single parents, the elderly, refugees, and workers in low-paid ser.docx

single parents, the elderly, refugees, and workers in low-paid
service-sector jobs are also diminishing the overall ranking of
Australia and New Zealand as places where everyone can make
a good living. Monetary measures such as gross domestic
product (GDP) and PPP are of limited use where many people
are living in economies based on exchanges and barter or on
subsistence. The con- cept of subsistence affluence has been
used to describe Pacific Island societies. In these societies,
monetary incomes may be low, but local resources such as
coconut and fish provide a rea- sonable diet, and extended
family and reciprocal support pre- vent serious deprivation.
Adequate diets and relatively effective health and education
systems contribute to comparatively high life expectancies and
literacy and low infant mortality throughout the Pacific
Islands. Literacy is above 90% for both men and women in
much of the region. Notably, Papua New Guinea, Kiri- bati, and
Vanuatu have higher infant mortality and lower literacy than
other parts of Oceania. Territory and Politics Oceania has seen
substantial political changes in recent years, including the shift
in alignment from Europe to North America and Asia and the
challenges of coping with its relative geo- graphic isolation
within a global economy. The stability of some independent
democracies and dependencies has been threatened by internal
tensions. Political and economic integration has been sought
through regional cooperation agreements. And inequalities
within Australia and New Zealand have highlighted the
conditions of indigenous groups, while at the same time, these
countries have embraced multicultural identities. Regional
Cooperation Regional agreements include the South Pacific
Commission founded in 1947, which focuses on social and
economic development and includes 21 island nations and
territories, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, France,
and the United Kingdom. The Pacific Islands Forum, established
in 1971, promotes discussion and cooperation on trade,

fisheries, and tourism among all the independent and self-
governing states of Oceania. It has sup- ported maritime
territorial rights and a nuclear-free Pacific as well as the
independence goals of French Polynesia and New Caledonia. In
2000, the Forum legitimized peacekeeping military operations
led by New Zealand and Australia in the Solomon Islands and
Nauru, and in 2009 Fiji was suspended until it held democratic
elections in 2014. The Pacific Island Countries Trade
Agreements remove trade barriers within the region. Australia
and New Zealand are members of larger economic and political
alliances such as the 21 member Asia-Pacific Eco- nomic
Cooperation group (APEC), which also includes Papua New
Guinea and focuses on improving transportation links and
liberalizing regional trade around the Pacific Rim. Both
Australia and New Zealand have been able to take advantage of
APEC to increase exports to Asia, especially to Japan.
Independence and Secessionist Movements Oceania is relatively
politically stable compared to many other regions. A number of
smaller or resource-poor islands in the region have maintained
close associations with, or are still under the control of, the
United States or New Zealand. U.S. dependencies receive
financial subsidies, called transfer payments, in return for mili-
tary base sites and security control. France has also maintained
its control over several islands, insisting that they are integral
parts of the French state. The most serious recent political
conflicts in Oceania have involved encounters between ethnic
groups in Fiji and demon- strations by independence or
secessionist movements in New Caledonia and Papua New
Guinea. Although independence movements and ethnic rivalries
endanger regional peace, one of the greatest threats to stability
may be the lack of jobs for young people on Pacific Islands. •
Fiji The conflict in Fiji is a legacy of the British colonial
policies that brought Asian Indians as indentured workers to
local sugar plantations from 1879 to 1920. By the 1960s, Indo-
Fijians almost outnumbered the ethnic Fijian population,
dominating commerce and urban life and maintaining a separate

