonest enterprise.
Engineers shall not aid or abet the unlawful practice of
engineering by a person or firm.
Engineers having knowledge of any alleged violation of this
Code shall report thereon to appropriate professional bodies
and, when relevant, also to public authorities, and cooperate
with the proper authorities in furnishing such information or
assistance as may be required.
Engineers shall perform services only in the areas of their
competence.
3 … 5
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III. Professional Obligations
Engineers shall be guided in all their relations by the highest
standards of honesty and integrity.
Engineers shall acknowledge their errors and shall not distort or
alter the facts.
Engineers shall advise their clients or employers when they
believe a project will not be successful.
Engineers shall not accept outside employment to the detriment
of their regular work or interest. Before accepting any outside
engineering employment, they will notify their employers.
Engineers shall not attempt to attract an engineer from another
employer by false or misleading pretenses.
Engineers shall not promote their own interest at the expense of
the dignity and integrity of the profession.

Engineers shall treat all persons with dignity, respect, fairness
and without discrimination.
2-9 …
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NSPE Ethics Website
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https://www.nspe.org/resources/ethics
Codes Today
All engineering societies have their own codes
Similar to NSPE code
International engineering societies also have codes which
include similar elements
Consider International Codes later in the course
19

2020 AIA Code of Ethics & Professional Conduct
Members of The American Institute of Architects are dedicated
to the highest standards of professionalism, integrity, and
competence. This Code of Ethics and Professional Conduct
states guidelines for the conduct of Members in fulfilling those
obligations. The Code is arranged in three tiers of statements:
Canons, Ethical Standards, and Rules of Conduct:
20
2020 Code of Ethics & Professional Conduct
The Code is arranged in three tiers of statements:
Canons: broad principles of conduct.
Ethical Standards (E.S.) are more specific goals toward which
Members should aspire in professional performance and
behavior.
Rules of Conduct (Rule) are mandatory; violation of a Rule is
grounds for disciplinary action by the Institute. Rules of
Conduct, in some instances, implement more than one Canon or
Ethical Standard.
21

General Obligations
Members should maintain and advance their knowledge of the
art and science of architecture, respect the body of architectural
accomplishment, contribute to its growth, thoughtfully consider
the social and environmental impact of their professional
activities, and exercise learned and uncompromised professional
judgment.
Obligations to the Public
Members should embrace the spirit and letter of the law
governing their professional affairs and should promote and
serve the public interest in their personal and professional
activities.
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Obligations to the Client
Members should serve their clients competently and in a
professional manner, and should exercise unprejudiced and
unbiased judgment when performing all professional services
Obligations to the Profession
Members should uphold the integrity and dignity of the
profession.
Obligations to Colleagues
Members should respect the rights and acknowledge the
professional aspirations and contributions of their colleagues.
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Obligations to the Environment
Members should recognize and acknowledge the professional
responsibilities they have to promote sustainable design and
development in the natural and built environments and to
implement energy and resource conscious design.
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Surveyor's Canons
A Professional Surveyor should refrain from conduct that is
detrimental to the public.
A Professional Surveyor should abide by the rules and
regulations pertaining to the practice of surveying within the
licensing jurisdiction.
A Professional Surveyor should accept assignments only in
one's area of professional competence and expertise.
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Surveyor's Canons
A Professional Surveyor should develop and communicate a
professional analysis and opinion without bias or personal
interest.
A Professional Surveyor should maintain the confidential nature
of the surveyor-client relationship.
A Professional Surveyor should use care to avoid advertising or
solicitation that is misleading or otherwise contrary to the
public interest.
A Professional Surveyor should maintain professional integrity
when dealing with members of other professions.
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Code Application
Many professional societies also have Codes of Ethics, such as
ASCE, ASHRAE, ASME, IEEE, IIE, etc.
Code applications will be reviewed throughout the course

Code enforcement is handled by State Registration Boards or
Professional Societies
State Boards have the power to levy sanctions and restrict
practice of the profession
Sanctions will be discussed later
27
Homework Assignment: Codes Analysis
Take the first-proposed Engineering codes, the NSPE code and
the codes from your professional society and create a chart
comparing the codes and reflecting how they have changed over
the years. Find these on the association websites.
What are the most significant changes?
Is there anything in the original codes no longer in the current
codes that you think should be present?
Turn in to the appropriate drop box.
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3 Earliest Engineering Codes.pdf
American Academy of Political and Social Science
A Proposed Code of Ethics for All Engineers
Author(s): A. G. Christie
Source: The Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science, Vol. 101, The
Ethics of the Professions and of Business (May, 1922), pp. 97-
104
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the
American Academy of
Political and Social Science
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1014594
Accessed: 21-05-2018 14:29 UTC
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A PROPOSED CODE OF ETHICS FOR ALL ENGINEERS 97
A Proposed Code of Ethics for All Engineers
By A. G. CHRISTIE
Professor of Mechanical Engineering, Johns Hopkins
University, and Chairman of the
Joint Committee on Ethics of American Engineering Societies
E NGINEERING is slowly estab-
lishing itself as a profession.
Some people question whether it is a
true profession or a business. Let us
note how a profession is defined and
then we can determine at once whether

the term "profession" applies to en-
gineering.
A professional man must have ob-
tained some preliminary attainments
in special knowledge and some measure
of learning, as distinguished from the
mere skill that comes from experience
as an administrator or as a mechanic.
He must also apply such knowledge in
practical dealings with the affairs of
others, rather than in mere study or
investigation for his own purposes. A
professional career implies a sense of
public responsibility for the accom-
plishment of certain social objectives.
In other words, the professional man
must be ready to render public service
where his special training and experi-
ence makes himparticularly fitted to do
the work. Finally, he must adhere to
the code of ethics of his particular pro-
fession, which should be so well known
by the public that they understand
what to expect of that particular class
of professional men.
The engineer is being called upon
more and more to render public service.
He possesses special knowledge of his
particular branch, which he applies
practically in advising others or in serv-
ing their interests or welfare in the
practice of the art of engineering. It is
quite logical, therefore, to conclude

that engineering can be ranked among
the professions, together with law and
medicine. It is secondary that, up to
the present time, engineering has not
had a common code of ethics well
known to the public at large, although
individual societies have had their own
codes.
No ESTABLISHED CODE OF ETHICS
AMONG ENGINEERS
The profession of medicine has had
an ethical code since the days of Hip-
pocrates and possibly even earlier. As
law courts developed, custom and usage
established certain requirements of an
ethical character to be fulfilled by those
who practised in the courts as lawyers
and by those who administered the law
as judges. The ethical standards of
these two professions have been slowly
developed throughout the centuries,
until now both have well defined and
very complete codes, covering all the
usual contingencies that may occur in
professional practice. These respec-
tive codes serve to maintain the dignity
of profession and its high regard by the
general publicbecausethey are accepted
by most doctors and lawyers, and are
carefully administered.
Engineering, on the other hand, is a

relatively young profession. True,
there were military and civil engineers
in the old days and many of the instru-
ments still in use were first developed
by the ancients. However, the great
inventions about the middle of the
eighteenth century and the industrial
development that followed during the
early part of the nineteenth century,
turned men's minds from philosophy
towards the study of science and its
applications to the uses and conven-
iences of man. New branches of engi-
neering developed as the art broadened,
until there were at least three well-
recognized branches of the profession,
viz., civil, mining and mechanical
8
2018 14:29:55 UTC
98 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY
engineering. Afterwards electrical,
chemical, metallurgical, sanitary, au-
tomotive and many other branches of
engineering came into existence.
In the early days there were no

technical schools or universities to
train men for engineering. The young
engineer secured his training by years
of apprenticeship under one of the older
men or else he applied himself mentally
and physically to some particular
problem until he became a master of it,
and thus became leader in his particu-
lar line of endeavor. This was the case
of the late John Fritz, one of America's
pioneers in steel production. Later on,
colleges of engineering were founded.
While many leading engineers of the
present day have not had the benefit of
a college education, they have, by their
own personal efforts and achievements,
well earned for themselves the right to
be considered members of the engineer-
ing profession. The diversity of the
engineering profession and the various
methods by which one may train him-
self to be an engineer, are the main fac-
tors that differentiate engineering from
the professions of law and medicine and
make it extremely difficult to formulate
any legal regulations concerning who
may call themselves engineers.
In law and medicine all who enter the
profession must pursue certain definite
courses of study and must demonstrate
by examinations before recognized
boards that they have achieved a degree
of proficiency in certain fundamental
studies before they are admitted to

practise their vocation.
In engineering, on the other hand,
there have been many engineers of the
highest rank, like George Westinghouse,
Thomas Edison and John Fritz, who
would have been debarred from the
profession if they had had to pass exam-
inations for admission. It is this wide
diversity in the character of training
for the engineering profession that
makes it practically impossible to re-
quire engineers to be licensed by exami-
nation. It is also a serious obstacle in
the way of the formulation of a common
code of ethics. Engineers have not
been trained to take any specific view-
point regarding professional conduct,
and practice in the various branches
therefore differs in certain details. In
the future it should be the function of
engineering colleges to develop among
students a greater sense of professional
unity than at present, and a better
understanding of what constitutes prop-
er professional conduct as expressed
in the common code of ethics. Such
action will greatly enhance the honor
and dignity of the engineering profes-
sion.
ORGANIZATION AMONG ENGINEERS

