10.6 Developmental Disabilities and Education In addition to gifted children and those with more profound intellectual disorders, a significant number of children receive other kinds of special education services. About 6.4 million schoolchildren receive public special education services in the United States. Over 85% are related to behavioral problems (emotional disturbance) and developmental and learning disabilities (National Center for Education Statistics, 2013a). Whereas the numbers of individuals with intellectual disabilities in public schools have declined somewhat over the past two decades, those with emotional disturbances and other developmental disorders have increased dramatically. Like many other disabilities that affect children, the reason for this trend is unknown. Overall, the percentage of children enrolled in special education has increased from 8.3% in 1977 to over 13% currently. As shown in Figure 10.5, enrollment in special education has been dropping gradually since reaching a peak of 13.8% during the 2004–2005 school year. Figure 10.5: Number of children receiving special education services Public education services must meet the needs of all children, including those who have special needs. Source: U.S. Department of Education. Autism Spectrum Disorder Early impairments in communication, including speech delays and nonverbal communication (e.g., gestures, eye contact), are characteristic signs of autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Other common markers include fixated interests, repetitive behaviors, and inflexibility over routines. Because of better screening procedures, this developmental disorder can now be identified by 18–24 months of age. A substantial proportion of children with ASD are mute, and many more attain initial language and then lose it. Recent brain imaging has discovered that ASD brains probably process voices and other social stimuli differently beginning at an early age (Grossman, Oberecker, Koch, & Friederici, 2010; Johnson, 2004; Lloyd-Fox, Johnson, & Blasi, 2013). Courtesy of Ron Mossler One of the characteristics of Asperger's syndrome is idiosyncratic, or uniquely peculiar, behaviors. In this writing sample from a sixth grader, Trevor refused to skip lines between spelling words. What is only barely visible (in the center of the image) is the smeared paper from Trevor's propensity to press extremely hard on his pencil. A bit over half of all children with ASD have intellectual disabilities (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2014d). The vast majority have social deficits, too, like skills needed to form friendships or to display empathy (another instance of the interaction of physical, cognitive, and psychosocial domains). Behavioral stereotypes like repetitive rocking or hand flapping that are indicative of ASD are often compared to obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD). However, people with OCD usually perform rituals (compulsions) in order to experience relief from their thoughts (o.

1. 10.6 Developmental Disabilities and Education
In addition to gifted children and those with more profound
intellectual disorders, a significant number of children receive
other kinds of special education services. About 6.4 million
schoolchildren receive public special education services in the
United States. Over 85% are related to behavioral problems
(emotional disturbance) and developmental and learning
disabilities (National Center for Education Statistics, 2013a).
Whereas the numbers of individuals with intellectual disabilities
in public schools have declined somewhat over the past two
decades, those with emotional disturbances and other
developmental disorders have increased dramatically. Like
many other disabilities that affect children, the reason for this
trend is unknown. Overall, the percentage of children enrolled
in special education has increased from 8.3% in 1977 to over
13% currently. As shown in Figure 10.5, enrollment in special
education has been dropping gradually since reaching a peak of
13.8% during the 2004–2005 school year.
Figure 10.5: Number of children receiving special education
services
Public education services must meet the needs of all children,
including those who have special needs.
Source: U.S. Department of Education.
Autism Spectrum Disorder
Early impairments in communication, including speech delays
and nonverbal communication (e.g., gestures, eye contact), are
characteristic signs of autism spectrum disorder (ASD). Other
common markers include fixated interests, repetitive behaviors,
and inflexibility over routines. Because of better screening
procedures, this developmental disorder can now be identified
by 18–24 months of age. A substantial proportion of children
with ASD are mute, and many more attain initial language and
then lose it. Recent brain imaging has discovered that ASD