existence with little intermarriage and continued cultural and
religious segregation. The indigenous Fijians took over the
government at the time of its independence in 1970, but
subsequent elections have produced contested wins for Indo-
Fijian parties, and military takeovers occurred in 1987, 2000,
and 2006. Only in 2014 did observers certify a democratic
election. • New Caledonia In the nickel-rich islands of New
Caledonia, the indigenous Melanesian population, known as
Kanaks, has been militantly pressing for independence for
years, but has been outvoted by those of French descent (called
demis), who prefer to remain part of France. The Nouméa
Accord of 1998 promises a referendum on independence by
2018. • New Guinea Residents of Bougainville Island are trying
to secede from Papua New Guinea, claiming ethnic affiliation
with the other Solomon Islands that are independent, and
complaining that they do not receive a fair share of the profits
from local mines. There are also conflicts over mining and
between different tribal groups in New Guinea. Multiculturalism
and Indigenous Social Movements The rights of indigenous
peoples and the creation of a multicultural society and national
identity are high-profile issues in Australia and New Zealand.
The countries share a history of British colonialism and
dispossession of indigenous lands and cultures but have
distinctly different contemporary approaches to intercultural
politics and relations. In New Zealand, the 1840 Treaty of
Waitangi frames Maori rights (see Figure 11.16). Although the
Maori interpreted the treaty as guaranteeing their land and
rights, the century that 452 World regions in Global Context
followed saw large-scale dispossession of Maori land and disre-
spect for Maori culture. Maori landholdings—over most of New
Zealand—were reduced to just 3% of the total area of New Zea-
land. A series of protests, court cases, and reawakening to
Maori tradition led to the establishment of the Waitangi tribunal
in 1975, which eventually reinterpreted the Treaty of Waitangi
as more favorable to the Maori and investigated a series of
Maori land and fishery claims. The Maori were established as

tangata whenua (the “people of the land”), and Maori was
recognized as an official language of New Zealand with the
country also known by its Maori name of Aotearoa. Some land
claims were settled or compensated through money or grants of
government land. Others are too large or threatening to private
interests to be easily recognized. A bicultural Maori and Pakeha
(a Maori term for whites) society has been adopted rather than a
multicultural policy that would encompass other immigrant
groups, such as Pacific Islanders and Asians, or recognize the
differences within Maori cultures. New Zealand’s recognition of
Maori rights, language, and culture as part of a national identity
has not solved some of the deeper problems of racism toward
the Maori or of their pov- erty and alienation. Maori
unemployment is twice that of white residents; average
incomes, home ownership, and educational levels are less than
half; and welfare dependence is much higher. Australian
Aborigines, in contrast, have had no recourse to a treaty to
assert their rights. The European colonists saw the indigenous
peoples as primitive and their land as terra nullius, owned by no
one, and therefore freely available to settlers. Only in the 1930s
were reserves set aside for Aboriginal populations, mostly in
very marginal environments with little autonomy or access to
services. In many ways, the Aboriginal population had been
made “invisible”; they were not counted in the census or
allowed to vote until the 1960s. It was also stereotyped as a
primitive and homogeneous nomadic culture, when in fact the
Aboriginal population encompassed many different cultures.
One of the most misguided programs set out to assimilate the
Aboriginal population from the 1800s to 1964 by forcibly
removing children from their families and communities and
placing them in white foster homes and institutions. These
stolen generations of as many as 100,000 Aboriginal children
was given voice and officially acknowledged by the Australian
government in a national inquiry in the 1990s (see “Faces of the
Region: The Stolen Generations” on p. 450). The Aboriginal
Land Rights Act of 1976 gave Aborigines title to almost 20% of

the Northern Territory and opened government land to claims
through regional land councils. The states of South Australia
and Western Australia have also handed over land to Aboriginal
ownership or leases. In 1992, the Australian High Court
effectively overruled the doctrine of terra nullius, encour- aging
Aboriginal claims for land and compensation. Aboriginal
control now extends over about 15% of Australia, and claims
have been made to at least another 20%. The more contentious
claims involve land with valuable mineral resources, especially
uranium (see “Geographies of Indulgence, Desire, and
Addiction: Uranium” on pp. 456–457), or where development
threatens sites that are considered sacred or spiritual by the
Aborigines. Despite the apologies and recognition of land
claims, indigenous Australians remain disadvantaged on almost
all economic and social indicators. Their unemployment rate is
at four times the national average and they have much lower
average incomes, housing quality, and educational levels, and
higher levels of suicide, substance abuse, disease, and violence.
Australian Aborigines still have much less power and recogni-
tion than the Maori of New Zealand; this is reflected in Austra-
lia’s adoption of a multicultural rather than bicultural policy of
national integration. Multiculturalism emerged in the 1970s and
in an official effort to embrace the distinctive cultures of many
different ethnic and immigrant groups. The National Agenda for
a Multicultural Australia set out to promote tolerance and cul-
tural rights and to reduce discrimination, while still maintaining
English as the official language and avoiding special treatment
for any one group such that Aborigines are just one of many
groups in a multicultural society. There has been considerable
right wing opposition to immi- gration, Aboriginal rights, and
multiculturalism in the last decade, much of this exacerbated by
recent global economic conditions. It is clear that land rights
and reconciliation for Aborigi- nal peoples will remain
contested as the Australian government strives to balance
competing interests and needs. Apply Your Knowledge 11.13
Consult the website of the Pacific Islands Forum