The lack of an engineering literature
in the early days led engineers to come
together in societies for the interchange
of technical information. The first of
these was the Institution of Civil En-
gineers in England, established on
January 2, 1818. The objects of this
historic institute were stated as follows:
"For the general advancement of me-
chanical science and more particularly
for promoting the acquisition of that
species of knowledge which constitutes
the profession of a civil engineer, being
the art of directing the great sources of
power in nature for the use and con-
venience of man."
The first American organization was
the Boston Society of Civil Engineers,
organized July 3, 1848. The American
Society of Civil Engineers was organ-
ized in 1852, followed by the American
Institute of Mining Engineers (now the
American Institute of Mining and
Metallurgical Engineers), started in
1871. The American Society of Me-
chanical Engineers was founded in
1880. The American Institute of
Electrical Engineers was organized in
2018 14:29:55 UTC

1884. The American Society of Heat-
ing and Ventilating Engineers was
established in 1894.
Probably the first engineering organi-
zation to develop a code of ethics was
the Institute of Civil Engineers in
England. Their code, consisting of
only six clauses, set the standards of
the profession in England for many
years, and is still followed.
During the early years of each of the
American organizations, its member-
ship was generally limited to the leaders
of that respective branch of engineer-
ing. These men devoted themselves
largely to interchange of technical in-
formation in order to broaden their
experience in their particular line.
Later on, practical engineering stand-
ards received attention. These two
factors, the exchange of technical in-
formation and the establishment of
engineering standards, are still the
most important functions of our lead-
ing engineering societies.
Within the last two decades engineers
have turned their attention to adminis-

trative as well as to purely technical
work and have applied the engineering
methods of analysis to business and
even to the problems of government.
Engineers, in many capacities, ren-
dered professional services of the high-
est order during the late World War.
In fact, it has been called an "engineers'
war." In Canada, Mr. Thomas Deacon,
an engineer, was Mayor of Winnipeg
during the years of its most rapid
development, and conceived and put
through many of the most important
of the city's undertakings. Mr. Her-
bert Hoover, an engineer, as Director
of the Belgian Relief during the Euro-
pean War, and later as Secretary of
Commerce in the United States, has
rendered public service of a high order.
The general public has been slow to
recognize engineering as a profession
and has failed until recently to dis-
tinguish between the trained engineer
and the mechanic or contractor. This
is largely due to the fact that engineers
have had no established common rules
of professional ethics that they recog-
nize among themselves or that are
generally understood. The public
knows that doctors and lawyers are
bound to abide by certain recognized

rules of conduct. Not finding the same
character of obligations imposed upon
engineers, people have failed to recog-
nize them as members of a profession.
EARLY ATTEMPTS AT THE FORMULA-
TION OF A CODE
About fifteen years ago this situa-
tion received the attention of leaders
in various American engineering socie-
ties, and committees were appointed
to draw up codes of ethics for several
of these organizations. These com-
mittees did excellent pioneer work and
wrote some splendid codes which, when
analyzed, show that the same high
motives prevailed in the various
branches of engineering, although ex-
pressed differently in the several ver-
sions. The early codes can be found in
the publications of the various organi-
zations. Naturally there were some
points on which the different codes
were not in agreement. A difficulty
arose when the question of administer-
ing these codes came up for considera-
tion, due to the fact that what was
forbidden in one code might be tolerated
in another. The engineer who belonged
to more than one society was fre-
quently in a dilemma from these con-
flicting rules. The codes in each case
simply reflected the practice of the
profession at that time. Engineers had

not then reached the point where they
acted as a unit. Committees on pro-
fessional conduct were appointed in
various societies, but due to insufficient
authority and to other causes, they
have never functioned in the way that
2018 14:29:55 UTC
they were intended. This was partly
due to the attitude of engineers them-
selves. They have been reluctant to
act as policemen and to inaugurate a
case against a fellow engineer, even
though he may have been guilty of
professional misconduct. The medical
societies, on the other hand, spend
large sums each year in keeping fakers
and dishonest practitioners out of the
profession,
Furthermore, the constitution of
certain of the engineering societies
lacked any provision for disciplining its
members when found g 1ilty of such
misconduct. Hence these administra-
tive committees usually ceased to func-
tion, and the codes of ethics of such
societies have generally been forgotten.

The membership of all organizations
has increased rapidly in recent years
and many of the present members do
not know that their particular organi-
zation ever had a code of ethics. In
fact, even the p resident of one of the
national societies recently ruled from
the chair that the society had no code
of ethics, as he was not a member when
one had been adopted several years
earlier and it had never been called to
his attention since he became a mem-
ber.
The late Isham Randolph, of Chicago,
wrote an excellent code entitled "The
Engineer's Applied Ethics" for the
American Association of Engineers,
and, to their credit, it should be said
that they have made a sincere effort to
administer this code effectively.
The late war brought about a spirit-
ual awakening throughout America,
and this led many engineers to give
serio us consideration to the status of
their profession. During the fall of
1919, Dean M. E. Cooley, then Presi-
dent of the American Society of Me-
chanical Engineers, appointed a com-
mittee, of which the writer was chair-
man, to report on the code of ethics of

that society and its administration.
Only one member of the committee,
Mr. Charles T. Main, had previously
taken much interest in professional
ethics. Some time had therefore to be
devoted to a study of ethics and of the
society's code which had been adopted
in 1913. In the spring of 1920 the
committee reported to the society that
the former code seemed too long and
had been generally forgotten by the
members. A preliminary draft of a
shorter code was offered for discussion.
This was referred back to the com-
mittee, who gave the matter further
consideration. A second report was
presented at the annual meeting of the
society in December, 1920, where a pro-
visional draft of a code of ethics and
suggestions for its administration were
debated at length. The committee
appreciated the desirability of a com-
mon code of ethics for all engineers in
every branch of the profession and
suggested that action be taken to pre-
pare such a common code. The society
again referred the report back to the
committee with the recommendation
that an effort be made to prepare such
a common code of ethics for the whole
engineering profession.

ORGANIZATION OF THE JOINT
COMMITTEE
In the meantime the Federated
American Engineering Societies had
been organized and the engineering pro-
fession had gained a new feeling of unity
of purpose. At first it was thought
that the preparation of a common code
of ethics should be undertaken by the
new federation. However, this organi-
zation had already undertaken the
investigation of waste in industry and
other urgent matters were demanding
its attention. It was therefore thought
best to leave the matter of a common
code of ethics with the member societies.
It was further considered advisable to
2018 14:29:55 UTC
have a relatively small informal com-
mittee to prepare a code, rather than
a large unwieldy formal committee.
Invitations were therefore sent to sev-
eral representative societies to delegate
certain of their members to serve on

this informal committee. This action
was taken by most of the societies.
The American Institute of Electrical
Engineers, however, left the question in
the hands of their Committee on Pro-
fessional Conduct, who afterwards took
part in the informal deliberations on
the code.
The Joint Committee faced a tre-
mendous problem. Doctors and law-
yers serve a limited clientele in what
might be described as a consulting
capacity, corresponding in a way
to the consulting engineer. A vast
majority of engineers are employed
by corporations, commissions, govern-
mental bodies and private individuals
in administrative, managerial, sales,
manufacturing and technical work. A
lesser number are consulting engineers.
It is a difficult task to define the obliga-
tion of engineer to client or employer
and the attitude of the engineer to
fellow engineers, to the public, and to
technical and other educational institu-
tions. Since the committees appointed
to administer the former codes had
dealt with practically no cases, there
were no so-called "court decisions" to
assist the Committee in defining good
professional conduct. Furthermore,

there were differences in practice on
certain details among the various pro-
fessions which had to be harmonized.
The Joint Committee, at its first meet-
ing, therefore, decided that a short
simple code of ethics, expressed in gen-
eral terms, was the only one possible
under the present circumstances and
further, that the code should, if possi-
ble, be no longer than could be written
on a single sheet of typewriter paper,
so that it might be more easily kept
before the members of the profession.
Such a code would be less likely to be
laid aside and forgotten than a lengthy
explanatory dissertation.
It is human nature to dislike rules
that prohibit certain acts, such as
"Thou shalt not do so-and-so." It was
therefore the opinion of the Committee
that the new code would make a
stronger appeal and would have greater
dignity if expressed in positive rather
than negative language, and this idea
was paramount in the formulation of
the code. Committees on professional
conduct were recommended in each
society to interpret and administer the
new code and a committee to act as a
supreme court was suggested to har-

monize interpretations among the dif-
ferent societies. If this procedure is
adopted it will be possible in later years
to have another committee add either
additional clauses or explanations to
the code based on the decisions and
interpretations of these committees
and on the development of professional
thought among engineers themselves.
Men do not always understand the
same meaning to be conveyed by a cer-
tain word. Hence even after the fun-
damental ideas of good professional
conduct had been agreed upon, and a
rough draft of the code was prepared,
much time was spent in clothing these
ideas in simple English words that
would be acceptable to the whole Com-
mittee. Valuable assistance in this
work was rendered by friends in the
legal profession and by certain pro-
fessors of English. The task, however,
was finally accomplished and the final
report of the Joint Committee reads as
follows:
REPORT OF THE JOINT COMMITTEE ON A
CODE OF ETHICS FOR ENGINEERS
The Joint Committee consisting of repre-
sentatives of the American Society of Civil
Engineers, the Amperican Institute of Nia--

