AFTER THE END of World War I, many Germans were unwilling t.docx

AFTER THE END of World War I, many Germans were
unwilling to accept that their nation's
armed forces had been vanquished on the battlefield, giving rise
to the widespread belief that
defeat had come about as the result of a “stab in the back” by
traitorous elements within the
German population. To some, there was no secret as to who
those treasonous elements were:
they were to be found in the country's Jewish population. Jews
were prominent in many
professions, including law, medicine, and education, and were
active in the financial and banking
sector as well. Widely envied and resented, they were ripe
targets for attack by revenge-seeking
revanchist groups within the country.
In the early 1930s, the nationalist firebrand Adolf Hitler took
advantage of these sentiments
to seize power in a country wracked by the Great Depression. In
a relatively short period of time,
Hitler, at the head of his National Socialist (Nazi) Party,
installed himself as the dictator of what
was termed the Third Reich. He soon embarked on a path to
cleanse the country of its internal
enemies and make Germany once again the dominant force in
Europe. The ensuing conflict,
which eventually spread worldwide, repeated the horrors of the
previous “war to end all wars”
and resulted in an even more decisive defeat for German forces
on the battlefield. When World
War II came to an end in 1945, there could be no further cries

of a “stab in the back.” Germany
had been decisively defeated and its capital of Berlin lay in
ruins.
CRITICAL THINKING
Q What was the relationship between World War I and World
War II, and how did the ways
in which the wars were fought differ?
The Rise of Dictatorial Regimes
On February 3, 1933, only four days after he had been
appointed chancellor of Germany, Adolf
Hitler (1889–1945) met secretly with Germany's leading
generals. He revealed to them his desire
to remove the “cancer of democracy,” create a new authoritarian
leadership, and forge a new
domestic unity. His foreign policy objectives were equally
striking. Since Germany's living
space was too small for its people, Hitler said, Germany must
rearm and prepare for “the
conquest of new living space in the east and its ruthless
Germanization.”
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The rise of Adolf Hitler to supreme power in Germany was not
an isolated incident, but part
of a pattern that had spread throughout Europe and other parts
of the world in the wake of the
Great Depression. The apparent triumph of liberal democracy in
1919 had proven to be
extremely short-lived. Italy had installed a fascist regime in the

1920s, and the Soviet Union
under Joseph Stalin was a repressive dictatorial state. A host of
other European states, and Latin
American countries as well, adopted authoritarian systems,
while a militarist regime in Japan
moved that country down the path to war. By 1939, only two
major states in Europe, France and
Great Britain, remained democratic.
Dictatorships, of course, were hardly a new phenomenon as a
means of governing human
societies, but the type of political system that emerged after
World War I did exhibit some
ominous new characteristics. The modern totalitarian state,
whether of the right (as in
Germany) or of the left (as in the Soviet Union), transcended
the ideal of passive obedience
expected in a traditional dictatorship or authoritarian monarchy.
It required the active loyalty and
commitment of all its citizens to the regime and its goals.
Individual freedom was to be
subordinated to the collective will of the masses, represented by
a single leader and a single
party. Modern technology also gave totalitarian states the
ability to use unprecedented police
powers and communication techniques to impose their wishes
on their subjects.
What explains the emergence of this frightening new form of
government at a time when the
Enlightenment and the Industrial Revolution had offered such
bright hopes for the improvement
of the human condition? According to the philosopher Hannah
Arendt, in her renowned study,
The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951), the totalitarian state was
a direct product of the modern

age. At a time when traditional sources of identity, such as
religion and the local community,
were in decline, alienated intellectuals found fertile ground for
their radical ideas among rootless
peoples deprived of their communal instincts and their
traditional faiths by the corrosive effects
of the Industrial Age. The Great Depression, which threw
millions into poverty and sowed
doubts about the viability of the capitalist system, made many
observers even more vulnerable to
prescriptions calling for a remaking of the human condition.
The Birth of Fascism
In the early 1920s, in the wake of economic turmoil, political
disorder, and the general insecurity
and fear stemming from World War I, Benito Mussolini (1883–
1945) burst upon the Italian
scene with the first fascist movement in Europe. Mussolini
began his political career as a
socialist but was expelled from the Socialist Party after
supporting Italy's entry into World War I,
a position contrary to the socialist principle of ardent neutrality
in imperialist wars. In 1919, he
established a new political group, the Fascio di Combattimento,
or League of Combat. It
received little attention in the parliamentary elections of 1919,
but subsequently when worker
strikes and a general climate of class violence broke out,
alarmed conservatives turned to the
Fascists, who formed armed squads to attack socialist offices
and newspapers. On October 29,
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1922, after Mussolini and the Fascists threatened to march on
Rome if they were not given
power, King Victor Emmanuel III (r. 1900–1946) capitulated
and made Mussolini prime minister
of Italy.
By 1926, Mussolini had established the institutional framework
for his Fascist dictatorship.
Press laws gave the government the right to suspend any
publication that fostered disrespect for
the Catholic Church, the monarchy, or the state. The prime
minister was made “head of
government” with the power to legislate by decree. A police law
empowered the police to arrest
and confine anybody for both nonpolitical and political crimes
without due process of law. In
1926, all anti-Fascist parties were outlawed. By the end of
1926, Mussolini ruled Italy as Il Duce,
the leader.
Mussolini's regime attempted to mold Italians into a single-
minded community by
developing Fascist organizations. By 1939, about two-thirds of
the population between the ages
of eight and eighteen had been enrolled in some kind of Fascist
youth group. Activities for these
groups included Saturday afternoon marching drills and
calisthenics, seaside and mountain
summer camps, and youth contests. Beginning in the 1930s, all
young men were given some
kind of premilitary exercises to develop discipline and provide
training for war.
The Fascists also sought to reinforce traditional social attitudes,

as is evident in their policies
toward women. The Fascists portrayed the family as the pillar
of the state and women as the
foundation of the family. “Woman into the home” became the
Fascist slogan. Women were to be
homemakers and baby producers, “their natural and fundamental
mission in life,” according to
Mussolini, who viewed population growth as an indicator of
national strength. The Fascist
attitude toward women also reflected a practical consideration:
working women would compete
with males for jobs in the depression economy of the 1930s.
Eliminating women from the market
reduced male unemployment.
Hitler and Nazi Germany
As Mussolini began to lay the foundations of his Fascist state in
Italy, a young admirer was
harboring similar dreams in Germany. Born on April 20, 1889,
Adolf Hitler was the son of an
Austrian customs official. He did poorly in secondary school
and eventually made his way to
Vienna to become an artist. Through careful observation of the
political scene, Hitler became an
avid German nationalist who learned from his experience in
mass politics in Austria how
political parties could use propaganda and terror effectively.
But it was only after World War I,
during which he served as a soldier on the Western Front, that
Hitler became actively involved in
politics. By then, he had become convinced that the German
defeat had been caused by the Jews,
for whom he now developed a fervent hatred.
THE ROOTS OF ANTI-SEMITISM Anti-semitism, of course,
was not new to European

civilization. Since the Middle Ages, Jews had been portrayed as
the murderers of Christ and
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were often subjected to mob violence and official persecution.
Their rights were restricted, and
they were physically separated from Christians in separate
urban sectors known as ghettos. By
the nineteenth century, however, as a result of the ideals of the
Enlightenment and the French
Revolution, Jews were increasingly granted legal equality in
many European countries. Many
Jews left the ghettos to which they had been restricted and
become assimilated into the
surrounding Christian population. Some entered what had
previously been the closed world of
politics and the professions. Many Jews became successful as
bankers, lawyers, scientists,
scholars, journalists, and stage performers. Nowhere in Europe
did Jews play a more active role
in society than in Germany.
All too often, however, their achievements provoked envy and
distrust. During the last two
decades of the nineteenth century, German conservatives began
to found parties that used dislike
of Jews to win the votes of traditional lower-middle-class
groups who felt threatened by
changing times. Such parties also played on the rising sentiment
of racism in German society.
Spurred on by the widespread popularity of social Darwinism,

rabid German nationalists
promoted the concept of the Volk (nation, people, or race) as an
underlying idea in German
history since the medieval era. Portraying the German people as
the successors of the pure
“Aryan” race, the true and original creators of Western culture,
nationalist groups called for
Germany to take the lead in a desperate struggle to save
European civilization from the
destructive assaults of such allegedly lower races as Jews,
blacks, Slavs, and Asians.
HITLER'S RISE TO POWER, 1919–1933 At the end of World
War I, Hitler joined the obscure
German Workers' Party and transformed it into a new
organization called the National Socialist
German Workers' Party (NSDAP), or Nazi for short. Hitler
worked assiduously to develop the
party into a mass political movement with flags, party badges,
uniforms, its own newspaper, and
its own police force or party militia known as the SA—the
Sturmabteilung, or Storm Troops.
The SA added an element of force and terror to the growing
Nazi movement. Hitler's own
oratorical skills as well as his populist message were largely
responsible for attracting an
increasing number of followers.
In November 1923, Hitler staged an armed uprising against the
government in Munich, but
the so-called Beer Hall Putsch was quickly crushed, and Hitler
was sentenced to prison. During
his brief stay in jail, he wrote Mein Kampf (My Struggle), an
autobiographical account of his
movement and its underlying ideology. Virulent German
nationalism, anti-Semitism, and

anticommunism were linked together by a social Darwinian
theory of struggle that stressed the
right of superior nations to Lebensraum (“living space”)
through expansion and the right of
superior individuals to secure authoritarian leadership over the
masses.
After Hitler's release from prison, the Nazi Party rapidly
expanded to all parts of Germany,
increasing from 27,000 members in 1925 to 178,000 by the end
of 1929. By 1932, the Nazi Party
had 800,000 members and had become the largest party in the
Reichstag, the German parliament.
No doubt, Germany's economic difficulties were a crucial factor
in the Nazis' rise to power.
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Unemployment had risen dramatically, from 4.35 million in
1931 to 6 million by the winter of
1932. The economic and psychological impact of the Great
Depression made extremist parties
more attractive. Hitler's appeal to national pride, national
honor, and traditional militarism struck
chords of emotion in his listeners, and the raw energy projected
by his Nazi Party contrasted
sharply with the apparent ineptitude emanating from its
democratic rivals. As the conservative
elites of Germany came to see Hitler as the man who could save
Germany from a Communist
takeover, President Paul von Hindenburg agreed to allow Hitler
to become chancellor on January
30, 1933, and form a new government.