(http://www.forumsec.org/) and read one of the recent Forum
Communiques. Summarize the key concerns expressed. 11.14
Summarize the different ways that Australia and New Zealand
have treated their indigenous populations. Can you see
differences or similarities to the way indigenous peoples have
been treated in other countries such as the United States,
Canada, and China? Culture and Populations The culture and
politics of this region are intimately intercon- nected to the
wider global processes of migration, colonialism, conflict,
globalization, and environmental change. The linguistic and
religious practices of many people in this region, for example,
are partially related to the region’s colonial experience. And the
culture of migration in the region is tied to both the long-term
experience of movement and recent environmental and
economic changes that are creating push and pull factors for
migrants. Language Many of the estimated 260 interrelated
languages spoken by Australian Aborigines that were unique to
the continent have become extinct or have only a few surviving
speakers. Many Aborigines no longer speak anything but
English; of the indigenous languages, only Mabuiag (the
language of the Western
Presidential Scandals articles
Please address the following questions about the two articles
that address presidential scandals. Please type your answers
and submit them as a Word document. Please list the question
being answered. Each question is worth ten points.
1. Does a president’s private life influence (matter in) his role
as the leader of the country? Please explain.
2. Does a president’s personal behavior influence America’s
perception internationally? Please explain.
3. Does a president’s personal behavior influence the country?

Please explain.
4. Based upon the article, name the presidents who have
engaged in extramarital affairs.
5. Which presidents were accused of fathering illegitimate
children?
6. Which president raised concerns about the legitimacy of his
marriage?
7. Which presidents were accused of engaging in illegal
activities?
8. Which presidents had members of their administration who
were accused of illegal activity?
9. Based upon the articles, please rank the top five worst events.
10. Then, rank the five least offensive events.
Below you will find the link to the first article. The second
article has been copied below. However, the original pictures
have been removed. The link is provided before the text of the
article, so that students can view it in its original form.
Article 1
http://www.chicagotribune.com/news/nationworld/politics/ct-
presidential-scandals-through-history-20170517-
photogallery.html
Article 2
http://time.com/5210775/presidents-affairs-sex-scandals/What
Americans Think About Presidential Scandals Like the Stormy
Daniels Story Has Changed. But Not How You’d Expect

By OLIVIA B. WAXMAN
Updated: March 23, 2018 5:55 PM ET
When Stephanie Clifford appears on CBS’ 60 Minutes on
Sunday, the woman known in her porn career as Stormy
Daniels, will be adding a chapter to a very long history of the
American public’s fascination with Presidents’ private lives.
Clifford is not the only woman who says she had an affair with
President Donald Trump before he took the office — Anderson
Cooper recently interviewed former Playboy model Karen
McDougal about something similar — but this story is much
older than just a decade or so. In some ways, it goes back more
than 200 years.
For about as long as the country has existed, the public and the
press have imposed few consequences on Presidents for what
they do behind closed doors, even when those actions become
public, as long as those actions don’t affect the rest of the
government. What has changed is the perception of when that
line gets crossed.
Early Scandals
In the nation’s earliest years, newspapers were associated with
political parties, so accusations of infidelity were often brought
up to slam political opponents but dismissed by loyalists. “The
golden age of America’s founding was also the gutter age of
American reporting,” as pundit Eric Burns put it in his
book Infamous Scribblers: The Founding Fathers and the Rowdy
Beginnings of American Journalism.
The most notorious scandalmonger of that period was James
Callender, a Federalist newspaper editor, who, for
example, spread stories of Thomas Jefferson’s fathering
children with Sally Hemings, a woman enslaved at his estate,
and also making a move on the wife of his good friend from