2018 14:29:55 UTC
ing and Metallurgical Engineers, the Ameri-
can Society of Mechanical Engineers, the
American Institute of Electrical Engineers,
the American Society of Heating and Ven-
tilating Engineers, appointed to consider a
Code of Ethics for Engineers, recommends,
after deliberate consideration, that each
participating Institute or Society adopt the
short simple Code of Ethics which follows:
A CODE OF ETHICS FOR ENGINEERS
Engineering work has become an increas-
ingly important factor in the progress of
civilization and in the welfare of the com-
munity. The Engineering Profession is
held responsible for the planning, construc-
tion and operation of such work and is
entitled to the position and authority
which will enable it to discharge this re-
sponsibility and to render effective service
to humanity.
That the dignity of their chosen profession
may be maintained, it is the duty of all
Engineers to conduct themselves according
to the principles of the following Code of
Ethics:

1. The Engineer will carry on his pro-
fessional work in a spirit of fairness to
employes and contractors, fidelity to clients
and employers, loyalty to his country and
devotion to high ideals of courtesy and per-
sonal honor.
2. He will refrain from associating him-
self with or allowing the use of his name by
an enterprise of questionable character.
3. He will advertise only in a dignified
manner, being careful to avoid misleading
statements.
4. He will regard as confidential any in-
formation obtained by him as to the busi-
ness affairs and technical methods or proc-
esses of a client or employer.
5. He will inform a client or employer of
any business connections, interests or
affiliations which might influence his judg-
ment or impair the disinterested quality of
his services.
6. He will refrain from using any improp-
er or questionable methods of soliciting
professional work and will decline to pay or
to accept commissions for securing such
work.
7. He will accept compensation, financial
or otherwise, for a particular service from

one source only, except with the full knowl-
edge and consent of all interested parties.
8. He will not use unfair means to win
professional advancement or to injure the
chances of another engineer to secure and
hold employment.
9. He will co6iperate in upbuilding the
Engineering Profession by exchanging gen-
eral information and experience with his
fellow engineers and students of engineering
and also by contributing to the work of
engineering societies, schools of applied
science and the technical press.
10. He will interest himself in the public
welfare in behalf of which he will be ready
to apply his special knowledge, skill and
training for the use and benefit of mankind.
These ten general clauses can, in the
opinion of the Committee, be interpre-
ted to cover all cases of questionable
conduct that may arise in the engineer-
ing profession. It will be necessary
during the first few years following
their adoption, to have many specific
interpretations rendered on certain
clauses where professional practice is
not wholly standardized. The Com-
mittee recognized this need and gave
much consideration to methods to meet
this situation and to permit the adjust-
ment of engineering thought to single
viewpoints as developed in the admin-

istration of the code. The standing
committees on professional conduct in
each organization and the Joint Com-
mittee of all organizations will serve to
make workable rules of these clauses.
In order that this code should not
prove a dead letter on each society's
records, the Joint Committee made the
further recommendations in its report
to care for the administration of the
common code of ethics as follows:
The Committee further recommends that
the following method of interpreting and
administering the Code be adopted by each
participating Institute or Society after any
necessary provisions have been made in
the Constitution and By-laws of the organi-
zation.
2018 14:29:55 UTC
"The President of each Society or Insti-
tute shall appoint a Standing Committee on
Professional Conduct to administer the Code
of Ethics. The duties of such a Committee
shall be to interpret the Code and to render
opinions on any cases of questionable con-
duct on the part of members that may be

submitted to the Committee. These inter-
pretations shall be reported to the Execu-
tive Board of the Institute or Society who
may approve these interpretations, or take
such other action as may seem just and
necessary. The reports of the Committee
on Professional Conduct when approved
by the Executive Board, shall be printed in
abstract and in anonymous form in the In-
stitute's or Society's monthly journal for the
instruction and guidance of fellow members.
This Committee on Professional Conduct
shall be appointed in each Institute or So-
ciety by the President holding office at the
time of the adoption of this Code and shall
consist of five members, one appointed for
five years, one for four years, a third for
three years, a fourth for two years and a
fifth member for one year only. Thereafter,
the President then holding office shall
appoint one member annually to serve for
five years, and shall also fill any vacancies
that may occur for the unexpired term of the
member who has withdrawn. These ap-
pointments shall be made from among the
older members of the Institute or Society,
so that advantage may be taken of their
mature experience and judgment. The
Committee after appointment shall elect its
own Chairman and Secretary. The Com-
mittee shall have power to secure evidence
or other information in any particular case,
not only from the organization's own mem-
bers, but if it should seem desirable, from

men in other professions. The Committee
may also appoint sub-committees to consid-
er certain cases when deemed necessary.
This Committee shall investigate all com-
plaints submitted to it by the Secretary of
the Institute or Society bearing upon the
professional conduct of any member and
after the member involved has been given a
fair opportunity to be heard, the Committee
shall report its findings to the Executive
Board of the Institute or Society. This
report may in some cases suggest certain
procedure to the Executive Board.
The Executive Board of the Institute or
Society shall have power to act on the rec-
ommendation of the Committee on Profes-
sional Conduct, either (1) to censure by
letter the conduct of the member who has
acted contrary to the Code, if the breach is
of a minor character, or (2) to cause the
member's name to be stricken from the roll
of the Institute or Society.
Copies of all reports made by a Committee
on Professional Conduct to the Executive
Board of each Institute or Society shall be
furnished to each other Committee on
Professional Conduct administering the
Code. This will keep each Committee
advised of the interpretations of other Com-
mittees, and in time an extended interpre-

tation of the Code can be written based on
the reports of the various Committees on
Professional Conduct.
As interpretations of the various Com-
mittees on Professional Conduct adminis-
tering this Code may vary at times, it is
recommended that the Chairmen of these
Committees of the various Institutes or
Societies be authorized to act as a Joint
Committee to review such differing inter-
pretations and to bring them into unity
with one another.
As a matter of record, it is interesting
to note the representative character of
the Joint Committee, which was com-
posed of the following members:
JOINT COMMITTEE ON CODE OF ETHICS
A. S. C. E-C. C. Elwell
A. S. C. E.-A. M. Hunt
A. I. M. & M. E.-J. Parke Channing
A. I. M. & M. E.-Philip W. Henry
A. S. M. E.-A. G. Christie, Chairman
A. S. M. E.-H. J. Hinchey
A. S. M. E.-Chas. T. Main
A. S. M. E.-J. V. Martenis
A. S. M. E.-Robert Sibley
A. I. E. E.-Comfort A. Adams

A. I. E. E.-G. Faccioli
A. I. E. E.-George F. Sever
A. I. E. E.-L. B. Stillwell
A. I. E. E.-S. S. Wheeler
A. S. H. V. E.-Frank T. Chapman
A. S. H. V. E.-S. A. Jellett
A. S. H. V. E.-Perry West
2018 14:29:55 UTC
This is the first joint endeavor of
American engineers to provide the very
necessary ethical standards of their pro-
fession. Since the code is in general
terms only, many will wish further
interpretations and explanations of the
various clauses. Much might be written
on this subject and some additional
thoughts might be contributed. The
code, however, has not been accepted
as a professional standard at the time
that this is written. Any elaborations
would therefore be merely personal
opinions of the writer which might
later prove embarrassing to committees
on professional conduct. It therefore
seems best at the present moment to
attempt no further discussions of the

various clauses.
The mere fact that such a code has
been drafted by such a representative
committee is in itself a significant
accomplishment. A few years ago
engineers publicly stated that such a
thing could not be done. Even if the
report and code are adopted, much
still remains to be done. Decisions and
interpretations by the various com-
mittees will crystallize still further the
common professional standards and
will consolidate engineers as a profes-
sional body. An excellent suggestion
is that every graduate of an American
engineering college should be required
to affirm the code before he is granted
his degree and starts on the practice of
his profession.
While engineers generally regard
themselves as members of a profession,
the public has not heretofore given
them a full measure of professional
recognition because the average person
has no clear idea of the professional
obligations of an engineer. This recent
attempt to express the ideals of honor-
able engineering conduct and the en-
gineer's attitude towards the affairs of
life will command the interest and re-