Within two months, Hitler had convinced Hindenburg to issue a
decree suspending all basic
rights for the full duration of the emergency—declared after a
mysterious fire destroyed the
Reichstag building in downtown Berlin—thus enabling the
Nazis to arrest and imprison anyone
without redress. When the Reichstag empowered the
government to dispense with constitutional
forms for four years while it issued laws that dealt with the
country's problems, Hitler became a
dictator appointed by the parliamentary body itself. The final
step came on August 2, 1934, when
Hindenburg died. The office of Reich president was abolished,
and Hitler became sole ruler of
Germany. Public officials and soldiers were all required to take
a personal oath of loyalty to
Hitler as the “Führer (leader) of the German Reich and people.”
THE NAZI STATE, 1933–1939 Having smashed the Weimar
Republic, Hitler now turned to his
larger objective, the creation of a totalitarian state that would
dominate Europe and possibly the
world for generations to come. Mass demonstrations and
spectacles were employed to integrate
the German nation into a collective fellowship and to mobilize
it as an instrument for Hitler's
policies. In the economic sphere, the Nazis pursued the use of
public works projects and
“pump-priming” grants to private construction firms to foster
employment and end the
depression. But there is little doubt that rearmament contributed
far more to solving the
unemployment problem. Unemployment, which had stood at 6
million in 1932, dropped to 2.6
million in 1934 and fell below 500,000 in 1937. Although Hitler
himself had little interest in

either economics or administration, his prestige undoubtedly
benefited enormously from
spontaneous efforts undertaken throughout the country by his
followers.
For its enemies, the Nazi totalitarian state had its instruments of
terror and repression.
Especially important was the SS (Schutzstaffel, or “protection
echelon”). Originally created as
Hitler's personal bodyguard, the SS, under the direction of
Heinrich Himmler (1900–1945), came
to control all of the regular and secret police forces. Other
institutions, including the Catholic and
Protestant churches, primary and secondary schools, and
universities, were also brought under
the control of the state. Nazi professional organizations and
leagues were formed for civil
servants, teachers, women, farmers, doctors, and lawyers; youth
organizations—the Hitler
Jugend (Hitler Youth) and its female counterpart, the Bund
Deutscher Mädel (League of German
Maidens)—were given special attention.
The Führer Makes History! A common characteristic of modern
totalitarian movements is their effort
to mold all citizens from their earliest years into obedient
servants of the state. In Nazi Germany, the
vehicle responsible for training young minds was the Hitler
Jugend (Hitler Youth). In this photograph,
Adolf Hitler inspects members of the organization at a
ceremony held sometime during the 1930s. On
graduation, each member took an oath: “I swear to devote all
my energies and my strength to the savior of
our country, Adolf Hitler. I am willing and ready to give up my

life for him, so help me God.”The Nazi
attitude toward women was largely determined by ideological
considerations. To the Nazis, the
differences between men and women were quite natural. Men
were warriors and political leaders,
while women were destined to be wives and mothers. Certain
professions, including university
teaching, medicine, and law, were considered inappropriate for
women. Instead, women were
encouraged to pursue professional occupations that had direct
practical application, such as social
work and nursing. A key goal of the Nazi regime was to resolve
“the Jewish question.” In September
1935, the Nazis announced new racial laws at the annual party
rally in Nuremberg. These laws
excluded Jews from German citizenship and forbade marriages
and extramarital relations between
Jews and German citizens. A more violent phase of anti-Jewish
activity was initiated on November
9–10, 1938, the infamous Kristallnacht, or night of shattered
glass. The assassination of a German
diplomat in Paris became the excuse for a Nazi-led destructive
rampage against the Jews;
synagogues were burned, 7,000 Jewish businesses were
destroyed, and at least one hundred Jews
were killed. Moreover, 20,000 Jewish males were rounded up
and sent to concentration camps.
Jews were now barred from all public buildings and prohibited
from owning, managing, or working in
any retail store. Hitler would soon turn to more gruesome
measures. The Spread of Authoritarianism
in Europe Nowhere had the map of Europe been more
drastically altered by World War I than in
eastern Europe. The new states of Austria, Poland,
Czechoslovakia, and Yugoslavia adopted
parliamentary systems, and the preexisting kingdoms of

Romania and Bulgaria gained new
parliamentary constitutions in 1920. Greece became a republic
in 1924. Hungary's government was
parliamentary in form but controlled by its landed aristocrats.
Thus, at the beginning of the 1920s,
the future of political democracy seemed promising. Yet almost
everywhere in eastern Europe,
parliamentary governments soon gave way to authoritarian
regimes. Several factors helped create
this situation. Eastern European states had little tradition of
liberalism or parliamentary politics and
no substantial middle class to support them. Then, too, these
states were predominantly rural and
agrarian. Many of the peasants were largely illiterate, and much
of the land was still dominated by
large landowners who feared the growth of agrarian peasant
parties with their schemes for land
redistribution. Ethnic conflicts also threatened to tear these
countries apart. Fearful of land reform,
Communist agrarian upheaval, and ethnic conflict, powerful
landowners, the churches, and even
some members of the small middle class looked to authoritarian
governments to maintain the old
system. Only Czechoslovakia, with its substantial middle class,
liberal tradition, and strong industrial
base, maintained its political democracy. In Spain, democracy
also failed to survive. Fearful of the
rising influence of left-wing elements in the government, in
July 1936 Spanish military forces led by
General Francisco Franco (1892–1975) launched a brutal and
bloody civil war that lasted three
years. Foreign intervention complicated the situation. Franco's
forces were aided by arms, money,
and men from Italy and Germany, and the government was
assisted by 40,000 foreign volunteers
and trucks, planes, tanks, and military advisers from the Soviet

Union. After Franco's forces captured
Madrid on March 28, 1939, the Spanish Civil War finally came
to an end. General Franco soon
established a dictatorship that favored large landowners,
businessmen, and the Catholic clergy. The
Rise of Militarism in Japan The rise of militant forces in Japan
resulted not from a seizure of power
by a new political party but from the growing influence of
nationalist elements at the top of the
political hierarchy. During the 1920s, a multiparty system based
on democratic practices appeared
to be emerging. Two relatively moderate political parties, the
Minseito and the Seiyukai, dominated
the Diet and took turns providing executive leadership in the
cabinet. Radical elements existed at
each end of the political spectrum, but neither militant
nationalists nor violent revolutionaries
appeared to present a threat to the stability of the system. In
fact, the political system was probably
weaker than it seemed at the time. Both of the major parties
were deeply dependent on campaign
contributions from powerful corporations (the zaibatsu), and
conservative forces connected to the
military or the old landed aristocracy were still highly
influential behind the scenes. As in the Weimar
Republic in Germany during the same period, the actual power
base of moderate political forces was
weak, and politicians unwittingly undermined the fragility of
the system by engaging in bitter attacks
on each other. Political tensions in Japan increased in 1928
when Chiang Kai-shek's forces seized
Shanghai and several provinces in central China. In the next few
years, Chiang engaged in

negotiations with the remaining warlords north of the Yangtze
River and made clear his intention to
integrate the region, including the three provinces in
Manchuria, into the new Nanjing republic. This
plan represented a direct threat to military strategists in Japan,
who viewed resource-rich Manchuria
as the key to their country's expansion onto the Chinese
mainland. When Zhang Xueliang, son and
successor of the Japanese puppet Zhang Zuolin (see Chapter 5),
resisted Japanese threats and
decided to integrate Manchuria into the Nanjing republic, the
Japanese were shocked. “You forget,”
Zhang told one Japanese official, “that I am Chinese.”1 Appeals
from Tokyo to Washington for a U.S.
effort to restrain Chiang Kai-shek were rebuffed. Militant
nationalists, outraged at Japan's loss of
influence in Manchuria, began to argue that the Shidehara
policy of peaceful cooperation with other
nations in maintaining the existing international economic order
had been a failure. THE MUKDEN
INCIDENT In September 1931, acting on the pretext that
Chinese troops had attacked a Japanese
railway near the northern Chinese city of Mukden, Japanese
military units stationed in the area
seized control throughout Manchuria. Although Japanese
military authorities in Manchuria
announced that China had provoked the action, the “Mukden
incident,” as it was called, had actually
been carried out by Japanese saboteurs. Eventually, worldwide
protests against the Japanese action
led the League of Nations to send an investigative commission
to Manchuria. When the commission
issued a report condemning the seizure, Japan angrily withdrew
from the League. Over the next
several years, the Japanese consolidated their hold on
Manchuria, renaming it Manchukuo and