college. Of the latter accusation, Jefferson wrote in a July 1,
1805, letter to his Secretary of the Navy Robert Smith, “I plead
guilty to one of their charges, that when young & single I
offered love to a handsome lady. I acknolege it’s incorrectness;
it is the only one, founded in truth among all their allegations
against me.” (However, Monticello, the museum at the site of
his former home, now acknowledges that the charge about
Hemings is true too.)
But such claims about Jefferson didn’t seriously damage his
career. The times when personal stories like those did make a
difference was when there was concern over whether public
figures’ personal lives affected their jobs.
The most famous political sex scandal Callender revealed was
the extramarital affair that Secretary of the Treasury Alexander
Hamilton — who wasn’t president, but proves the point — had
with Maria Reynolds between 1791 and 1792, details of which
Callender published in his anthology The History of the United
States for 1796. In that case, it wasn’t the affair that was
controversial so much as the concern that Hamilton may have
used federal funds to pay hush money to her husband. In a
1797 pamphlet, he attempted to set the record straight,
clarifying that while the affair was shady, he didn’t do anything
illegal.
Historian David Eisenbach, an author of One Nation Under Sex:
How the Private Lives of Presidents, First Ladies and Their
Lovers Changed the Course of American History, argues that
examining presidents’ personal lives was also a way to judge
“how someone would behave in office,” in the absence of other
information about their character: “In European countries,
politicians came from distinguished families, but in America,
you didn’t have the old families to rely upon.”
This was particularly true for candidates who came from humble
backgrounds, such as Andrew Jackson. During his rise to power,

the media drew conclusions about his fitness for office from
speculation on the legality of his marriage. During the 1828
election, John Quincy Adams’ campaign is said to have helped
spread speculation about whether he and his wife eloped while
she was still married to her first husband, in an attempt to prove
that Jackson lacked a moral compass. First-Lady-elect Rachel
Jackson died shortly before Jackson’s inauguration, and it’s
believed that her stress over the public dissection of their
marriage had exacerbated her ailments.
But, again, the charges against Jackson’s marriage didn’t
actually keep him from office — and in some cases such uproar
could actually help.
For example, Grover Cleveland is believed to have won the
1884 presidential election in part because of the grace under
pressure he exhibited after a Buffalo newspaper revealed that he
had fathered a child out of wedlock. The story was made famous
by a Sep. 27, 1884, editorial cartoon published about a month
before Election Day, which gave rise to the “Ma, Ma, Where’s
My Pa?” chant at rallies for his opponent James Blaine. But he
was above-board about the issue, and ordered party leaders to
tell the truth, including about the support that. The decision
reflected well on him, and he became President.
A cartoon in Sep. 27, 1884 The Judge magazine spoofs the news
that Grover Cleveland fathered a child out of wedlock.
Library of Congress Print and Picture Collection
Turning a Blind Eye
The period around the turn of the 20th century marked a major
change in journalism, as it became professionalized — with
trade organizations and professional schools — and, in many

cases, divorced from outright association with a political party.
As part of that reform, journalists backed off their scrutiny of
presidents’ personal lives.
In fact, one of Warren Harding’s mistresses couldn’t even find
anyone to publish her tell-all about her sexual relationship. It
was after his death that Nan Britton published The President’s
Daughter, which is considered one of the first graphic tell-all
political memoirs. As the title suggests, she claimed she gave
birth to a child that was his in 1919 — a claim that DNA testing
appeared to confirm in 2015. Evidence of the affair was in a
trove of explicit letters that a historian found in the early ’60s.
His family, however, successfully sued to keep them sealed
until 2014.
The press likewise stayed away from President Franklin Delano
Roosevelt’s relationship with Lucy Mercer, Eleanor Roosevelt’s
social secretary, and President John F. Kennedy was spared
scrutiny of his trysts, too — or rather his “extracurricular
screwing around” as Ben Bradlee, the Washington Post editor
of Pentagon Papers fame, once put it.
The reasons for keeping a lid on presidents’ personal lives were
many. For one thing, some of the predominantly male political
journalists could be seen as hypocrites if they made a big deal
out of presidents’ affairs.
“Many of the men in the White House press corps were carrying
on dalliances of their own, so if they went public with the
President, there would be blowback, and their wives would find
out,” says Barbara Perry, the Director of Presidential Studies at
the University of Virginia’s Miller Center of Public Affairs,
who spoke to TIME as part of a new presidential-history
partnership between TIME History and the Miller Center.
But it’s significant to note that — perhaps not coincidentally,