spect of the average citizen and will
exert a tremendous influence toward
securing for engineering the full meas-
ure of respect as a profession that is its
just due. With such an objective in
view it behooves every engineer to give
the new code his fullest support so that
he may thereby enhance the honor,
dignity and respect of his chosen pro-
fession.
2018 14:29:55 UTC
Contentsimage 1image 2image 3image 4image 5image 6image
7image 8Issue Table of ContentsThe Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, Vol. 101, May,
1922Front Matter [pp.i-xi]Foreword [pp.vii-ix]The Significance
of the Ethical Codes for the ProfessionsThe Significance of the
Professional Ideal: Professional Ethics and the Public Interest
[pp.1-5]The Social Significance of Professional Ethics [pp.5-
11]The Interrelations of the Professions [pp.12-15]The Ethical
Codes of LawyersThe Ethics of the Legal Profession [pp.16-
29]The Need for Standards of Ethics for Judges [pp.29-
32]Group Organizations among Lawyers [pp.33-44]Unlawful
Practice of the Law Must Be Prevented [pp.44-48]A Selected
Bibliography on Legal Ethics [pp.48-50]The Ethics of the
Medical ProfessionThe Professional Organizations, Training
and Ethical Codes of Physicians, Dentists, Nurses and
Pharmacists [pp.51-67]The Ethical Codes of the
EngineersEthics and the Engineering Profession [pp.68-72]The
Ethics of the Mechanical Engineer [pp.72-76]Ethics of the
Engineering Profession [pp.76-85]Ethics of the Electrical
Engineer [pp.86-89]Procedure in Developing Ethical Standards
Adopted by the American Association of Engineers [pp.89-

94]Shall Corporations Be Authorized to Practise Engineering?
[pp.94-96]A Proposed Code of Ethics for All Engineers [pp.97-
104]The Ethics of the ArchitectsPublic Interest and the
Architect [pp.105-107]The Ethical Standards of the Architects
and the Procedure for Their Enforcement [pp.108-114]The
Architectural Student and His Relation to Professional Practice
[pp.114-120]Ethical Standards for Teachers, Librarians,
Ministers and Social WorkersCodes of Ethics for the Teaching
Profession [pp.121-126]The Principles of Academic Freedom
and Tenure of the American Association of University
Professors [pp.127-137]The Ethics of Librarianship: A Proposal
for a Revised Code [pp.138-146]The Ethics of the Ministry
[pp.147-152]Ethics in the Public Service: Proposals for a Public
Service Code [pp.152-157]The Professional Organization of
Social Work [pp.158-168]Ethical Standards for
JournalistsForeword: Ethics in Journalism [p.169]The Social
Value of a Code of Ethics for Journalists [pp.170-179]The
Practice of the Kansas Code of Ethics for Newspapers [pp.179-
187]The Ethics of Industrial Publishing [pp.188-195]The
Ethical Code of AccountantsEthics of Accountancy [pp.196-
202]Ethics in BusinessThe Profession of Commerce in the
Making [pp.203-207]The Canons of Commercial Ethics [pp.208-
211]History and Present Status of the "Truth-in-Advertising"
Movement As Carried on by the Vigilance Committee of the
Associated Advertising Clubs of the World [pp.211-220]Better
Ethical Standards for Business: The Purpose of the Commercial
Standards Council [pp.221-223]A Simple Code of Business
Ethics [pp.223-228]Campaign of the International Association
of Rotary Clubs for the Writing of Codes of Standards of
Practice for Each Business and Profession [pp.228-
236]Supplement: Modern China and Her Present Day
ProblemsChina, Our Chief Far East Problem [pp.237-240]China
and Her Reconstruction [pp.240-242]The Future of Chinese
Democracy [pp.242-248]Constitutional Government for China
[pp.249-253]AppendixThe Canons of Ethics for Lawyers
Adopted by the American Bar Association [pp.254-

260]Principles of Medical Ethics of the American Medical
Association. Adopted by the House of Delegates at Atlantic
City, N. J., June 4, 1912 [pp.260-265]Code of Ethics of the
Graduate Nurses' Association of the State of Pennsylvania,
Adopted by the Association in 1904 [p.265]The Code of Ethics
of the National Dental Association [pp.266-267]Code of Ethics
of the American Pharmaceutical Association, Adopted in 1852
[pp.267-268]Principles of Pharmaceutical Ethics. Proposed by
Charles H. LaWall for Adoption by the American
Pharmaceutical Association at Its Annual Meeting in 1922
[pp.268-271]Code of Ethics Adopted by the American Society
of Mechanical Engineers in June 1914 [pp.271-273]Code of
Ethics of the American Society of Civil Engineers, Adopted
September 2, 1914 [pp.273-274]The Code of Ethics of the
Engineering Institute of Canada, Incorporated 1887 as the
Canadian Society of Civil Engineers [p.274]Code of Principles
of Professional Conduct of the American Institute of Electrical
Engineers, Adopted by the Board of Directors, March 8, 1912
[pp.274-277]Code of Ethics of American Association of
Engineers [p.277]A Circular of Advice Relative to Principles of
Professional Practice and The Canons of Ethics [pp.277-
280]The Canons of Ethics [pp.280-281]A Code of Ethics for the
Teaching Profession, Adopted by the Pennsylvania State
Education Association, December 1920 [pp.281-283]The
Oregon Code of Ethics for Journalism Adopted at the Oregon
Newspaper Conference, 1922 [pp.283-286]Code of Ethics for
Newspapers Proposed by W. E. Miller of the St. Mary's Star and
Adopted by the Kansas State Editorial Association at the State
Convention of the Kansas Editorial Association, March 8, 1910
[pp.286-294]Declaration of Principles and Code of Practice,
Adopted by the Missouri Press Association at Columbia,
Missouri, May 27, 1921 [pp.294-295]Creed of the Industrial
Press, Adopted by the Federation of Trade Press Associations in
1913 [pp.295-296]Standards of Practice for Business Papers,
Adopted by American Business Papers, Incorporated, in 1916
[p.296]Standards of Editorial Practice, Adopted by the Editorial

Conference of the New York Business Publishers Association,
June 17, 1921 [pp.296-297]Standards of Practice of the British
Association of Trade and Technical Journals [p.297]The Code
of Ethics for Accountants Adopted by the American Institute of
Accountants in 1916 [pp.297-298]Canons of Commercial Ethics
Adopted by the National Association of Credit Men [pp.298-
300]Book Departmentuntitled [p.301]untitled [pp.301-
302]untitled [pp.302-303]untitled [p.303]untitled
[p.303]untitled [pp.304-305]untitled [p.305]untitled [pp.305-
306]untitled [p.306]untitled [pp.306-307]untitled [pp.307-
309]Back Matter [pp.310-315]
5 Memo_editing_example_1_.pdf
Memo Writing for ME 263
Sample Memo
By: Zachery Koppelmann
The intended purpose of this memo is to explain the processed
by which
this weeks activities and in-activities were determined, and
present the
results of said activities and in-activities.
This week, the project was continued without any outside
interference.
Data from previous weeks was used to best determine the
method of
enhancing potential weakness in the prospective design.
Pa
rt

1
Many factors were considered and reviewed before a working
solution
was selected. Based on the results of the research and small-
scale tests,
we decided to increase the thickness of the secondary support
bar to
prevent the previously observed failures. Please review the
attached
revised schematic.
Pa
rt
2
This change will increase cost and production time, and may
require a re-
evaluation of the materials. Because the failures have been
analyzed,
however, we are positive this solution will work.
Pa
rt
3
Moving into next week, we plan on re-testing the other noticed
weaknesses by subjecting the materials too increased stress and
dynamic

loads to simulate over-use or miss-use by inexperienced
operators. We
expect to run another test later in the week, but will wait for
your go
ahead based on your review.
Memo Writing for ME 263
Revised Memo
By: Zachery Koppelmann
This memo is the weekly report for the Stair-Right project.
The Stair-Right project is slightly behind schedule due to a
weakness
discovered during the Phase 2 Stress Testing, iteration 3 (Phase
2 Stress
Testing Results).
Pa
rt
1
After analyzing the broken prototype, it was determined that
increasing
the thickness of the secondary support bar (item 25 on the Stair-
Right
Schematic) would prevent similar failures.