placing it under the titular authority of former Chinese emperor
and now Japanese puppet, Pu Yi.
Although no one knew it at the time, the Mukden incident would
later be singled out by some
observers as the opening shot of World War II. The failure of
the League of Nations to take decisive
action sent a strong signal to Japan and other potentially
aggressive states that they might pursue
their objectives without the risk of united opposition by the
major world powers. Despite its
agonizing efforts to build a system of peace and stability that
would prevent future wars, the League
had failed to resolve the challenges of the postwar era.
DEMOCRACY IN CRISIS Civilian officials in
Tokyo had been horrified by the unilateral actions undertaken
by ultranational Japanese military
elements in Manchuria, but were cowed into silence. Despite
doubts about the wisdom of the
Mukden incident, the cabinet was too divided to disavow it, and
military officers in Manchuria
increasingly acted on their own initiative. During the early
1930s, civilian cabinets were also
struggling to cope with the economic challenges presented by
the Great Depression. Already
suffering from the decline of its business interests on the
mainland, Japan began to feel the impact
of the Great Depression after 1929 when the United States and
major European nations raised their
tariffs against Japanese imports in a desperate effort to protect
local businesses and jobs. The
value of Japanese exports dropped by 50 percent from 1929 to
1931, and wages dropped nearly as
much. Hardest hit were the farmers as the prices of rice and

other staple food crops plummeted. By
abandoning the gold standard, Prime Minister Inukai Tsuyoshi
was able to lower the price of
Japanese goods on the world market, and exports climbed back
to earlier levels. But the political
parties were no longer able to stem the growing influence of
militant nationalist elements. In May
1932, Inukai Tsuyoshi was assassinated by right-wing
extremists. He was succeeded by a moderate,
Admiral Saito Makoto, but ultranationalist patriotic societies
began to terrorize opponents,
assassinating businessmen and public figures identified with the
policy of conciliation toward the
outside world. Some, like the publicist Kita Ikki, were
convinced that the parliamentary system had
been corrupted by materialism and Western values and should
be replaced by a system that would
return to traditional Japanese values and imperial authority. His
message “Asia for the Asians” had
not won widespread support during the relatively prosperous
1920s but increased in popularity after
the Great Depression, which convinced many Japanese that
capitalism was unsuitable for Japan.
During the mid-1930s, the influence of the military and extreme
nationalists over the government
steadily increased. Minorities and left-wing elements were
persecuted, and moderates were
intimidated into silence. Terrorists put on trial for their part in
assassination attempts portrayed
themselves as selfless patriots and received light sentences.
Japan continued to hold national
elections, and moderate candidates continued to receive
substantial popular support, but the
cabinets were dominated by the military or advocates of
Japanese expansionism. In February 1936,
junior officers in the army led a coup in the capital city of

Tokyo, briefly occupying the Diet building
and other key government installations and assassinating …
Rubic_Print_FormatCourse CodeClass CodeAssignment
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arbitration resolution is incomplete or incorrect.A description of
the advantages and disadvantages of an arbitration resolution is
complete but lacks supporting detail.A description of the
advantages and disadvantages of an arbitration resolution is
complete and includes supporting detail.A description of the
advantages and disadvantages of an arbitration resolution is
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detail.Advantages and Disadvantages of a Mediation
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The Project Gutenberg EBook of Kipling Stories and Poems
Every Child
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Title: Kipling Stories and Poems Every Child Should Know,
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Author: Rudyard Kipling
Editor: Mary E. Burt
W. T. Chapin
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The Riverside Literature Series
Kipling Stories and Poems
Every Child Should Know
BOOK II
From Rudyard Kipling's The Seven Seas, The Days Work, Etc.
EDITED BY
MARY E. BURT and W. T. CHAPIN, Ph.D. (Princeton)
The Riverside Press
BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO SAN FRANCISCO
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY

The Riverside Press Cambridge
COPYRIGHT, 1891, 1893, 1894, 1895, 1896, 1897, 1898,
1899, 1900, 1901, 1902, 1903, 1907, 1909
BY RUDYARD KIPLING
COPYRIGHT, 1891, BY WOLCOTT BALESTIER
COPYRIGHT, 1892, 1893, 1895, BY MACMILLAN &
COMPANY
COPYRIGHT, 1893, 1905, BY D. APPLETON & COMPANY
COPYRIGHT, 1893, 1894, 1897, 1898, BY THE CENTURY
COMPANY
COPYRIGHT, 1894, BY HARPER & BROTHERS
COPYRIGHT, 1900, BY THE CURTIS PUBLISHING
COMPANY
PUBLISHED, APRIL, 1909
The Riverside Press
CAMBRIDGE · MASSACHUSETTS

CONTENTS
PAGE
Biographical Sketch—Charles Eliot Norton vii
Part IV
(Continued from Book I, Riverside Literature Series, No. 257)
IV. Baa, Baa, Black Sheep (from "Under the Deodars," etc.) 143
V. Wee Willie Winkie (from "Under the Deodars," etc.) 188
VI. The Dove of Dacca (from "Departmental Ditties and Ballads
and Barrack-room Ballads")
205
VII. The Smoke upon Your Altar Dies (from "Departmental
Ditties and Ballads and
Barrack-room Ballads") 207
VIII. Recessional (from "The Five Nations") 208
IX. L'Envoi (from "The Seven Seas") 210
Part V
I. The Sing-Song of Old Man Kangaroo (from "Just So Stories")
213
II. Fuzzy Wuzzy (from "Departmental Ditties and Ballads and
Barrack-room Ballads")
222
III. The English Flag (from "Departmental Ditties and Ballads
225
IV. The King (from "The Seven Seas") 231
V. To the Unknown Goddess (from "Departmental Ditties and
Ballads and Barrack-room
Ballads") 234
VI. The Galley Slave (from "Departmental Ditties and Ballads
235
VII. The Ship That Found Herself (from "The Day's Work") 238
Part VI

I. A Trip Across a Continent (from "Captains Courageous") 267
II. The Children of the Zodiac (from "Many Inventions") 274
III. The Bridge Builders (from "The Day's Work") 299
IV. The Miracles (from "The Seven Seas") 351
V. Our Lady of the Snows (from "The Five Nations") 353
VI. The Song of the Women (from "The Naulahka") 356
VII. The White Man's Burden (from "The Five Nations") 359
ILLUSTRATIONS BY RUDYARD KIPLING
Initial for "The Sing-Song of Old Man Kangaroo" 213
A picture of Old Man Kangaroo when he was the Different
Animal with four short legs
215
Old Man Kangaroo at five in the afternoon, when he had got his
beautiful hind legs just as Big
God Nqong had promised 217
[vii]
A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH
BY CHARLES ELIOT NORTON
The deep and widespread interest which the writings of Mr.
Rudyard Kipling have excited has
naturally led to curiosity concerning their author and to a desire
to know the conditions of his life.
Much has been written about him which has had little or no
foundation in truth. It seems, then,
worth while, in order to prevent false or mistaken reports from
being accepted as trustworthy,
and in order to provide for the public such information
concerning Mr. Kipling as it has a right to
possess, that a correct and authoritative statement of the chief
events in his life should be given
to it. This is the object of the following brief narrative.

Rudyard Kipling was born at Bombay on the 30th of December,
1865. His mother, Alice,
daughter of the Rev. G. B. Macdonald, a Wesleyan preacher,
eminent in that denomination, and
his father, John Lockwood Kipling, the son also of a Wesleyan
preacher, were both of Yorkshire
birth. They had been married in London early in the year, and
they named their first-born child
after the pretty lake in[viii] Staffordshire on the borders of
which their acquaintance had begun.
Mr. Lockwood Kipling, after leaving school, had served his
apprenticeship in one of the famous
Staffordshire potteries at Burslem, had afterward worked in the
studio of the sculptor, Mr. Birnie
Philip, and from 1861 to 1865 had been engaged on the
decorations of the South Kensington
Museum. During our American war and in the years
immediately following, the trade of Bombay
was exceedingly flourishing, the city was immensely
prosperous, a spirit of inflation possessed
the Government and the people alike, there were great designs
for the improvement and
rebuilding of large portions of the town, and a need was felt for
artistic oversight and direction of
the works in hand and contemplated. The distinction which Mr.
Lockwood Kipling had already
won by his native ability and thorough training led to his being
appointed in 1865 to go to
Bombay as the professor of Architectural Sculpture in the
British School of Art which had been
established there.
It was thus that Rudyard Kipling came to be born in the most
cosmopolitan city of the Eastern
world, and it was there and in its neighbourhood that the first
three years of the boy's life were

spent, years in which every child receives ineffaceable
impressions, shaping his conceptions of
the world, and in which a child of peculiarly sensitive nature
and active disposition, such as this
boy possessed, lies open to[ix] myriad influences that quicken
and give colour to the
imagination.
In the spring of 1868 he was taken by his mother for a visit to
England, and there, in the same
year, his sister was born. In the next year his mother returned to
India with both her children,
and the boy's next two years were spent at and near Bombay.
He was a friendly and receptive child, eager, interested in all
the various entertaining aspects of
life in a city which, "gleaning all races from all lands," presents
more diversified and picturesque
varieties of human condition than any other, East or West. A
little incident which his mother
remembers is not without a pretty allegoric significance. It was
at Nasik, on the Dekhan plain,
not far from Bombay: the little fellow trudging over the
ploughed field, with his hand in that of the
native husbandman, called back to her in the Hindustani, which
was as familiar to him as
English, "Good-bye, this is my brother."
In 1871 Mr. and Mrs. Kipling went with their children to
England, and being compelled to return
to India the next year, they took up the sorrow common to
Anglo-Indian lives, in leaving their
children "at home," in charge of friends at Southsea, near