given the lives of those shaping the media narrative — those
dalliances weren’t generally seen as affecting the public at all.
They were secret, but also trivial.
The writer Marvin Kalb once recalled a night in 1963 when he
was covering one of President Kennedy’s New York visits
for CBS, and was tackled by a Secret Service agent right
outside an entrance to Kennedy’s private elevator at the Carlyle
Hotel. While on the floor, he looked up and caught a glimpse of
a woman going into the private elevator. He did not even
consider pursuing the story. “In those days, the possibility of a
presidential affair, while titillating, was not considered ‘news’
by the mainstream press — not when the Cuban missile crisis
was still a fresh and frightening memory of the nuclear dangers
of the Cold War, not when racial tensions were again clawing at
the soul of the nation,” he wrote.
The moral panic of the 19th century had faded, and concerns
about the possibility of harassment had not yet come up on a
major scale. So the affairs stayed secret — even when, in some
cases, they did have implications for government or security.
For example, though one of Harding’s mistresses couldn’t find a
publisher, it was later revealed that the Republican National
Committee had to pay hush money to another mistress of his.
The May 18, 1987, cover of TIME featured Gary Hart, the
Colorado Senator who was considered the frontrunner for the
1988 Democratic presidential nomination until he had to drop
out of the race when it was revealed that he had an extramarital
affair.
Steve Liss
The Public Should Know

In the late 20th century, things changed again. In 1969, after
Teddy Kennedy drove a car into the water off Chappaquiddick,
leading to the death of his passenger Mary Jo Kopechne, a
TIME essay posited that the public was asking about what
public figures did in their private lives because those figures
had gotten more powerful, so it mattered more. In general, that
was true — the office of the President became more powerful in
the 20th century than it had previously been — but perhaps the
bigger change was in the perception of what truly qualified as
private. The things that were secret were no longer seen as quite
so meaningless to politics.
That difference was thrown into relief in 1987, when Colorado
Senator Gary Hart was the frontrunner for the 1988 Democratic
presidential nomination. He told New York Times reporter E.J.
Dionne that he didn’t care if people followed him around, and
that anyone who did so would be very bored. So the
Miami Herald staked out his Washington townhouse until they
got a photo of Hart with Donna Rice, a 29-year-old Miami
model who was not his wife. Two days after refusing to answer
a Washington Post reporter’s question, “Have you ever
committed adultery?” at a televised press conference,
he suspended his campaign.
TIME’s cover story on Hart’s fall from grace cited
the Herald’s stakeout as “a watershed moment in political
journalism.” It wasn’t just a matter of public willingness to talk
about sex or the fact that Hart had been caught in hypocrisy, the
story pointed out: “[With] the changing status of women,
society has grown less tolerant of the macho dalliances of
married men.” (It’s worth remembering, as TIME pointed out in
that 1969 essay, that when scandal helped bolster Cleveland,
women couldn’t even vote.)
That shifting line — the shared feeling that it doesn’t
necessarily matter what the President does in private, but that

some things that seem private really aren’t — is also illustrated
by what is probably the 20th century’s most famous White
House sex scandal: President Bill Clinton’s affair with White
House intern Monica Lewinsky. With Clinton, it wasn’t the
affair itself but rather the attempt to cover it up that would lead
to his impeachment, points out political scientist Alison
Dagnes, co-editor of Sex Scandals in American
Politics. Clinton’s job approval ratings remained consistently
high during the scandal, suggesting that the public didn’t think
it was affecting the way he did his job. “People felt good about
where they were and where America was in the world and gave
Clinton credit for that,” Perry explains.
It has been more recently, as public conversations about sex in
the workplace have evolved, that some have come to rethink the
implication of a relationship between a President and an intern,
and the power dynamics entailed.
Throughout, from Jefferson to Clinton, the takeaway is the
same: when the public thinks that the President’s private life
will get in the way of governing — whether as a matter of 19th-
century morals or 20th-century gender dynamics — such a
scandal can truly damage a presidency. If there’s no perception
that an affair or similar scandal will impact the government,
historically the political fallout has been minor. The real change
has been that what people do in private has once again, over the
last few decades, come to be seen as relevant to a person’s
fitness to lead.
So what does that mean for Trump?
He may actually benefit from the fact that — given that a range
of sexual misconduct allegations already surfaced during his
campaign, and just this past week a judge ruled
that Apprentice contestant Summer Zervos, who claims that
Trump groped her, can move forward with her defamation suit