Pa
rt
2
This modification may affect price, production time, and the
materials
used (Modification Estimates).
Pa
rt
3
Please review the attachments and provide comments; no further
tests
will be conducted until your comments are received and
reviewed.
Phase 2 Stress Testing will be repeated after receiving your
comments,
after which a Phase 2a Stress Testing will be conducted to
address other
troubling findings from Phase 2 (Phase 2a Stress Testing
Justification
and Execution).
Communication Mechanics.pptx

Effective Communication
1
The Importance of Effective Communication
From the ASME.org Community, September 2016:
Things You Wish You Had Known about Mechanical
Engineering
When students consider their career options, it's difficult for
them to envision the road ahead and know if it's the right choice
or determine the best way to prepare for success. But the people
who have been at that crossroads before can provide valuable
insight that makes the choice easier.
We asked the ASME.org Community Participants to think back
to their days before they were engineers and tell us what they'd
wish they'd known then.
"You will need good communication and presentation skills to
be able to describe important technical information to non-
engineers and decision makers in a way that they can understand
and appreciate."
2

3
From Purdue Online Writing Lab (OWL)
See file entitled Memo editing example 1
Communication Mechanics
3
Attached essay gives an in-depth analysis of the case for use by
the instructor in leading a discussion.
4
Communication Mechanics
Watch parts 1, 2 and 3
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLDAAF7A8FD5CD582
C&feature=plcp
4
Attached essay gives an in-depth analysis of the case for use by
the instructor in leading a discussion.

Additional Resources
Purdue On-line Writing Lab:
https://owl.purdue.edu/owl/purdue_owl.html
University of Toronto Writing Resources:
http://advice.writing.utoronto.ca/student-pdfs/
Office 365 Expanded Grammar check: See word document.
5
Enhanced Grammar check.docx
folder-3-prof-links.txt
https://www.nspe.org/resources/ethics/code-ethics
https://www.nspe.org/resources/ethics
1420-36

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kGnUZfjcJ4E&feature=emb
_title
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5KZx81crb48&list=PL8dPu
uaLjXtO4A_tL6DLZRotxEb114cMR&t=0s
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLDAAF7A8FD5CD582
C&feature=plcp
Aggression and Violent Behavior 15 (2010) 100–111
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Aggression and Violent Behavior
Street gang theory and research: Where are we now and where
do we go from here?
Jane Wood ⁎, Emma Alleyne
University of Kent, United Kingdom
⁎ Corresponding author. School of Psychology, Keyn
Canterbury, Kent, CT2 7NP, United Kingdom. Tel.: +44
E-mail address: [email protected] (J. Wood).
1359-1789/$ – see front matter © 2009 Elsevier Ltd. Al
doi:10.1016/j.avb.2009.08.005
a b s t r a c t
a r t i c l e i n f o

Article history:
Received 7 December 2008
Received in revised form 16 July 2009
Accepted 12 August 2009
Available online 27 August 2009
Keywords:
Gangs
Theory
Empirical research
Psychology
Recent years have seen an upsurge of attention paid to street
gangs as scholars and criminal justice officials
strive to understand and counteract the effects of gang
membership. Yet, despite a wealth of theoretical
frameworks and empirical findings, even fundamental issues
such as an agreed definition continue to elude
us. We consider some of the most influential theoretical
frameworks and associated empirical findings and
find that as it stands, our knowledge on gangs is still limited
and rather muddy. We suggest that future
directions should adopt a more multidisciplinary approach to
the study of gangs. To this end, we argue that
there is a role for psychology in this important body of work,
and that its involvement will provide us with a
deeper and more meaningful understanding of gangs and the
youth who join them.
© 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Contents
1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
2. Defining a gang . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101
3. Gang membership: criminological theories . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
4. Theory of social disorganization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
5. Theory of cultural transmission . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
6. Theory of differential association . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
7. Empirical findings: social disorganization, cultural
transmission, differential association: empirical evidence . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . 103
8. Strain theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
9. Theory of differential opportunity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
10. Strain theory and differential opportunity: empirical
evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
104
11. Control, or social bond theory . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
12. Control theory: empirical evidence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 105
13. A role for psychology? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
14. The role for psychology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
15. Theory knitting . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
15.1. An integrated model of gang membership . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
15.2. Social and individual factors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
15.3. Social perception . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
15.4. Selection of peers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
15.5. Opportunity for criminal learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 108
15.6. Gang membership . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
15.7. Desistance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
16. Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
101
es College, University of Kent,
1227 823037.
l rights reserved.
mailto:[email protected]
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2009.08.005
http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/journal/13591789
101J. Wood, E. Alleyne / Aggression and Violent Behavior 15
(2010) 100–111
1. Introduction
It is a universal given that street gang membership facilitates
violent behavior over and above association with offender
peers, even
prolifically offending peers (Klein, Weerman & Thornberry,
2006).
Consequently, the problems street gangs pose to any ordered
society
are considerable and worthy of research attention. The aim of

our
review is to draw attention to the significance of existing
theories and
research examining how street gangs form and the activities
they are
involved in. Criminologists and sociologists have produced a
bounty of
excellent papers, but a broadening of discipline involvement
will
shape and expand knowledge in a way that can only benefit the
area.
And so, we also present the argument that psychologists need to
become more involved in the study of gangs and suggest the
way
forward by suggesting a theoretical framework that integrates
criminological and psychological concepts.
We cannot, in this review, cover all the research on gangs since
the
literature is so vast. Instead, we have selected the work we
consider to
be representative and relevant. Neither do we set date
constraints.
Early gang work such as Thrasher's (1927) and Short and
Strodtbeck's
(1965) is as relevant today as it was historically and should
have a
place in any review of gangs. Most of the research we examined
was
conducted in the U.S.A., and so we only state the country of
origin of
work conducted elsewhere. As is the case with any review, more
questions are raised than resolved. However, we attempt to draw
some cohesion into the ongoing debates surrounding literature
relating to street gangs. And in doing so, we aim to produce
ideas

and directions that multidisciplinary approaches to gang
research
might embrace.
2. Defining a gang
Before we can begin to examine any phenomenon we must
define
it. If we do not have a clear definition of that phenomenon we
cannot
know if we are talking about the same entity. Research founded
on
assumed similarities that are not clearly defined is liable to be
fraught
with misapprehensions that could render it contextually
meaningless.
A cursory glance at the street gang literature shows that a lack
of
consensus on what constitutes a gang has dogged the literature
for
much of the last century (Bursik & Grasmick, 1993; Esbensen,
Winfree,
He, & Taylor, 2001; see Spergel, 1995, for review). Klein
(1991) notes
that during the 1960s, gangs were considered to be generic, they
looked alike and members acted alike, “There was little
pressure to
attend carefully to issues of definition ……what is a gang, when
is a
group not a gang, what constitutes gang membership or different
levels of gang membership?” (pii). However, without a precise
and
parsimonious definition of a gang it is impossible to separate
fact from
fiction (Bursik & Grasmick, 1995). Precise definitions elude us
because

so many interested parties (e.g., academics, policy makers,
media,
politicians); operate on differential definitions (Esbensen et al.,
2001;
Esbensen & Weerman, 2005; Spergel, 1995) which lead to
distorted
media and public officials' views of gangs (Horowitz, 1990).
Various authors have attempted to devise model definitions. For
example, Sharp, Aldridge, and Medina (2006) define gangs in
their
study (conducted in the U.K.) as: “a group of three or more that
spends a
lot of time in public spaces, has existed for a minimum of three
months,
has engaged in delinquent activities in the past 12 months, and
has at
least one structural feature, i.e., a name, leader, or code/rules”
(p. 2).
Others have suggested that a group of young people can be
considered
to be a gang if they identify their group as a separate collective,
if other
people also identify them as a group and if the group considers
anti-
social or criminal activity as a group norm (Hakkert, van Wijk,
Ferweda,
& Eijken, 2001). On the other hand some researchers (e.g.
Bennett &
Holloway, 2004) do not consider criminality as a necessary
criterion for
defininga gang, while others have argued that the absence of
criminality
makes the definition of a gang too broad (Howell, 1998; Klein
& Maxson,
1989). If criminal activity is not a pre-requisite for defining a

gang then
inevitably there will be “good” and “bad” gangs (i.e. those
involved in
criminal activity and those who are not). The upshot of this will
simply
exacerbate the confusion that already infects some of the
literature. For
example, Everard (2006) notes that in Glasgow in Scotland,
groups of
teenagers whowere labeled as “gangs” reported that the primary
reason
they were together was to stay out of trouble. Others note the
difficulty
with identifying gang members and the fears that references to
the term
“gang” would stigmatize youth and create a “gangster” identity
(Bullock
& Tilley, 2002).
If a definition is not imposed by those examining a
phenomenon,
perhaps it could come from those involved, that is, self-
nomination. A
longitudinal study conducted in Canada asked youth, “During
the past
12 months, were you part of a group or gang that did
reprehensible
acts?” (Gatti, Tremblay, Vitaro, & McDuff, 2005, p. 1180).
However, even
if the youth understood the word “reprehensible” it is left to
subjective
perceptions of what is reprehensible. In the U.S.A., researchers,
employing the rationale of “if it walks like a duck, talks like a
duck, it
is a duck,” have simply asked participants if they were members
of a