Portsmouth. It was a hard and sad
experience for the boy. The originality of his nature and the
independence of his spirit had
already become clearly manifest, and were likely to render him
unintelligible and perplexing to
whosoever might have charge of him unless[x] they were gifted
with unusual perceptions and
quick sympathies. Happily his mother's sister, Mrs. (now Lady)
Burne-Jones, was near at hand,
in case of need, to care for him.
In the spring of 1877 Mrs. Kipling came to England to see her
children, and was followed the
next year by her husband. The children were removed from
Southsea, and Rudyard, grown into
a companionable, active-minded, interesting boy, now in his
thirteenth year, had the delight of
spending some weeks in Paris, with his father, attracted thither
by the exhibition of that year. His
eyesight had been for some time a source of trouble to him, and
the relief was great from
glasses, which were specially fitted to his eyes, and with which
he has never since been able to
dispense.
On the return of his parents to India, early in 1878, Rudyard
was placed at the school of
Westward Ho, at Bideford, in Devon. This school was one
chiefly intended for the sons of
members of the Indian services, most of whom were looking
forward to following their fathers'
careers as servants of the Crown. It was in charge of an
admirable head-master, Mr. Cormell
Price, whose character was such that he won the affection of his
boys no less than their
respect. The young Kipling was not an easy boy to manage. He

chose his own way. His talents
were such that he might have held a place near the highest in his
studies, but he was content to
let others surpass him[xi] in lessons, while he yielded to his
genius in devoting himself to original
composition and to much reading in books of his own choice.
He became the editor of the
school paper, he contributed to the columns of the local
Bideford Journal, he wrote a quantity of
verse, and was venturesome enough to send a copy of verses to
a London journal, which, to his
infinite satisfaction, was accepted and published. Some of his
verses were afterward collected
in a little volume, privately printed by his parents at Lahore,
with the title "Schoolboy Lyrics." All
through his time at school his letters to his parents in India were
such as to make it clear to
them that his future lay in the field of literature.
His literary gifts came to him by inheritance from both the
father and mother, and they were
nurtured and cultivated in the circle of relatives and family
friends with whom his holidays were
spent. A sub-master at Westward Ho, though little satisfied with
the boy's progress in the
studies of the school, gave to him the liberty of his own
excellent library. The holidays were
spent at the Grange, in South Kensington, the home of his aunt
and uncle, Mr. and Mrs.
Burne-Jones, and here he came under the happiest possible
domestic influences, and was
brought into contact with men of highest quality, whose lives
were given to letters and the arts,

especially with William Morris, the closest intimate of the
household of the Grange. Other homes
were open to him where the[xii] pervading influence was that of
intellectual pursuits, and where
he had access to libraries through which he was allowed to
wander and to browse at his will.
The good which came to him, directly and indirectly, from these
opportunities can hardly be
overstated. To know, to love, and to be loved by such a man as
Burne-Jones was a supreme
blessing in his life.
In the autumn of 1882, having finished his course at school, a
position was secured for him on
the Civil and Military Gazette, Lahore, and he returned to his
parents in India, who had
meanwhile removed from Bombay to Lahore, where his father
was at the head of the most
important school of the arts in India. The Civil and Military
Gazette is the chief journal of
northwestern India, owned and conducted by the managers and
owners of the Allahabad
Pioneer, the ablest and most influential of all Indian newspapers
published in the interior of the
country.
For five years he worked hard and steadily on the Gazette.
Much of the work was simple
drudgery. He shirked nothing. The editor-in-chief was a
somewhat grim man, who believed in
snubbing his subordinates, and who, though he recognized the
talents of the "clever pup," as he
called him, and allowed him a pretty free hand in his
contributions to the paper, yet was inclined
to exact from him the full tale of the heavy routine work of a
newspaper office.

But these were happy years. For the youth was[xiii] feeling the
spring of his own powers, was
full of interest in life, was laying up stores of observation and
experience, and found in his own
home not only domestic happiness, but a sympathy in taste and
a variety of talent and
accomplishment which acted as a continual stimulus to his own
genius. Father, mother, sister,
and brother all played and worked together with rare
combination of sympathetic gifts. In 1885
some of the verses with the writing of which he and his sister
had amused themselves were
published at Lahore, in a little volume entitled "Echoes,"
because most of them were lively
parodies on some of the poems of the popular poets of the day.
The little book had its moment
of narrowly limited success and opened the way for the wider
notoriety and success of a volume
into which were gathered the "Departmental Ditties" that had
appeared from time to time in the
Gazette. Many of the stories also which were afterward
collected under the now familiar title of
"Plain Tales from the Hills" made their first appearance in the
Gazette, and attracted wide
attention in the Anglo-Indian community.
Kipling's work for five years at Lahore had indeed been of such
quality that it was not surprising
that he was called down to Allahabad, in 1887, to take a place
upon the editorial staff of the
Pioneer. The training of an Anglo-Indian journalist is peculiar.
He has to master knowledge of

many kinds, to become thoroughly acquainted with the affairs of
the[xiv] English administration
and the conditions of Anglo-Indian life, and at the same time
with the interests, the modes of life,
and thought of the vast underlying native population. The
higher positions in Indian journalism
are places of genuine importance and of large emolument,
worthy objects of ambition for a
young man conscious of literary faculty and inspired with zeal
for public ends.
The Pioneer issued a weekly as well as a daily edition, and in
addition to his regular work upon
the daily paper, Kipling continued to write for the weekly issue
stories similar to those which had
already won him reputation, and they now attracted wider
attention than ever. His home at
Allahabad was with Professor Hill, a man of science attached to
the Allahabad College. But the
continuity of his life was broken by various journeys undertaken
in the interest of the
paper—one through Rajputana, from which he wrote a series of
descriptive letters, called
"Letters of Marque"; another to Calcutta and through Bengal,
which resulted in "The City of
Dreadful Night" and other letters describing the little-known
conditions of the vast presidency;
and, finally, in 1889, he was sent off by the Pioneer on a tour
round the world, on which he was
accompanied by his friends, Professor and Mrs. Hill. Going first
to Japan, he thence came to
America, writing on the way and in America the letters which
appeared in the Pioneer under the
title of "From[xv] Sea to Sea"; and in September, 1889, he
arrived in London.

His Indian repute had not preceded him to such degree as to
make the way easy for him
through the London crowd. But after a somewhat dreary winter,
during which he had been
making acquaintances and had found irregular employment upon
newspapers and magazines,
arrangements were made with Messrs. Macmillan & Co. for the
publication of an edition of
"Plain Tales from the Hills." The book appeared in June. Its
success was immediate. It was
republished at once in America, and was welcomed as warmly
on this side of the Atlantic as on
the other. The reprint of Kipling's other Indian stories and of his
"Departmental Ditties" speedily
followed, together with the new tales and poems which showed
the wide range of his creative
genius. Each volume was a fresh success; each extended the
circle of Mr. Kipling's readers, till
now he is the most widely known of English authors.
In 1891 Mr. Kipling left England for a long voyage to South
Africa, Australia, New Zealand, and
Ceylon, and thence to visit his parents at Lahore. On his return
to England, he was married in
London to Miss Balestier, daughter of the late Mr. Wolcott
Balestier of New York. Shortly after
their marriage, Mr. and Mrs. Kipling visited Japan, and in
August they came to America.
They[xvi] established their home at Brattleboro, Vermont,
where Mrs. Kipling's family had a
large estate: and here, in a pleasant and beautifully situated
house which they had built for
themselves, their two eldest children were born, and here they
continued to live till September,
1896.

During these four years Mr. Kipling made three brief visits to
England to see his parents, who
had left India and were now settled in the old country.
The winter of 1897-98 was spent by Mr. Kipling and his family,
accompanied by his father, in
South Africa. He was everywhere received with the utmost
cordiality and friendliness.
Returning to England in the spring of 1898, he took a house at
Rottingdean, near Brighton, with
intention to make it his permanent home.
Of the later incidents of his life there is no need to speak.
[143]
IV
BAA, BAA, BLACK SHEEP
At the School Council Baa, Baa, Black Sheep was elected to a
very high position among the
Kipling Stories "because it shows how mean they were to a boy
and he did n't need it."
Baa, Baa, Black Sheep,
Have you any wool?
Yes, Sir; yes, Sir; three bags full.
One for the Master, one for the Dame—
None for the Little Boy that cries down the lane.
—Nursery Rhyme.
THE FIRST BAG
"When I was in my father's house, I was in a better place."

T
hey were putting Punch to bed—the ayah and the hamal, and
Meeta, the big Surti boy with the
red and gold turban. Judy, already tucked inside her mosquito-
curtains, was nearly asleep.
Punch had been allowed to stay up for dinner. Many privileges
had been accorded to Punch
within the last ten days, and a greater kindness from the people
of his world had encompassed
his ways and works, which were mostly obstreperous. He sat on
the edge of his bed and swung
his bare legs defiantly.[144]
"Punch-baba going to bye-lo?" said the ayah suggestively.
"No," said Punch. "Punch-baba wants the story about the Ranee
that was turned into a tiger.
Meeta must tell it, and the hamal shall hide behind the door and
make tiger-noises at the proper
time."
"But Judy-Baba will wake up," said the ayah.
"Judy-baba is waking," piped a small voice from the mosquito-
curtains. "There was a Ranee that
lived at Delhi. Go on, Meeta," and she fell asleep again while
Meeta began the story.
Never had Punch secured the telling of that tale with so little
opposition. He reflected for a long
time. The hamal made the tiger-noises in twenty different keys.