2. brains probably process voices and other social stimuli
differently beginning at an early age (Grossman, Oberecker,
Koch, & Friederici, 2010; Johnson, 2004; Lloyd-Fox, Johnson,
& Blasi, 2013).
Courtesy of Ron Mossler
One of the characteristics of Asperger's syndrome is
idiosyncratic, or uniquely peculiar, behaviors. In this writing
sample from a sixth grader, Trevor refused to skip lines between
spelling words. What is only barely visible (in the center of the
image) is the smeared paper from Trevor's propensity to press
extremely hard on his pencil.
A bit over half of all children with ASD have intellectual
disabilities (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
2014d). The vast majority have social deficits, too, like skills
needed to form friendships or to display empathy (another
instance of the interaction of physical, cognitive, and
psychosocial domains). Behavioral stereotypes like repetitive
rocking or hand flapping that are indicative of ASD are often
compared to obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD). However,
people with OCD usually perform rituals (compulsions) in order
to experience relief from their thoughts (obsessions). By
contrast, individuals with autism often perform repetitive,
ritualistic behaviors without an identifiable "reason" (obsessive
thought). Rituals are usually self-soothing so that anxiety is
reduced, but about one-third of autistic children engage in self-
injurious behavior like banging one's own head onto the corner
of a table or picking skin obsessively (Johnson & Myers, 2007;
Lai, Lombardo, & Baron-Cohen, 2014).
After viewing videos of children who were later identified as
autistic, researchers found that even infants younger than 6
months were less social and vocalized less. Early language
deficits include a delay of receptive language and fewer
gestures at 12 and 18 months. There are also significant delays
in production and understanding of single words. Recall also
that language and cognitive development include what Piaget

3. called symbolic representation (see Section 7.1). Unlike
children with non-ASD language delays, autistic children do not
use appropriate compensatory measures to express themselves.
For instance, instead of pointing, they may push someone in the
desired direction or use another person's finger as an instrument
(Mitchell et al., 2006; Tager-Flusberg & Caronna, 2007;
Volkmar & Chawarska, 2008).
FOCUS ON BEHAVIOR: Signs of Autism
Language
Language delay
Deficits in nonverbal communication, including gestures
Expressive and receptive language delays
Echolalia (repetitive language or verbal imitation)
Unusual language patterns or monotone speech
Socialization
Difficulty forming and maintaining reciprocal relationships
Impairment in nonverbal communication
Poor-quality peer interactions
Few friendships
Absence of reciprocity in relationships
Poor social judgment
Lack of orientation to name
Stereotypical Behaviors
Preoccupation with or restricted interests
Perseverative behaviors, including self-stimulation
Rigid routines
Unusual interest in idiosyncratic items
May also show unusual responses to sensory stimuli
Courtesy of Ron Mossler
The teacher model of a bat (upper left) and three kindergartners'
interpretations. The two bats on the bottom were typical of the
rest of the class. The bat in the upper right was constructed by
Luke, an autistic boy with average intelligence. Luke's project
shows his minor problems with fine motor coordination but

4. highlights his cognitive deficits. Because he is only 5 years old,
it is difficult to know exactly what processes interfere with his
cognitive development, but they are easily apparent here.
Autism is also associated with deficits in executive function, as
autistic children have a difficult time monitoring their own
thoughts and behaviors. Computer imaging reveals that
abnormalities in brain areas that affect the integration of tasks
like thinking, planning, and social cognitive functions persist
into adolescence. These are the kinds of processes that can lead
to many typical ASD behaviors, such as poor impulse control
and rigid routines (see Focus on Behavior: Signs of Autism).
Poor integration of these processes also contributes to social
deficits, as individuals show less understanding of social cues
and consequences of certain behaviors (Blakemore &
Choudhury, 2006; Lai et al., 2014; O'hearn, Asato, Ordaz, &
Luna, 2008).
Executive function in ASD appears to be somewhat plastic,
however, especially among those who are highly verbal. Perhaps
language is used to mediate inhibitory behavior and facilitates
metacognition. Evidence for plasticity may help explain why
early intervention often has a positive effect on ASD. Though
behavioral and social symptoms of autism persist into
adulthood, early intervention is key to improving
communication, self-care, and later independence. Applied
behavior analysis, a type of behavioral therapy, is usually the
most effective method of intervention. In applied behavior
analysis, children are rewarded with favorite activities, food, or
other reinforcers for on-task behaviors (Itzchak & Zachor, 2011;
Myers & Johnson, 2007; Verschuur, Didden, Lang, Sigafoos, &
Huskens, 2014).
FOCUS ON BEHAVIOR: Adaptive Behavior
Individuals with ASD often have a limited range of interests
and show a persistence of specific behaviors. Sometimes the
restrictive behaviors can become adaptive. In fact, it has been
suggested that there is an evolutionary advantage to behavioral
persistence and obsessive focus (Baron-Cohen, 2012; Baron-