gang and which gang-related activities they have been involved
in
(Esbensen et al., 2001). Self-reported gang members reported
more
involvement in delinquent and anti-social behaviors and
attitudes.
However, while such work attempts to side-step definition
problems it
simply re-introduces them via the subjective definitions
imposed by
participants whose responses will be influenced by language
variations
for the word “gang” (Esbensen & Weerman, 2005).
Since there are many differences between and even within gangs
(Fagan, 1989) some advocate abandoning the term “gang”
altogether
(Ball & Curry, 1995). Others argue that a precise definition is
neither
possible nor advantageous since gangs, like any other group,
cannot be
characterized by a single definition that would endure over time
and
location (Goldstein, 1991). Goldstein (1991) argues that of the
many
definitions that have been offered over the last 80 years, all are
largely
correct and that what constitutes a gang differs according to
political
and economic conditions, cultural diversities and with media-
generated sensationalism or indifference to law violating youth
groups. Others argue that while researchers focus on defining a
gang
they are distracted from the bigger, broader problem of youth
violence
(Sullivan, 2006). Sullivan argues that gang association,

involvement,
and membership are attractive, media savvy topics of debate and
discussion, but are not necessarily problematic. Youth violence,
on the
other hand, will always be a problem that needs solving.
However, there are fundamental differences between gangs and
youth violence per se, which weakens Sullivan's (2006)
argument. Gang
members are 20 times more likely than at-risk youth to
participate in a
drive-by shooting, ten times more likely to commit a homicide,
eight
times more likely to commit robbery, and three times more
likely to
commit assault in public (Huff, 1998). Even if youth are already
delinquent, their levels of delinquency increase dramatically
during
gang membership and then decrease when they leave the gang
(Bendixen, Endresen, & Olweus, 2006). Gang members are also
more
likely than non-gang youth to carry a gun to school, possess
illegal
weapons, and use a gun while committing a violent crime
(Miller &
Decker, 2001; Decker & Curry, 2002). The link between gangs
and
violence is so profound that fluctuationsin the murder and
violentcrime
rates in U.S. cities such as: Chicago, (Curry, 2000), Cleveland
and Denver
(Huff, 1998), Los Angeles (Howell & Decker, 1999), Miami
(Inciardi &
Pottieger, 1991), Milwaukee (Hagedorn, 1994) and St Louis
(Miller &
Decker, 2001) have been attributed to variations in gang

activities.
The Eurogang network, unlike its American counterparts, has
reached consensus on a definition of a gang (Weerman et al.,
2009).
Recognizing that an agreed definition is critical to comparative
research, the Eurogang network made an important distinction
between gang “definers” and gang “descriptors.” Definers are
elements
that are crucial to characterize the group as a gang while
descriptors
refer to elements that describe a specific group. Gang definition
should
102 J. Wood, E. Alleyne / Aggression and Violent Behavior 15
(2010) 100–111
not be colored by characteristics that are mere “descriptors,” for
example, ethnicity, age, gender, special clothing and argot,
location,
group names, crime patterns, and so on (Klein, 2006). In the
agreed
definition a gang has four defining components: durability, (of
at least
several months) street orientation, (away from the home, work
and
school) youthfulness, (average age in adolescence or early
twenties)
and identity via illegal activity (delinquent or criminal activity
is part of
the group's essence). Thus, a gang is defined as, “a street gang
(or
troublesome youth group corresponding to a street gang
elsewhere) is
any durable, street-oriented youth group whose identity includes

involvement in illegal activity.” (Weerman et al., 2009, p.20).
Using
this definition research has shown that gang violence compared
to
non-gang violence is more likely to occur in public places, to
involve
more weapons, more assailants, and more victims (often
accidental)
who are not personally acquainted with their assailants (Klein et
al.,
2006). Gang violence also involves more motor vehicles, more
injuries
and more associated charges and so gang violence is, on the
whole,
more complex and more destructive than non-gang violence
(Klein
et al., 2006).
Overall, the argument that violence or criminality should be a
necessary criterion for defining a gang is compelling. One of
the defining
features of any entity is who is interested in it. Those interested
in gangs
include the police, criminologists, task force agents, and more
recently
forensic psychologists, thus, it is the criminal activity of gangs
that
triggers the interest of these parties. As such it makes sense that
criminal
behavior should be included as a necessary criterion for
defining a gang.
Although American researchers have still not reached a
consensus on a
gang definition the Eurogang network has ensured that research
in
Europe is mostly functioning on an agreed definition which will

shape
research and enable meaningful comparisons to be made
between
groups of youths. A definition is more than a description of
what we
mean it is an instrument that we use as a basis for identifying an
object.
As such it is a research tool—an “instrument” that “….underlies
all other
instruments…” (Weerman et al., 2009, p.6). Without the vital
parameters set by a definition we may seriously undermine even
the
best researchers' efforts and best research designs.
3. Gang membership: criminological theories
While we need a clear and comprehensive definition that
clarifies
what a gang is we also need a comprehensive theory to guide
empirical work and provide synthesis in explaining why people
become members of a gang. Criminological theoretical
explanations of
gang membership span almost a century and provide us with a
vast
literature. In this section, we review some of the most
influential
theoretical propositions of involvement in crime and consider
their
value in explaining gang membership.
4. Theory of social disorganization
While early interest in gangs was primarily descriptive,
Thrasher
(1927) paved the way for the explosion of Chicago based
research and

theory development with his account of why adolescent boys
become
gang members. Thrasher argued that economic destabilization
contributed to social disorganization, which in turn, led to the
breakdown of conventional social institutions such as the
school,
the church, and most importantly, the family, which “failed to
hold the
boy's interest, neglects him or actually forces him onto the
street”
(p.340). The gradual erosion of conventional establishments
meant
they were weakened and unable to satisfy the needs of the
people such
that they gradually lost the ability to control the behavior of the
area's
populace. Thrasher maintained that one reason why social
institutions
failed to satisfy the needs of the populace was because so many
people
living in disorganized areas were immigrants. Immigrant parents
were
unable to help their children adapt to their new culture due to a
lack of
familiarity with local customs. Furthermore, a lack of support
from
established social orders such as schools failed to compensate
for this
parental ignorance. Thrasher (1927) neatly set the failure of
conventional institutions in opposition to the thrill and
excitement
offered by unconventional institutions which offered children
“the
thrill and zest of participation in common interests, more
especially
corporate action, in hunting, capture, conflict, flight and

escape” (p.
32–33). For Thrasher (1927) a gang existed when it became
organized,
adopted a formal structure, became attached to local territory
and
involved itself in conflict. Conflict was a pivotal notion for
Thrasher
(1927), who argued that it resulted in the formation of gangs
who
created conflict with other gangs and with the conventional
social
order which opposed them.
5. Theory of cultural transmission
Thrasher's (1927) observations of social disorganization
threaded
into the succession of gang research that followed. Shaw and
McKay
(1931, 1942) developed Thrasher's (1927) concepts by arguing
that
socially disorganized neighborhoods culturally transmit
criminal
traditions which are as transmissible as any other cultural
elements.
For Shaw and McKay (1931), families in poor inner city areas
have low
levels of functional authority over children, who, once exposed
to
delinquent traditions, succumb to delinquent behavior. In such a
cultural climate gang membership becomes a satisfying
alternative to
unsatisfactory legitimate conventions. If family, school, church
and
government all fail to adequately provide for young people
young

people will form indigenous groups such as gangs which
provide a
social support system in socially disorganized communities
(Hill,
Howell, Hawkins, & Battin-Pearson, 1999; Lane & Meeker,
2004;
Papachristos & Kirk, 2006; Spergel, 1995). This group
formation and
the criminality that emanates from it are passed from generation
to
generation via socialization, motivating young people to deviate
from
conventional norms. Conversely, conventionality dominates
middle
class areas and so middle class youth are not exposed to
delinquent
traditions and are adequately controlled by parents in a stable
environment. Consequently for Shaw and McKay (1931) it is the
en-
vironment and not the ethnic identity of the individual that
determines involvement in crime.
6. Theory of differential association
Although criticisms of the “Chicago school” of gang research
for its
exclusive focus on working class criminality (e.g., Cullen,
1984) are
justified, the exception to this accusation must be the ideas of
Sutherland (1937), Sutherland and Cressey (1960, 1974).
Sutherland
recognized that criminal behavior is prevalent across all classes
and
developed a theory of differential association where young
people
develop the attitudes and skills necessary to become delinquent

by
associating with individuals who are “carriers” of criminal
norms
(Sutherland, 1937). The essence of differential association is
that
criminal behavior is learned and the principal part of learning
comes
from within important personal groups (Sutherland & Cressey,
1960).
Exposure to the attitudes of members of personal groups that
either
favor or reject legal codes influences the attitudes of the
individual.
And people will go on to commit crimes if they are: exposed
more to
attitudes that favor law violation than attitudes that favor
abiding by
the law: exposed to law-violation attitudes early in life: exposed
to
law-violation attitudes over a prolonged period of time and
exposed
to law-violation attitudes from people they like and respect.
Once the
appropriate attitudes have developed, young people learn the
skills of
criminality in much the same way as they would learn any
skills; by
example and tutelage. Sutherland argued that a principal part of
this
criminal learning process is derived from small social groups
such as
gangs.
The appeal of differential association is that it not only looks to
the
environment for explanations of criminal behavior to explain