"'Top!" said Punch authoritatively. "Why does n't Papa come in
and say he is going to give me
put-put?"
"Punch-baba is going away," said the ayah. "In another week
there will be no Punch-baba to
pull my hair any more." She sighed softly, for the boy of the
household was very dear to her
heart.
"Up the Ghauts in a train?" said Punch, standing on his bed.
"All the way to Nassick, where the
Ranee-Tiger lives?"
"Not to Nassick this year, little Sahib," said Meeta, lifting him
on his shoulder. "Down to the sea
where the cocoanuts are thrown, and across the sea in a big
ship. Will you take Meeta with you
to Belait?"[145]
"You shall all come," said Punch, from the height of Meeta's
strong arms. "Meeta and the ayah
and the hamal and Bhini-in-the-Garden, and the salaam-Captain-
Sahib-snake-man."
There was no mockery in Meeta's voice when he replied—
"Great is the Sahib's favour," and laid
the little man down in the bed, while the ayah, sitting in the
moonlight at the doorway, lulled him
to sleep with an interminable canticle such as they sing in the
Roman Catholic Church at Parel.
Punch curled himself into a ball and slept.
Next morning Judy shouted that there was a rat in the nursery,
and thus he forgot to tell her the
wonderful news. It did not much matter, for Judy was only three

and she would not have
understood. But Punch was five; and he knew that going to
England would be much nicer than a
trip to Nassick.
And Papa and Mamma sold the brougham and the piano, and
stripped the house, and curtailed
the allowance of crockery for the daily meals, and took long
council together over a bundle of
letters bearing the Rocklington postmark.
"The worst of it is that one can't be certain of anything," said
Papa, pulling his moustache. "The
letters in themselves are excellent, and the terms are moderate
enough."
"The worst of it is that the children will grow[146] up away
from me," thought Mamma; but she
did not say it aloud.
"We are only one case among hundreds," said Papa bitterly.
"You shall go Home again in five
years, dear."
"Punch will be ten then—and Judy eight. Oh, how long and long
and long the time will be! And
we have to leave them among strangers."
"Punch is a cheery little chap. He's sure to make friends
wherever he goes."
"And who could help loving my Ju?"

They were standing over the cots in the nursery late at night,
and I think that Mamma was crying
softly. After Papa had gone away, she knelt down by the side of
Judy's cot. The ayah saw her
and put up a prayer that the memsahib might never find the love
of her children taken away
from her and given to a stranger.
Mamma's own prayer was a slightly illogical one. Summarized
it ran: "Let strangers love my
children and be as good to them as I should be, but let me
preserve their love and their
confidence for ever and ever. Amen." Punch scratched himself
in his sleep, and Judy moaned a
little. That seems to be the only answer to the prayer: and, next
day, they all went down to the
sea, and there was a scene at the Apollo Bunder when Punch
discovered that Meeta could not
come too, and Judy learned that the ayah must be left behind.
But Punch found a[147] thousand
fascinating things in the rope, block, and steam-pipe line on the
big P. and O. Steamer, long
before Meeta and the ayah had dried their tears.
"Come back, Punch-baba," said the ayah.
"Come back," said Meeta, "and be a Burra Sahib."
"Yes," said Punch, lifted up in his father's arms to wave good-
bye. "Yes, I will come back, and I
will be a Burra Sahib Bahadur!"
At the end of the first day Punch demanded to be set down in
England, which he was certain
must be close at hand. Next day there was a merry breeze, and
Punch was very sick. "When I

come back to Bombay," said Punch on his recovery, "I will
come by the road—in a broom-gharri.
This is a very naughty ship."
The Swedish boatswain consoled him, and he modified his
opinions as the voyage went on.
There was so much to see and to handle and ask questions about
that Punch nearly forgot the
ayah and Meeta and the hamal, and with difficulty remembered
a few words of the Hindustani
once his second-speech.
But Judy was much worse. The day before the steamer reached
Southampton, Mamma asked
her if she would not like to see the ayah again. Judy's blue eyes
turned to the stretch of sea that
had swallowed all her tiny past, and she said: "Ayah! What
ayah?"[148]
Mamma cried over her, and Punch marveled. It was then that he
heard for the first time
Mamma's passionate appeal to him never to let Judy forget
Mamma. Seeing that Judy was
young, ridiculously young, and that Mamma, every evening for
four weeks past, had come into
the cabin to sing her and Punch to sleep with a mysterious tune
that he called "Sonny, my soul,"
Punch could not understand what Mamma meant. But he strove
to do his duty, for the moment
Mamma left the cabin, he said to Judy: "Ju, you bemember
Mamma?"
"'Torse I do," said Judy.

"Then always bemember Mamma, 'r else I won't give you the
paper ducks that the red-haired
Captain Sahib cut out for me."
So Judy promised always to "bemember Mamma."
Many and many a time was Mamma's command laid upon
Punch, and Papa would say the
same thing with an insistence that awed the child.
"You must make haste and learn to write, Punch," said Papa,
"and then you'll be able to write
letters to us in Bombay."
"I'll come into your room," said Punch, and Papa choked.
Papa and Mamma were always choking in those days. If Punch
took Judy to task for not
"bemembering," they choked. If Punch sprawled on[149] the
sofa in the Southampton
lodging-house and sketched his future in purple and gold, they
choked; and so they did if Judy
put up her mouth for a kiss.
Through many days all four were vagabonds on the face of the
earth: Punch with no one to give
orders to, Judy too young for anything, and Papa and Mamma
grave, distracted, and choking.
"Where," demanded Punch, wearied of a loathsome contrivance
on four wheels with a mound of
luggage atop—"where is our broom-gharri? This thing talks so
much that I can't talk. Where is
our own broom-gharri? When I was at Bandstand before we
comed away, I asked Inverarity

Sahib why he was sitting in it, and he said it was his own. And I
said, 'I will give it you'—I like
Inverarity Sahib—and I said, 'Can you put your legs through the
pully-wag loops by the
windows? And Inverarity Sahib said No, and laughed. I can put
my legs through the pully-wag
loops. I can put my legs through these pully-wag loops. Look!
Oh, Mamma's crying again! I did
n't know. I was n't not to do so."
Punch drew his legs out of the loops of the four-wheeler: the
door opened and he slid to the
earth, in a cascade of parcels, at the door of an austere little
villa whose gates bore the legend
"Downe Lodge." Punch gathered himself together and eyed the
house with disfavour. It stood on
a sandy[150] road, and a cold wind tickled his knickerbockered
legs.
"Let us go away," said Punch. "This is not a pretty place."
But Mamma and Papa and Judy had quitted the cab, and all the
luggage was being taken into
the house. At the door-step stood a woman in black, and she
smiled largely, with dry chapped
lips. Behind her was a man, big, bony, gray, and lame as to one
leg—behind him a boy of
twelve, black-haired and oily in appearance. Punch surveyed the
trio, and advanced without
fear, as he had been accustomed to do in Bombay when callers
came and he happened to be
playing in the veranda.

"How do you do?" said he. "I am Punch." But they were all
looking at the luggage—all except
the gray man, who shook hands with Punch and said he was a
"smart little fellow." There was
much running about and banging of boxes, and Punch curled
himself up on the sofa in the
dining-room and considered things.
"I don't like these people," said Punch. "But never mind. We'll
go away soon. We have always
went away soon from everywhere. I wish we was gone back to
Bombay soon."
The wish bore no fruit. For six days Mamma wept at intervals,
and showed the woman in black
all Punch's clothes—a liberty which Punch resented. "But p'raps
she's a new white ayah,"
he[151] thought. "I'm to call her Antirosa, but she does n't call
me Sahib. She says just Punch,"
he confided to Judy. "What is Antirosa?"
Judy did n't know. Neither she nor Punch had heard anything of
an animal called an aunt. Their
world had been Papa and Mamma, who knew everything,
permitted everything, and loved
everybody—even Punch when he used to go into the garden at
Bombay and fill his nails with
mold after the weekly nail-cutting, because, as he explained
between two strokes of the slipper
to his sorely tried Father, his fingers "felt so new at the ends."
In an undefined way Punch judged it advisable to keep both
parents between himself and the
woman in black and the boy in black hair. He did not approve of
them. He liked the gray man,
who had expressed a wish to be called "Uncleharri." They

nodded at each other when they met,
and the gray man showed him a little ship with rigging that took
up and down.
"She is a model of the Brisk—the little Brisk that was sore
exposed that day at Navarino." The
gray man hummed the last words and fell into a reverie. "I'll tell
you about Navarino, Punch,
when we go for walks together; and you must n't touch the ship,
because she's the Brisk."
Long before that walk, the first of many, was taken, they roused
Punch and Judy in the chill
dawn of a February morning to say Good-bye; and[152] of all
people in the wide earth to Papa
and Mamma—both crying this time. Punch was very sleepy and
Judy was cross.
"Don't forget us," pleaded Mamma. "Oh, …
B.J.Pol.S. 49, 711–737 Copyright © Cambridge University
Press, 2017
doi:10.1017/S0007123416000648
First published online 5 June 2017
The Territorial Expansion of the Colonial State:
Evidence from German East Africa 1890–1909
JAN PIERSKALLA, ALEXANDER DE JUAN AND MAX