5. Cohen, Ashwin, Ashwin, Tavassoli, & Chakrabarti, 2009). An
acquaintance of mine with ASD provides an excellent example
of practical intelligence and what Sternberg means about "the
ability to achieve one's goals in life, given one's sociocultural
context," as described earlier.
"Greg" has worked for the National Weather Service (NWS) for
more than 30 years. It is the perfect job for him. He easily
handles the lack of varied stimulation and does not mind the
solitary environment. In addition, as part of his condition, he
becomes anxious if he stays in the same city for very long. He
does not have the usual social or emotional connections that
might prevent others from moving so often. The NWS is
perfectly suitable, though, as they usually have multiple transfer
opportunities available, and the job remains essentially the
same. Finally, the compulsion that Greg exhibits toward
anything related to the weather assists him in his job
performance.
The prevalence of ASD has increased dramatically over the past
decade. As Figure 10.6 shows, the number of children diagnosed
with ASD has increased from 1 in 150 to 1 in 68 over the past
10 years. The ratio of boys to girls has remained relatively
constant at five to one (Centers for Disease Control and
Prevention, 2014d). However, because the criteria for an ASD
diagnosis have broadened (and there are no clear medical tests),
it is unclear whether prevalence has actually increased or we
have done a more thorough job of identification.
Figure 10.6: Reported incidence of ASD, latest data available
Although the number of people diagnosed with autism has
increased dramatically, the criteria for ASD diagnoses have
broadened as well, so it is unclear whether prevalence has
actually increased.
Source: Baio, J. (March 2014). Prevalence of Autism Spectrum
Disorders Among Children Aged 8 Years. Morbidity and
Mortality Weekly Report. Centers for Disease Control.
A potentially important new study reported the first direct

6. evidence of early prenatal origins of autism. After comparing
postmortem tissue of autistic and nonautistic brains, researchers
found consistent disorganized growth in 91% of autistic brains,
compared to only 9% of controls. Furthermore, the
abnormalities were limited to specific patches of brain tissue
that are related to emotional, social, language, and
communication functions—the very processes that prove most
problematic for autistic children. The concentrated area of the
defects may explain why early treatments are most effective:
With treatment, the plastic brain may be able to bypass the
defective area and use the neighboring cells instead (Stoner et
al., 2014). Though this study needs to be replicated, it does
offer promising hope for early intervention.
There is also evidence of a hereditary influence leading to a
"broad autism phenotype" (Sasson, Lam, Parlier, Daniels, &
Piven, 2013). As an example, fathers have been found to exhibit
some of the same behaviors that their autistic children perform,
especially in tasks related to reaction time and social cues.
Furthermore, the concordance rate among monozygotic twins
has been estimated at 36–92%, whereas it is estimated to be
only 2–23% among dizygotic twins. Autistic behaviors are
generally found more often in parents and other relatives of
children with ASD, as well (Hallmayer et al., 2011; Ozonoff et
al., 2011; Rosenberg et al., 2009; Sasson et al., 2013).
Finally, there has been much speculation that teratogen
exposure or other factors related to perinatal health may have
some effect (Arndt, Stodgell, & Rodier, 2005; Lai et al., 2014).
However, causes due to environmental toxins like pesticides and
lead are as yet unsubstantiated. As discussed in Module 2,
immunizations have also been dismissed as a possible cause.
Extensive research efforts continue to focus on both
environmental and genetic factors, but the causes of this
disorder remain mostly unresolved (Lai et al., 2014).
Learning Disabilities
Unlike for ASD, a diagnosis of learning disabilities is usually
restricted to identifying specific cognitive deficits. Learning