(2010) 100–111
differences in populations that other researchers such as Shaw
and
McKay (1931, 1942) ignored, Sutherland also considered the
transmission and development of psychological constructs such
as
attitudes and beliefs about crime. However, Sutherland's ideas
also
have their critics. One is that they fail to specify how much
individuals
need to favor crime before they become influential in a pro-
criminal
sense since generally people hold beliefs that justify crime only
in
certain situations (Agnew, 1995; Akers, 1997). Differential
association
has also been criticized for stating simply that pro- or anti-
criminal
attitudes develop through the association with others without
explaining how this process works (Akers, 1997). Expanding the
ideas of differential association by drawing on psychological
social
learning processes, Akers (1997) proposes that crime is learned
through: the development of beliefs that crime is acceptable in
some
situations; the positive reinforcement of criminal involvement
(e.g.
approval of friends, financial gains); and the imitation of the
criminal
behavior of others—especially if they are people the individual
values.

7. Empirical findings: social disorganization, cultural
transmission, differential association: empirical evidence
A wealth of empirical evidence lends support to criminological
propositions such as social disorganization (Shaw & McKay
1930,
1942; Thrasher, 1927), cultural transmission of criminogenic
norms
(Shaw & McKay 1930, 1942) and differential association
(Sutherland,
1937). Where there are street gangs there is also likely to be
poverty,
victimization, fear, and social disorganization (Chin, 1996;
Goldstein,
1991; Howell & Decker, 1999; Howell, Egley, & Gleason, 2002;
Huff,
1996; Klein, 1995; Knox, 1994; Spergel, 1995) and low socio-
economic status (Chettleburgh, 2007; Rizzo, 2003). Young
people
living in neighborhoods with high rates of delinquency are more
likely
to commit delinquent acts than are their counterparts living in
areas
of low delinquency (Hill et al., 1999; Hill, Lui, & Hawkins,
2001) and
gang members have higher rates of delinquency than their non-
gang
counterparts before becoming involved in gangs (Eitle, Gunkel,
& van
Gundy, 2004; Esbensen, Huizinga, & Weiher, 1993; Gordon et
al.,
2004; Huff, 1998; Schneider, 2001; Spergel, 1995). There is
also a
positive relationship between gang membership and family
members
who are criminally involved (Eitle et al., 2004; Hill et al., 2001;

Kakar,
2005; Maxson, Whitlock, & Klein, 1998; Sirpal, 2002; Sharp et
al.,
2006), and/or are gang members themselves (Spergel, 1995).
Mixing
with delinquent peers has been identified as a precursor to gang
membership (Amato & Cornell, 2003; Esbensen & Weerman,
2005;
Hill et al., 1999, 2001; Kakar, 2005; Maxson et al., 1998; Sharp
et al.,
2006), as has peer pressure to commit delinquent activities
(Esbensen
& Weerman, 2005). Also, children/youth that are unable to
integrate
into societal institutions are more likely to become delinquent
and
join deviant peer groups as a result (Dukes, Martinez, & Stein,
1997;
Hill et al., 1999).
Street youth cultures provide criminal opportunities; provide
skills, contacts, and a means of accessing illegal local markets
in drugs
and stolen goods (Webster, MacDonald, & Simpson, 2006).
They also
prove the greatest impediment to desisting from drug use and
criminality (Webster et al., 2006). That gangs endure and
develop
comes from evidence that in many of the world's cities where
governance is weak and insecurity and instability dominate,
orga-
nized groups such as gangs “reign” (Sullivan, 2006). In many of
these
instances gangs have evolved into complex, third generation
gangs
who have sophisticated political and social agendas (Sullivan,

2006).
Although several studies seem to support the concepts proposed
by the theories outlined above, critics are quick to point out the
conceptual shortcomings of this school of thought. It has been
accused
of seeing people as motivationally empty, without choice, and
as mere
vessels to be filled with society's impositions (Emler & Reicher,
1995).
That gang members exercise their ability to choose is indicated
by
evidence showing how they drift in and out of legitimate work
over
time (Hagedorn & Macon, 1998) as the lucrative illegal drug
labor
market, despite its dangerousness, competes with the low
wages, and
adverse working conditions of the legitimate labor market
(Bourgois,
1995).
There is also evidence suggesting no link between low socio-
economic status and gang membership (Eitle et al., 2004) and
that
gang members may just as easily come from wealthier
backgrounds
(Spergel, 1995). Having delinquent peers is also not an adequate
explanation for gang membership (Thornberry, 1998) although
involvement in a social network to which close friends and
family
members already belong is a key reason why gang members join
a
gang (Thornberry, Krohn, Lizotte, Smith, & Tobin, 2003).
However,
children raised in the same household are also “variably prone”

to gang
involvement, which Spergel (1995) maintains shows a personal
disorganization perspective of gang membership. The concept of
so-
cial disorganization is also accused of being tautological;
explaining
delinquency in terms of disorganization when delinquency is a
criterion of disorganization (Emler & Reicher, 1995). Caulfield
(1991) is particularly damning of the subcultural approach,
arguing
that it dictates who will be members of a subcultural society and
where
they will live, which in turn, determines where researchers will
look
and thus selection bias. Caulfield (1991) argues that subcultural
theorists create images of monsters and devils who must ….
“meet
certain criteria—such as being at the lower end of class, race
and
gender hierarchies.” (p 229). It is indeed an irony that
subcultural
theorists attempting to highlight the inequities of the social
structure
may also reinforce negative stereotypes of working class
peoples and
immigrants. Media accounts of gang activity largely ignore the
activities of White gangs (Bursik & Grasmick, 1995; Spergel,
1995)
and rely primarily on stereotypes (Jankowski, 1991).
Consequently,
the focus of research on relatively few gangs offers us little
assurance
that the locations where gangs are found are representative of
gang
locales or that similar places do not have gangs (Tita, Cohen &
Engberg,

2005). As Sanday (1990) notes, in the U.S.A., a group of middle
class
youth apprehended on charges of a (gang) rape had many of the
classic
hallmarks of a gang including a name, regular criminal
activities, and a
“turf.” At the trial the judge noted similarities between this
group and
other gangs and yet the Gang Crimes Unit showed no interest in
this
particular gang. This, Sanday (1990) argues, was due to the
group
emerging from a university fraternity. If social researchers
concentrate
on areas where the socio-economically deprived and ethnic
popula-
tions live, there is a danger that explanations of gang
membership will
be framed solely by socio-economic deprivation and ethnicity.
Clearly
we need a broader perspective if we are to adequately explain
why
people join gangs.
8. Strain theory
The central concept of strain theory is that society sets
universal
goals for its populace and then offers the ability to achieve them
to a
limited number of people. The resultant inequality of
opportunity
causes a strain on cultural goals. This, Merton (1938) proposes,
leads
to anomie (Durkheim, 1893); a breakdown in the cultural
structure

due to an acute division between prescribed cultural norms and
the
ability of members to act in line with them (Merton, 1938). The
consequence of anomie is that people adapt to their
circumstances by
adopting a specific form of behavior (Merton, 1938). Cohen
(1955)
depicts gang members as working class youth who experience
strain
resulting in status frustration. Status frustration may be
resolved by
the youth associating with similar others in order to “strike out”
against middle class ideals and standards. In turn, this leads to
the
formation of a delinquent subculture where instant gratification,
fighting, and destructive behavior become the new values. It is
a
rebellion that is considered to be right precisely because it is
wrong in
the norms of the larger culture. Cohen argued that a child
experiences
frustration and tension due to the unequal opportunities offered
in a
104 J. Wood, E. Alleyne / Aggression and Violent Behavior 15
(2010) 100–111
meritocratic society that claims to operate on egalitarian
principles of
equal opportunity. Strain results when individuals are
inadequately
socialized to accept the legitimate means available to them.
Inadequate socialization includes; unstructured leisure time, a
failure
in the educational system to provide sufficient resources, and

the
child's misunderstanding of what school requires of him or her.
Further examples of inadequate socialization include meager
com-
munity resources and educational toys and facilities in the
home. The
child experiencing these social deprivations gradually sinks to
the
bottom of the educational hierarchy and experiences feelings of
status
frustration involving self-hatred, guilt, loss of self-esteem, self-
recrimination, and anxiety. The child blames him/herself for the
failure and copes with it by seeking alternative avenues for
status
achievement such as street gang membership (Cohen, 1955).
9. Theory of differential opportunity
Taking a different perspective on the same issue, Cloward and
Ohlin (1960) found that gang members blamed the system rather
than themselves for their social failure, and “waged war”
against
society through expressions of anger and fighting, achieving
honor
through a form of “macho” bravado, and developing a
formidable
reputation. Although differential opportunity is often cited as a
general
theory of delinquency it began as a theory of gangs (Knox,
1994). In
this theory, Cloward and Ohlin (1960), like Merton (1938),
explain a
class difference in opportunity, but unlike Merton (1938),
Cloward
and Ohlin argue that opportunity for delinquency is also limited
in