MONTGOMERY*
What explains states’ sub-national territorial reach? While large
parts of the state-building literature have
focused on national capabilities, little is known about the
determinants of the unevenness of state
presence at the sub-national level. This article seeks to fill this
gap by looking at early attempts at state
building: it investigates the processes of state penetration in the
former colony of German East Africa.
Contrary to previous studies – which largely emphasized
antecedent or structural factors – the current
study argues that geographical patterns of state penetration have
been driven by the state’s strategic
imperative to solidify control over territory and establish
political stability. The article tests these proposi-
tions using an original, geo-referenced grid-cell dataset for the
years 1890 to 1909 based on extensive
historical records in German colonial yearbooks and maps.
Keywords: state building; colonialism; German East-Africa;
Africa
Why do states establish a formal presence in certain locations
rather than others? While classic
works of comparative politics and historical sociology have
touched on the connection between
the spatial unevenness of the state and the temporal patterns of
its extension,1 little research has
systematically explored the determinants of states’ sub-national
territorial expansion. This
article aims to fill this gap by studying patterns of state
expansion in a colonial setting. Rather
than analyzing the development of national capabilities, we
focus on the ‘sub-national
expansion of the state’ as it applies to the spread of state

institutions of control through the
national territory.2
State building involves a diverse range of functions, from early
attempts to establish a
rudimentary infrastructure of control and coercion (our focus
here) to the penetration of society
with a complex web of differentiated state institutions. The
process of the ‘primitive
accumulation of power’3 constitutes an initial and basic phase
of state building that focuses on
establishing state presence and control; in this phase, state
elites have limited ambitions beyond
territorial domination, since they are often constrained by a
disjuncture between their national
capabilities and the size of the territory they aim to control.4
These conditions characterize a
* Authors contributed equally. Department of Political Science,
The Ohio State University
(email: [email protected]); Department of Politics and Public
Administration, University of Konstanz
(email: [email protected]); German Institute of Global and Area
Studies (email: max.
[email protected]). We are grateful for the invaluable feedback
of Marcus Kurtz, Amanda
Robinson, Rick Herrmann, Alex Lee, Steven Wilkinson, Robert
Woodberry, Roberto Foa, panel participants at
APSA 2014 and 2015, three anonymous reviewers, and Sona
Golder as the responsible editor at BJPS. This
project received financial support from the Gerda-Henkel
Foundation. Online appendices are available at https://
doi.org/doi:10.1017/S0007123416000648 and data replication
sets are available at http://dataverse.harvard.edu/
dataverse/BJPolS.

1 Boone 2003; Herbst 2000; Mann 1984; Scott 2009; Weber
1976.
2 Mann 1984; Soifer 2006; Soifer and Hau 2008.
3 Cohen, Brown, and Organski 1981.
4 Herbst 2000, 76.
https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123416000648
mailto:[email protected]
http://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataverse/BJPolS
http://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataverse/BJPolS
transition phase, when states have claimed authority over a
specific region – including in a
colonized territory – but have not (yet) instigated a more
comprehensive state-building project.
We focus on this initial state-building phase to formulate a
theoretical argument of
sub-national expansion of the state. Departing from the previous
literature on institution
building, we argue that in this phase political stability and
territorial control – rather than
structural economic, geographical or socio-demographic factors
– are the prime factors guiding
a state’s allocation of scarce resources throughout its territory.
Therefore states prioritize areas
that have previously experienced violent resistance against the
state, as well as those that
promise to maximize territorial coverage and minimize ‘blank
spots’ of state absence.
We investigate these arguments with a detailed analysis of
colonial state building in former

German East Africa. The German Empire, a latecomer to the
colonial game, only sought territorial
possessions in the New Imperialism stage of colonialism.5 This
period was characterized by
European nations’ virtually insatiable hunger for territorial
acquisitions overseas, as the result of
a highly nationalistic environment demanding that nations
solidify their international standing
both internationally and domestically. As such, Germany’s
colonial endeavor in Africa, like
other imperial powers at the time, was motivated less by
resource extraction and more by a desire
for prestige and competition with other European powers, which
led to a very specific scope
of objectives in the colony, contrasting with other phases of
European colonialism. While unique
in some ways, analyzing German colonial rule in German East
Africa can shed light on the
rudimentary processes of state penetration in the early phases of
state building.
We conduct an in-depth analysis of state-building efforts by the
German colonial
administration in the territories of former German East Africa
(which comprises today’s
Tanzania, Rwanda and Burundi) to test our arguments.
Information on state presence and the
colony’s socio-economic characteristics is culled from
extensive historical records found in
German colonial yearbooks and maps. We digitized and geo-
referenced this information
to create a detailed spatio-temporal record of German colonial
state-building efforts. We
supplement these quantitative data with additional qualitative
evidence from primary archival

sources from the colony.
First, we find consistent empirical evidence that violent
challenges to colonial rule were a
prime determinant of the geographic expansion of state
presence. Secondly, the desire to
establish comprehensive territorial control motivated colonial
administrators to consistently
commit scarce state resources to remote and inaccessible areas
of the colony, even though there
was no prior indication of economic viability. These decisions
allow us to infer that factors like
the potential for economic extraction or cost-driving
geographical and ecological features
mattered much less than is often emphasized.6
Our article makes two main contributions. First, our explanation
of the sub-national
expansion of the state refines and extends classic theories from
the comparative politics
literature to understand sub-national variation in the pattern of
state expansion. Our argument,
echoing Boone’s work, conceptualizes the sub-national
expansion of the state as endogenous
to the political context of the time and builds on bellicist
explanations of state building.7
We show that in the ‘primitive accumulation of power’ phase,
bellicist threats not only provide
5 New Imperialism refers to a period of enormous colonial
expansion, in particular by European powers, in
the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Colonial
acquisitions made in this era were generally driven by
both ideological reasons and a desire for state expansion, rather
than resource extraction or for the purposes of

settlement (Young 2001). While there are notable exceptions,
such as large parts of Northern Africa and South
Africa, the majority of colonial acquisitions in Africa fall into
this category.
6 E.g. Acemoglu and Robinson 2012; Engermann and Sokoloff
2002.
7 Boone 2003; Tilly 1990.
712 PIERSKALLA, DE JUAN AND MONTGOMERY
incentives to build state capacity, as prominently argued by
Tilly; the geographic distribution of
these threats shapes the spatial configuration of state capacity.
Moreover, our analysis
documents the political and incremental nature of state
expansion. Political dynamics – which
are often characterized by reactive, on-the-ground decision
making rather than structural
geographic, demographic or economic factors – appear to be the
primary catalyst for the sub-
national expansion of state institutions. This theoretical account
differs from existing work,
for example, Tilly’s argument of war making as state making,
due to its focus on the spatial
dimension of state building at the sub-national level and a more
explicit treatment of actual
strategic decision making by state actors.
Secondly, our findings add to research on the long-term
repercussions of early phases of state
building. More generally, a growing body of work has identified
‘critical junctures’ during periods
of pre-colonial and colonial rule and emphasized the importance

of early state building, in particular
its type and spatial extent, for modern institutions and current
levels of economic and political
development.8 While this research focuses on the consequences
of the historical processes of state
building and state expansion,9 there has been less systematic
research on the exact determinants of
spatial state-building patterns during the colonial period. Our
findings contribute to this research by
providing evidence of the factors that drove specific instances
of rudimentary state building.
PRIMACY OF TERRITORIAL CONTROL IN ‘PRIMITIVE’
STATE BUILDING
What explains geographic patterns of state expansion? More
general work on the emergence of
the modern state in Western Europe has emphasized
opportunities for extraction as a main
catalyst for state building and a primary determinant of its
shape.10 According to this literature,
the state’s survival depends on its ability to extract resources
from its land and population.11 Its
most prominent proponent, Tilly, elaborates on the dual
function of taxation: funding further
state expansion while catalyzing state control by increasing
administrative capacity.12 The
literature on colonial state building has even more strongly
emphasized extraction as the main
motive shaping the decision making of European powers during
this time.13
A second powerful motif evoked by the literature is that of the
state restrained by its physical
and financial limitations, such as geographic constraints and
cost considerations. Prominent

studies by Weber on eighteenth and nineteenth century France14
and Scott on Southeast Asia15
highlight that the abilities and costs of state penetration are
related to the distance and
accessibility of the targeted regions. Similarly, Herbst16
stresses that colonial states active in
sub-Saharan Africa during this time were engaged in a minimal
set of activities, which they
8 E.g. Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson 2001; Hariri 2012;
Mahoney 2010. Appendix Section 14 briefly
discusses the implications of our analysis for long-term
development.
9 We use two common terms: ‘state building’ and ‘state
expansion’ throughout the article. We use a simple
and intuitive definition for the first: the process of creating new
state institutions or strengthening existing ones
(Fukuyama 2004). We use ‘sub-national expansion of the state’
in a similar sense, but with a more geographical
connotation, namely for the process of creating state institutions
in geographical areas where the state has
previously not been present.
10 Levi 1989; Organski and Kugler 1980; Seidman 1986; Tilly
1990.
11 Levi 1989; Tilly 1990.
12 See also Finer 1975.
13 Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson 2001; Engerman and
Sokoloff 2002; Huillery 2011; Lange, Mahoney,
and vom Hau 2006; Naritomi, Soares, and Assunção 2012.
14 Weber 1976.
15 Scott 2009.
16 Herbst 2000.

Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 713
tried to carry out at the lowest possible cost. In remote areas
with low population density, the
costs of controlling large territories often exceeded the marginal
revenues of trade and taxation.
Consequently, state expansion was less likely in areas that were
difficult to reach from the
state’s power base. This suggests a model of developing
colonial state institutions in concentric
circles around administrative capitals.
A third prominent explanation of state building stresses the role
of war and violence. Tilly
conceptualizes the elimination of internal rivals as a key
dynamic of state formation in Western
Europe.17 This process of ‘state making’ led to the
monopolization of power and created
incentives for extraction.18 Migdal theorized state penetration
as a conflict over social order and
control. As the state is just one of many actors claiming
authority over territory and people, its
penetration of society depends on its ability to prevail over
competing social organizations.19
While qualitative analyses highlight repression and resistance as
key features of the colonial
state-building process,20 spatial configurations of the state have
not been systematically traced
back to dynamic patterns of violent opposition. Moreover,
existing accounts have not discussed
how informational constraints shape the strategic decision
making of state actors in early phases

of state building.
We believe that all three perspectives highlight essential
elements of complex long-term
state-building processes. We add to this work by narrowing our
analytical focus to a specific
phase of state building: an early and transitional phase in which
states face the challenge of
establishing authority over newly claimed territories with very
limited resources at their
disposal. These situations regularly display three main
characteristics.
First, they constitute ‘initial’ phases of state building. While the
targeted region may have
been brought under de jure state authority, an infrastructure of
control and coercion has yet to
replace the pre-existing social and political order. Secondly, the
state-building project has
limited ambitions. The ‘hegemony imperative’21 is the primary
driving force, either to prepare
the ground for more far-reaching state activities or because the
territorial occupation had limited
objectives in the first place – to establish tributary relations,
bolster a country’s prestige or create
a military/political buffer zone. Finally, this phase of state
building is marked by a mismatch
between the state’s overall capabilities and the size of the
territory. Effectively controlling large
regions requires substantial financial and human resources that
are rarely available in the initial
phases of state building, which forces states to make strategic
decisions about the spatial
allocation of their resources. This produces state-building
efforts that are characterized by weak
state capacity, a lack of resources and a lack of information

about local conditions within a
multi-ethnic setting of competing social organizations.
When (and where) does this type of state building take place?
Most states have not emerged
full-blown, but after an intermittent process of expansion and
consolidation of state authority.22
Substantive territorial conquests during expansion phases create
the conditions sketched above:
states need to erect an infrastructure of control. Pre-existing
social and political organizations
challenge their authority and require the new hegemon to
prioritize the monopolization of
17 Tilly (1990) further asserts the importance of ‘war making’
in the process of state building in Western
Europe, essentially referring to the elimination of external
threats from outside powers. However, as European
powers had divided African territories among themselves and
carved out their borders at the Berlin Conference,
this argument is not applicable to this context.
18 Tilly 1990.
19 Migdal 1988.
20 Boone 2003; Herbst 2000; Young 1994.
21 Young 1994, 10.
22 Levi 1989.
violence. States have to incur the associated costs before they
can capitalize on access to the
resources of the newly conquered territory. Several state-

building processes around the world
have taken place under such conditions. For example, the
massive expansion of the small
Gorkha kingdom in the 18th and 19th century to more than the
size of present-day Nepal,23 or
the conquest of territories many times the size of its original
center of power by the pre-colonial
kingdom of Burundi in the 17th and 18th centuries,24 or when
the Ethiopian state expanded
southwards in the second half of the 19th century to establish
the ‘Naftagna’ (‘one with gun’)
system in newly conquered restive regions to establish order
and authority25 are all cases of
early phases of state building. More commonly treated in the
literature, Western Europe is
similarly characterized by periods of internal conquest and state
penetration that preceded the
inception of modern states.26
Challenges of post-civil war state building are equally affected
by the three conditions
outlined above. Many civil wars last for several decades, with
rebel groups effectively
controlling large portions of a country and displacing state
institutions. Peru and Colombia,
for example, experienced more than ten years of rebellion by
strong insurgent groups
that established state-like structures in the hinterlands of their
territories.27 When such
protracted conflicts end, states need to virtually ‘restart’ the
state-building process in the former
strongholds of armed groups. While their objectives certainly go
far beyond pure effective
occupation, states need to focus on pacification first in order to
prevent any relapse into
disorder. Weakened by enduring violent conflict, states face the

challenge of trying to
‘reconstruct’ former restive regions with very limited financial
and human resources.
Finally, colonial powers engaged in this type of state building
during the New Imperialism
period, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. In most colonies,
actual penetration of the territory
was extremely limited before the Berlin Conference, when
metropolitan states demarcated and
claimed vast territories in the course of only a few years.28
Until the beginning of WWI, many
colonial states were preoccupied with establishing a basic
coercive apparatus and trying to fulfill
the obligation of ‘effective occupation’ emanating from the
Berlin Conference29 and preparing
the ground for the effective extraction of natural resources.
Virtually all colonial administrations
had to embark on this task with very limited resources.30 While
the processes of state building
differed across colonial powers, these differences were more in
magnitude than in the nature of
the challenges they faced and the resulting framework for state
penetration.
Thus, while we believe our arguments apply to a broader set of
state-building cases, we focus
on early colonial state building following the ‘scramble for
Africa’. The following subsections
introduce our theoretical argument. We first lend support to our
basic assumption that this phase
of colonial state building was driven by the ‘hegemony
imperative’.31 The subsequent sections
elaborate on our two main hypotheses.
23 Whelpton 2005.

24 Mworoha 1987.
25 Tibebu 1995.
26 Tilly 1990; Weber 1976
27 Wickham-Crowley 1993.
28 Herbst 2000.
29 In 1885, colonial powers agreed at the Berlin Conference
that they had ‘the obligation to ensure the
establishment of authority in the regions occupied by them’
(General Act of the Berlin Conference, Chapter 6,
Article 35).
30 Herbst 2000; Killingray 1999; Young 1994.
31 Young 1994, 10.
Defending the State
Extraction and cost considerations were most certainly
important to any state-led colonial
project. Yet we believe it is necessary to expand this narrow
focus in the existing literature by
emphasizing the political dynamics of colonial rule. We argue
that an image of colonial
government that is concerned with projecting power is more
fitting than that of a one-
dimensional extractive, cost-sensitive state. In contrast with
private colonial actors (for example,
traders or missionaries), state agents prioritized territorial
control and order over extraction.
These imperatives were particularly dominant during the late
nineteenth century, when
European powers were in heightened competition with each

other, trying to satiate their hunger
for the expansion of their empires. This perspective returns the
primary focus to the bellicist
dimension of the classic predatory model of state building32
and shifts the emphasis to sub-
national variation in state presence.33 Similar to Boone, our
explanation explicitly understands
the evolution of state building as an endogenous process that is
sensitive to the political context
of the time, but highlights learning processes and the dynamic
nature of political bargains that
underpin the expansion of colonial power.34 Thus we
essentially understand (colonial) state
building as a process of demarcating distinct spheres of
influence and establishing a physical
presence in claimed territory.35 We argue that there are three
main reasons for this.
First, due to its own weakness, the colonial state was under high
internal pressure to maintain
order and control. Its claims of authority inevitably clashed
with competing social organizations
and their respective entrepreneurs who aimed to shield their
authority from the state.36 The
weaker a state, however, the more its stability depends on its
ability to constantly demonstrate
its resolve and capacity to swiftly and brutally quell any form
of resistance. ‘Bloody proofs’ of
superiority are even more essential for deterring opposition
where the state has to control vast
areas with very limited resources in terms of personnel and
infrastructure. From the colonial
agents’ perspective, acts of opposition can create violent
spillover effects by revealing the
state’s weakness and thereby motivating further rebellion, thus
threatening the entire state-

building project.37 Thus while traders, missionaries and
planters may have concentrated on
calmer regions with high extractive potential, colonial states
were under high internal pressure
to design their expansion in a way that allowed them to prevent
or suppress any defiance of their
authority.38
Secondly, in 1885, colonial powers agreed at the Berlin
Conference that all colonial powers
had ‘the obligation to ensure the establishment of authority in
the regions occupied by them’.39
In parallel, the international codification of colonial borders
lessened the need to secure borders
and allowed rudimentary colonial state governments to focus on
internal challengers.
Furthermore, in an increasingly aggressive nationalist
environment, trouble within the
colonies could easily damage a colonial power’s imperialist
prestige. The inability to control
colonial subjects, in particular the inability to prevent violent
uprisings, was interpreted as a sign
of weakness and damaged the metropolis’ reputation both
domestically and internationally.
32 E.g. Thies 2007; Tilly 1990.
33 While Thies (2007) does consider the importance of internal
rivals for increasing state capacity, his analysis
is constrained by aggregate country-level data and his choice of
dependent variable. Measuring state capacity
using the tax-to-GDP ratio conflates extractive motives with
issues of territorial control.
34 Boone 2003.

35 Kabwegyere 1972.
36 Herbst 2000.
37 Henley 2004; Trotha 1994.
38 Huillery 2011.
39 General Act of the Berlin Conference, Chapter 6, Article 35.
This added another layer of pressure for colonial administrators
to create a state apparatus that
maximized territorial control and security.
Finally, ensuring territorial control and security constituted an
essential prerequisite for all
other types of state activities, such as extraction. In most
colonies, the main revenues stemmed
from tax extraction and agricultural activities that relied heavily
on forced labor.40 In other
words, most extractive activities depended on people.41
Resistance jeopardized the extraction
of these resources, wherever it occurred, by absorbing scarce
capital and manpower from
colonial economic projects, such as trade, agriculture or public
works; driving away foreign
private investment; and preventing access to areas with high
levels of opposition.42
Consequently, territorial control and order not only constituted
priorities in themselves but
were also crucial prerequisites for all other administrative and
economic objectives of the
colonial state and its metropolis.
Hypothesis 1: Maximizing Territorial Coverage

The primary concern about territorial control suggests that
geographic distances played an
important role in shaping colonial decisions about costly
investments in state presence and
capacity. Herbst argues that remoteness is a detriment to state
presence due to the higher costs
of state penetration.43 We instead argue that high costs should
not prevent state expansion when
there exists a strategic motive to expand, for example when the
expected benefits or the costs of
inaction surpass the immediate burden of the investments.44
Consequently, costs will often be a
second-order concern in ‘primitive state building’ where the
state’s primary objectives are to
maximize territorial control and consolidate its authority. States
have to invest military and
administrative resources in remote and difficult-to-reach areas
in order to signal their resolve
and safeguard their entire colonial endeavor. This investment is
a matter of survival, and cannot
be compromised due to mere financial reasons.45
From such a perspective, colonial powers should not avoid
investing in strengthening the
state’s presence in far-away areas. On the contrary: they should
aim to close existing gaps in
their territorial coverage. The ‘doctrine of effective occupation’
requires states to establish a
‘skeletal grid of regional administration’ that encompasses all
of their territories.46 As
Machiavelli recommended to the prince in reference to the
stabilization of colonies, presence is
an essential symbol of power and helps identify potential areas
of resistance. Echoing this
recommendation, the French military, during its mandate rule in