— claims of consensual affairs may not change public opinion
in any significant way, though that could change if campaign-
funding laws get drawn in.
“There is a genius in Trump’s run for the presidency in that he
starts with the premise that all politicians are crooked, and I’m
not one, so you don’t need to judge me the way you judge
politicians,” Perry points out.
Historian Thomas A. Foster, author of Sex and The Founding
Fathers, suggests looking not at what the President does but
how his actions compare to his reputation. Shock and hypocrisy,
he argues, are more damaging than adultery. Trump — who has
owned beauty pageants and has been married three times —
built his brand partially on his virility and what Foster calls an
emphasis on “conquests.” Now it remains to be seen how he will
conquer these most recent allegations.
Assignment 08
GE350 World Geography
Directions: Be sure to save an electronic copy of your answer
before submitting for grading. Unless otherwise stated, answer
in complete sentences, and be sure to use correct English,
spelling, and grammar. When called for, sources must be cited
in APA format. You can refer to the “Format Requirementsʺ
page for specific format requirements. Respond to the topics for
this writing assignment using your own words and examples.
Design your responses as if you are explaining facts, concepts,
and ideas to someone who is not familiar with the subject
matter. Be sure to include creative examples wherever they may
be appropriate. Also, be sure to provide a title for each of your
essay responses. (4 pages total)
This assignment requires you to write essays in response to all
of the following:

Part A With respect to economic factors in Latin America,
describe export dependence, import substitution, debt crises,
and the impact of free trade agreements such as NAFTA.
Part B Identify observed and potential impacts of climate
change in China and Japan over the last 50 years.
Part C Compare and contrast perspectives on
multiculturalism and indigenous social movements in New
Zealand and Australia. pp. 451-452
Grading Rubric
Please refer to the rubric on the next page for the grading
criteria for this assignment.
CATEGORYExemplarySatisfactoryUnsatisfactoryUnacceptable
25 points18 points12 points6 points
Student accurately and
clearly describes the factors
impacting Latin American
economies AND the
examples are both
thoughtful and relevant.
Student fairly accurately and
clearly describes the factors
impacting Latin American
economies AND the
examples are mostly

Student does not accurately
and clearly describe the
factors impacting Latin
American economies OR
the examples are vaguely
relevant.
Student provides
inaccurate or poorly
expressed descriptions of
factors impacting Latin
American economies
AND/OR the examples are
not provided.
clearly describes the impacts
of climate change in China
AND the examples are both
clearly describes the impacts
of climate change in China
AND the examples are
mostly thoughtful and
relevant.
and clearly describe the
impacts of climate change
in China OR the examples
are vaguely relevant.
Student provides
expressed descriptions of
the impacts of climate
change in China AND/OR

the examples are not
provided.
clearly explains
multiculturalism and
indigenous social
movements in New Zealand
and Australia AND the
examples are both
clearly explains
indigenous social
and Australia AND the
examples are mostly
and clearly explain
indigenous social
and Australia OR the
examples are vaguely
relevant.
Student provides
expressed explanations of
indigenous social
movements in New
Zealand and Australia
AND/OR the examples are
not provided.

10 points 8 points 5 points 2 points
Student does not make any
errors in grammar or spelling,
especially those that distract
the reader from the content.
Student makes 1-2 errors in
grammar or spelling that
distract the reader from the
content.
Student makes 3-4 errors in
grammar or spelling that
distract the reader from the
content.
Student makes more than
4 errors in grammar or
spelling that distract the
reader from the content.
15 points 12 points 8 points 5 points
The paper is written in
proper APA and
organizational format. All
sources used for quotes and
facts are credible and cited
correctly. Excellent
organization, including a
variety of thoughtful
transitions.
proper format with only 1-2
errors. All sources used for
quotes and facts are
credible, and most are cited
correctly. Adequate
organization includes a
variety of appropriate
transitions.

proper format with only 3-5
errors. Most sources used
for quotes and facts are
credible and cited correctly.
Essay is poorly organized,
but may include a few
effective transitions.
The paper is not written in
proper format. Many
sources used for quotes
and facts are less than
credible (suspect) and/or
are not cited correctly.
Essay is disorganized and
does not include effective
transitions.
Format - APA
Format, Citations,
Organization,
Transitions (15
Points)
Description of
factors impacting
Latin American
economies (25
points)
Mechanics (10
Points)
Impacts of climate
change in China and
Japan (25 points)
Multiculturalism
and Indigenous
Social Movements

in New Zealand and
Australia (25 points)

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