availability. Such differential availability of illegitimate means
to
resolve strain means that middle class children lack the
opportunity
to learn how to offend. Lower class children do have this
opportunity
and so offend more frequently. Cloward and Ohlin (1960) argue
that
Shaw and McKay (1939, 1942) failed to observe a differential
opportunity in learning how to offend and therefore simply
assumed
(wrongly) that middle classes had less inclination to offend.
Cloward
and Ohlin agree with Sutherland's (1937) ideas that young
people
learn how to offend from older, more experienced offenders.
However, they point out that Sutherland failed to consider how
access to “criminal schools” varied across the social structure
while
their theory unites two sociological traditions; access to
legitimate
means (Merton, 1938; Cohen, 1955) and access to illegitimate
means
(Sutherland, 1937). Agnew (1992) developed strain theory
further by
identifying specific forms of strain (irrespective of class): “(1)
the
actual or anticipated failure to achieve positively valued goals,
(2) the
actual or anticipated removal of positively valued stimuli, (3)
the
actual or anticipated presentation of negative stimuli” (p. 74).
Each of
these strains may have an increasing effect on delinquency and
so
there will be individual differences in response to the strain

experienced (Agnew, 1992).
10. Strain theory and differential opportunity: empirical
evidence
Each of these strains threads through the gang literature. For
instance, research shows that gangs compensate for strain by
providing
illegitimate means to achieve goals that are not achievable due
to
shortcomings in employment and education (Klemp-North,
2007).
Gang members are likely to have lost positive role models since
they
often come from disorganized families and many have lost
contact with
a parent due to death, separation, or divorce (Klemp-North,
2007). Gang
members are also more exposed to negative influences, such as
drugs
and delinquent peers (Sirpal, 2002; Klemp-North, 2007).
Preteen stress
exposure has been identified as a risk factor for gang
membership
(where deviance acts as a coping mechanism for unattainable
goals,
Eitle et al., 2004) as have poor parenting skills (Eitle et al.,
2004; Hill
et al., 1999; Sharp et al., 2006; Thornberry et al., 2003), and
mental
health issues (Hill et al., 1999). The inability to counteract any
or all of
the three types of strain with appropriate coping mechanisms
may
mean gang membership becomes a coping strategy for negative
emotions such as anger, frustration, and anxiety (Eitle et al.,

2004;
Klemp-North, 2007), the need for personal development
(Spergel,
1995), and a lack of confidence and self-esteem (Dukes,
Martinez, &
Stein, 1997). Some researchers claim there is no relationship
between
gang membership and self-esteem (Bjerregaard & Smith, 1993).
However, other findings show that when the gang's esteem rises
(due
to success in delinquent and anti-social activities) so too does
the self-
esteem of previously low esteem gang members (Dukes et al.,
1997).
One problem with strain theory is that although it explains some
of
the reasons why youth may join gangs it fails to explain why
most
lower class youth eventually lead law-abiding lives even though
their
economic status remains static (Goldstein, 1991) or why many
youth
who experience strain do not offend (Webster et al., 2006).
Thirty
three percent of youth living in deprived areas and who had
never
offended had experienced significant trauma such as,
acrimonious
parental divorce, domestic violence, parental institutionalization
in
prison or mental health units, family estrangement from
siblings, and
being bought up in the care system (Webster et al., 2006).
Moreover,
far from rebelling against middle class norms, many gang

members
actually endorse middle class values (Klein, 1995; Sikes, 1997).
In an
ethnographic study of female gang members, Sikes (1997) noted
how
most members expressed the wish to enter various professions
such
as nursing or teaching, despite a low attendance at school, a
varied
criminal record and a realistic chance of being killed while
engaged in
gang activity. Many gang members also spend a great deal of
their
time engaged in conventional pursuits by taking steps to find a
job,
taking part in sports, and making plans for the future such as
enlisting
in the Navy (Hughes & Short, 2005).
This research implies that many gang members are optimistic in
their expectations for their futures and contrasts with the
depressed
outlook one might expect from working class youth who
recognize
that their chances of legitimate success are blocked by the
unequal
class system imposed on them. It would seem that strain
theorists
overestimate many deviant youths' philosophic consideration of
their
sociological reality. It seems more likely that delinquent youth
act
more in accordance with the current state of their lives than
they do
with perceptions of a future blocked by social inequity.

A further criticism of strain theory is that research shows that
youth who have the most money supplied by their families (i.e.,
pocket money) are often those who become involved in gangs
(Knox
& Tromanhauser, 1991). This research questions the concept
that the
lower the economic status of the individual, the greater
likelihood
there is of their subcultural affiliation. Research also shows that
families of non-gang youth are more likely to help their
children with
homework than are families of gang involved youth (Knox et
al.,
1992), which may mean that parental time rather than money is
a
protective factor in whether youth become gang involved.
Clearly, strain theory fails to account for many of the findings
regarding gang membership. The notable (and often overlooked)
work conducted by Short and Strodtbeck (1965) compared white
gangs, black gangs, lower class youth, and middle class youth
(over
500 in each group). Data was collected from multiple sources
using a
variety of methodologies, including: systematic observations,
inter-
views with gang and non-gang members, and reports from gang
workers. Not a single gang resembled any one of the theories
proposed by Sutherland, Cohen, and Cloward and Ohlin. Short
and
Strodtbeck (1965) also raised the question of just which culture
it is
that delinquents presumably oppose. They also challenged the
assumption that gangs oppose the middle class white American
culture since so many ethnic minorities adhere to their own
cultures.

11. Control, or social bond theory
Control theory (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990; Hirschi, 1969)
neatly
diverts the attention of research away from why offenders
offend, to
(2010) 100–111
why conformists do not offend? Where strain theory's central
premise
is the presence of negative relationships in the development of
delinquency, control theory focuses on the absence of key
relation-
ships (Agnew, 1992; Klemp-North, 2007). Like strain theory
and
social disorganization theory, control theory posits that
communities
with a deteriorating social structure are a breeding ground for
delinquency. The central contention of control theory is that
people
are inherently disposed to offend because offending offers short
term
gains (e.g., immediate money) and the central aim of those with
criminal dispositions is to satisfy desires in the quickest and
simplest
way possible (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). Offending is
prevented by
the social bond, which operates on psychological constructs
such as
the individual's conscience. However, a breakdown in social
bonds
during childhood leaves a child free to act on his/her natural

incli-
nations without negative emotional repercussions.
Initially, control theory emphasized the restraining power the
justice system, had on delinquency (Gottfredson & Hirschi,
1990;
Hirschi, 1969) and is therefore fundamentally tied up with
deterrence
theories. However, control theorists generally agree that
conforming
to legitimate social structures does not occur simply because
social
norms are imposed on people via societal processes (e.g. the
justice
system and deterrence). Social norms are effective because
people
internalize them through a socialization process where formal
sanc-
tions are reinforced by informal sanctions (Fagan & Meares,
2008).
Hirschi (1969) noted that internalizing norms is mediated by
attachment to others because adequately socialized children are
concerned about the reaction of significant others to their
behavior.
The child is committed to others and does all s/he can to protect
precious relationships, including internalizing significant
others' rules
in the form of self-control. “Insofar as the child respects (loves
and
fears) his parents, and adults in general, he will accept their
rules.”
(Hirschi, 1969, p. 30). By abstaining from immediate
gratification of
desires to achieve long-term goals the child also shows
commitment
to a positive future.

Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) developed this idea by
explaining
in their general theory of crime that the cause of low self-
control and
hence delinquency is inadequate child rearing and can occur in
any
social class. Adequate child rearing includes: monitoring the
child's
behavior and recognizing and punishing deviant behavior. The
result
will be … “a child more capable of delaying gratification, more
sensitive to the interests and desires of others, more
independent,
more willing to accept restraints on his activity and more
unlikely to
use force or violence to attain his ends.” (p 97).
Adequate child rearing is vulnerable to impediments including:
parents who do not care for their child, parents that care but
who are
unable to provide adequate supervision, parents able to provide
both
care and supervision but who are unable to identify a behavior
as wrong,
or parents who are disinclined or unable to provide punishment
for the
behavior (Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). To their credit, the
authors
emphasize that supervision and punishment should be conducted
in a
loving way and that parental disappointment is a more effective
control
mechanism than corporal punishment. Thus, they do not endorse
the
harsh and punitive sanctions that control theorists have been

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