Syria, stressed the need to
establish a presence in difficult-to-reach areas ‘to demonstrate
to the population that at any time
we are capable of rapidly bringing a sizable force to the
Mountain and by its presence at the
heart of the country to warn against any attempt of uprising’.47
Similarly, Killingray emphasizes
that in Nigeria, colonial ‘military headquarters stood in
strategic centers at the heart of newly
conquered territories’ to signal authority and deter any potential
rebellion.48
40 E.g., Banerjee and Iyer 2005.
41 Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson 2001; Young 1994.
42 Huillery 2011.
43 Herbst 2000.
44 E.g., Lange, Mahoney, and vom Hau 2006.
45 Young 1994, 35.
46 Young 1994, 100.
47 Neep 2012, 104–5.
48 Kilingray 1986.
Consequently, rather than expand state capacity in areas that are
easy and cheap to access, we
expect new frontier outposts to be placed in order to maximize
the state’s reach and minimize
the distance from any location in the territory to the nearest
administrative and military center.
Such a strategy of state penetration serves the ‘hegemony
imperative’ of primitive state
building: it increases the share of the local population exposed
to symbols of state authority and

reduces the time needed to deploy troops to any location in the
territory. Thus the build-up of
state capacity should be most likely in locations with high
‘territorial control values’49 in the
centers of thus-far-uncontrolled regions, where the
establishment of a state presence promises to
maximize additional territorial coverage.
Hypothesis 1: The higher an area’s territorial control value, the
higher the probability of state
penetration.
Hypothesis 2: Reacting to Violence
A second corollary to the primary concern about territorial
order and control is that early state
builders tended to react to actual instances of violent opposition
rather than theoretical
assessments of structural preconditions. It has been argued that
in the pursuit of their objectives
(that is, taxation), states are constrained by certain features of
the societies they govern, which
means that state administration will likely be designed to be
most efficient given the prevailing
structural conditions.50 This perspective has also been applied
to explanations of the unevenness
of colonial states. It has been argued, for example, that the type
and intensity of colonial rule
were heavily influenced by levels of pre-colonial ethnic
organization and centralization.51
While such structural conditions are likely to …
BENITO MUSSOLINI’S PRACTICES OF FACISM AND
DICTATORSHIPS 2

Benito Mussolini’s Practices of Fascism and Dictatorships
Maxine Philitas
Chamberlain College of Nursing
HIST410N-10356: Contemporary History
01/2020
Running head: BENITO MUSSOLINI’S PRACTICES OF
FACISM AND DICTATORSHIPS 1
BENITO MUSSOLINI’S PRACTICES OF FACISM AND
DICTATORSHIPS 3
Benito Mussolini’s Practices of Fascism and Dictatorships
Benito Mussolini created the fascist party in 1919 and was
killed 26 years later in 1945 during his downfall. Mussolini was
born in 1883 and was inspired by his father who was a socialist.
Mussolini was a talented writer and began practicing socialist
beliefs by publishing his writing is a newspaper in Italy called
Avanti. This allowed him to spread his ideas and beliefs to
influence the civilians of Italy until the commencement of
World War I. After cutting ties with the socialist party,
Mussolini saw World War I as an opportunity for his country to
gain power and control, causing him to enter the war in 1915.”
Mussolini began his political career as a socialist but was
expelled from the Socialist Party after supporting Italy's entry
into World War I, a position contrary to the socialist principle
of ardent neutrality in imperialist wars.” (Duiker, W. J., 2015)
After being wounded in the war Mussolini began a group called
the fascist party in 1919.
Mussolini’s birth of fascism

Mussolini primarily used violence to enforce his power
and spread the ideology of fascism. “In Milan, and then
throughout the north, he gathers a group true believer. They call
themselves Black shirts.” (Stevenson, M. (Director), &
Cameron, P. (Producer). (2018)). This group of fascist
practiced violence against socialist to persuade the civilians of
Italy that fascism is the better ideology to practice and that
socialists couldn’t offer the restoration of the economy the way
fascists could. Foreign policy can be described as “the goals
that a state’s officials seek to attain abroad, the values that give
rise to those objectives, and the means or instruments used to
pursue them.”( Eugene R. Wittkopf, Christopher M. Jones, and
Charles W. Kegley, Jr., 2007.) Black shirts lead by Mussolini
terrorized socialist leaders and the streets of Italy in 1921,
people lost their rights by having their homes burned
intimidated at polling booths to vote for fascism. Fascist
ideology was promoted by violence causing them to become a
political party and enforced through government.
Invasion of Ethiopia
Benito Mussolini invaded Ethiopia in 1935, forty years after
their previous attempt that failed in 1835, upon a disagreement
regarding Ethiopia becoming Italian territory. Interestingly,
Mussolini was successful at making Ethiopia apart of the Italian
empire using their advanced weaponry. This raised red flags in
other parts of the world and Foreign Policy as Mussolini is
successfully spreading his power and dictatorships through war
and violence using chemical weapons that poisoned innocent
people. Use of chemical weaponry was banned after World War
I. Personal liberties of the natives of Ethiopia are lost as they
now must conform to Mussolini’s ruling and Italians felt
inferior to the natives of their land.
“Mussolini’s Ten Commandments”
Mussolini’s ten commandments came as an interesting
surprise. It was shocking that he would cultivate children to
promote violence to spread the ideas and beliefs of his
dictatorship. He even used propaganda through the media to

show he is doing a good thing by not allowing any negative new
to be published. One of his ten commandments was
“Mussolini’s always right.” (Stevenson, M. (Director), &
Cameron, P. (Producer). (2018)). He targeted the minds of
children “By 1939, about two-thirds of the population between
the ages of eight and eighteen had been enrolled in some kind of
Fascist youth group.” (Duiker, W. J., 2015.) While most
children today enjoy their Saturday afternoons relaxing and
playing with friends these children under fascists ruling were
practicing marching drills and being prepared for war.
Conclusion
Thus, the birth of fascism, the invasion of Ethiopia and
Mussolini’s ten commandments were interesting aspects that
affected foreign policy, Governmental authority/loss of personal
liberties and Violent and non-violent movements for social,
economic, and political change. Fascism introduced by Benito
Mussolini required total control over Italian government leading
to him becoming the prime minister and discarded any aspect of
democracy left in Italian government. He suppressed the
opposition with torture, intimidation, and violence allowing him
to have total control. Adolf Hitler admired his dictatorship and
eleven years later began similar practices in Germany.
Mussolini was a sort of mentor for Hitler therefore, when
Mussolini needed savior during his downfall.

References
Duiker, W. J. (2015). Contemporary world history (6th ed.).
Stamford, CT: Cengage Learning.
Eugene R. Wittkopf, Christopher M. Jones, and Charles W.
Kegley, Jr. 2007. American Foreign Policy: Pattern and Process,
7th ed. Belmont, CA: Thomson Wadsworth. ↵
Stevenson, M. (Director), & Cameron, P. (Producer). (2018).
Benito Mussolini [Video file]. Public Broadcasting Service.
Retrieved from Academic Video Online: Premium database.
WAR AND REVOLUTION: WORLD WAR I AND ITS
AFTERMATH
NEGOTIATIONS AMONG THE great powers had been going
on for weeks. Anguished messages had
been exchanged between Berlin, Vienna, and Saint Petersburg
as the crowned heads of three
empires—William II of Germany, Francis Joseph of Austria,
and Nicholas II of Russia—alternated
between threats and appeals as they sought to avoid the
outbreak of all-out war in Europe. Their
efforts were in vain: on August 1, 1914, Germany declared war
on Russia. Three days later, France
and Great Britain had entered the fray. In London, British
Foreign Secretary Edward Grey remarked

sorrowfully to an acquaintance: “The lamps are going out all
over Europe; we shall not see them lit
again in our lifetime.”1 As it turned out, his comment was all
too prescient. A century of peace and
progress was about to come to an end in four years of bloody
conflict on the battlefields of Europe.
The continent would take more than a generation to recover
from the slaughter. CRITICAL THINKING
Q For years, historians have debated the underlying reasons for
the outbreak of World War I. Based
on the information available to you, what do you think caused
the war? The Coming of War The new
century had dawned on a much brighter note. To some
contemporaries, the magnificent promise
offered by recent scientific advances and the flowering of the
Industrial Revolution appeared about
to be fulfilled. Few expressed this mood of optimism better than
the renowned British historian
Arnold Toynbee. In a retrospective look at the opening of a
tumultuous century written many years
later, Toynbee remarked: [We had expected] that life throughout
the world would become more
rational, more humane, and more democratic and that, slowly,
but surely, political democracy would
produce greater social justice. We had also expected that the
progress of science and technology
would make mankind richer, and that this increasing wealth
would gradually spread from a minority
to a majority. We had expected that all this would happen
peacefully. In fact we thought that
mankind's course was set for an earthly paradise.2 Such bright
hopes for the future of humankind
were sadly misplaced. In the summer of 1914, simmering
rivalries between the major imperialist
powers erupted into full-scale war. By the time it ended, Europe
had suffered extensive physical

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