7. disability (LD) is a broad term that refers to a constellation of
disorders involving errors in cognitive processing (Siegel &
Mazabel, 2013). In general, a learning disability causes
problems in learning specific academic skills, like writing,
spelling, mathematics, or most commonly, reading. Learning
disabilities show a great deal of variation from person to person
and, by definition, are not related to lack of intelligence.
Evidence is quite to the contrary. Most children with learning
disabilities have average to above average intelligence (Mehta,
2011).
Traditional diagnoses of LD looked for a discrepancy between
aptitude (inherent ability) and achievement (learning). For
instance, if a child with an IQ of 130 consistently tested near
100 (average on the same scale as IQ) in reading, then the
difference would indicate a disability. The expected reading
achievement score for that child is around 130. Similarly, an IQ
of 100 and a reading score of 80 also indicates a problem. By
contrast, a reading score significantly below average at 75
would not be consistent with a reading disorder if overall
intelligence is also about 75.
Critical Thinking
Why are grade-level standards not always accurate indications
of achievement?
More recently, the definition of LD has been broadened by the
passage of the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act
(IDEA) in 2004. Instead of using measures of discrepancies,
now disabilities "must not require the use of a severe
discrepancy between intellectual ability and achievement for
determining whether a child has a specific learning disability"
(U.S. Department of Education, 2006; emphasis added).
Learning disabilities can be broadly defined as any
circumstance in which there are unexpected difficulties in
learning relative to age. It is up to local or state school boards
to define those circumstances. In this way, states and local
districts are allowed to allocate special education resources
more broadly for any child who is not meeting grade-level

8. standards in oral expression, listening comprehension, written
expression, reading, or math.
Reading Disabilities and Dyslexia
Recall that letters are simply symbols expressed as sounds. The
most commonly identified learning disabilities involve
difficulty decoding these symbols, resulting in reading problems
(Handler et al., 2011). A reading disability is most easily
evidenced by a discrepancy between reading vocabulary and
receptive (oral) vocabulary and comprehension. That is,
children with reading disabilities understand vocabulary at a
standardized level that is significantly higher than their
standardized reading level. The opposite condition exists for
most adults who read well: They can read many more words
than they can understand.
FOCUS ON BEHAVIOR: Possible Signs of a Learning
Disability
Initial difficulty learning the alphabet or the sounds of letters
Problems with spelling that are out of character with intellect
Messy handwriting or writing implements held in an awkward
manner
Trouble following a series of directions
Mispronunciation of relatively simple words
Mispronunciation of words at a level that is inconsistent with
understanding of words (expressive vocabulary significantly
poorer than receptive vocabulary)
Problems articulating ideas
Confusion when telling jokes or relating anecdotes
Confusion regarding math symbols
Difficulty organizing tasks
It is difficult to differentiate a reading disability from its more
severe form, dyslexia. Among children who are dyslexic, there
is evidence that reading develops independently of overall
intelligence (Ferrer, Shaywitz, Holahan, Marchione, &
Shaywitz, 2010). However, others have argued that "categories
of ‘dyslexia' and ‘poor reader' or ‘reading disabled' are
scientifically unsupportable, arbitrary and thus potentially

9. discriminatory" (Elliot & Gibbs, 2008, p. 475).
Since traditional testing and behavioral evaluations are
unreliable predictors of potential for reading improvement, new
brain imaging techniques have been used to try to forecast the
type of brain that is most likely to make long-term reading
gains. Brain scans have revealed that dyslexic adolescents have
frontal lobe brain activity that is significantly different from
that seen in adolescents who read normally. In one study,
dyslexic adolescents who showed the greatest reading
improvement over a 2.5-year period could be identified by
specific kinds of neural activity (Hoeft et al., 2011). Based on
brain imaging alone, reading improvement could be predicted
with over 90% accuracy. These results suggest that
neurobiological variation may be an important determinant in
identifying remediation techniques in dyslexia.
FOCUS ON BEHAVIOR: Reading Disabilities
It is an often-repeated myth that people with dyslexia "see"
letters and words backward (e.g., reading saw instead of was
and reversing the letters b and d). Although visual processing
elements may be involved, memory for letters and linguistic
sound-symbol rela-tionships seem to be of greater importance.
To demonstrate what this means, consider this situation: I
recently had a class with two women who were both named
Felicia. During most of the semester, I could not discriminate
with certainty between their last names when I returned papers
and exams. I could read their names and sometimes was fairly
sure who was who, but even by the end of the semester I still
had some doubt. Visually I was discriminating well enough (I
knew that both women were named Felicia), but I would still
reverse their names. The problem was one of linguistic
processing—the coding, association, and memory of their last
names.
My confusion with Felicia and Felicia may be similar to the
linguistic processing error of dyslexic children who have
difficulty encoding symbol-sound-spelling rules associated with
reading. They see b and d clearly and can hear the difference

10. between them; the difficulty rests in always being able to
process each symbol with its corresponding sound.
Math and Writing Disabilities
In a way that is analogous to dyslexia, dyscalculia (or
mathematics disability) is a specific learning disability that
involves inherent problems in understanding numbers and
learning how to manipulate them. Thus, there is difficulty
computing and comprehending problems that involve math
concepts. Like dyslexia, dyscalculia occurs across a wide range
of intelligence. One theory postulates that math disabilities are
related to a poor working memory. Some research indicates that
underlying processes in math and reading disabilities are
affected by different cognitive structures; other data that focus
on the combined prevalence of reading and arithmetic
disabilities suggest a more global deficit (Dirks, Spyer, van
Lieshout, & de Sonneville, 2008; Landerl & Moll, 2010; Moll,
Gobel, & Snowling, 2014).
Disorder of written expression is sometimes referred to as
dysgraphia. It involves difficulty in handwriting and often
results in slow, but nevertheless illegible output. It often occurs
in conjunction with other developmental or learning disabilities,
but there is evidence that linguistic factors are less important
than motor and planning behaviors (Adi-Japha et al., 2007).
Trevor's handwriting example (see section on Autism Spectrum
Disorder) illustrates this type of disability.
Causes of Learning Disabilities
Focus on Careers: Special Ed Teacher
Courtney talks about what motivated her to work with students
with disabilities, and describes a typical day.
Despite recent advances in genetics, the origins of most
learning disorders are poorly understood. Increasing evidence,
however, points to neurobiological differences in both linguistic
and nonlinguistic learning disabilities (e.g., Ashkenazi, Black,
Abrams, Hoeft, & Menon, 2013; Supekar et al., 2013). Though
some observers have suggested that genetic differences may
account for up to 80% of the variability in reading performance,

11. most statistical relationships are not particularly strong. Even
geneticists acknowledge that environmental factors play a
significant role (Kremen et al., 2005; Paracchini, Steer, &
Buckingham, 2008; Raskind, Peter, Richards, Eckert, &
Berninger, 2013). Nevertheless, learning problems tend to be
more common among identical twins and other first-order
family members. Also, among children diagnosed with dyslexia,
boys outnumber girls by three to one, probably due to sex-
specific brain differences (Evans, Flowers, Napoliello, & Eden,
2014; Quinn & Wagner, 2013).
Accordingly, evidence also indicates that teaching methods and
exposure to different stimuli have a strong effect on learning
disabilities. As such, perhaps there is a sensitive period for
culturally specific kinds of cognitive development, like reading
or writing. Complex epigenetic modification of DNA during a
particular sensitive period is another possibility. For instance,
learning disabilities like dyslexia are associated with a
disturbance in the migration of neurons during specific periods
of brain development. These irregularities can be caused by
either genetic or environmental factors (Gayán & Olson, 1999;
Raskind et al., 2013; Rutter et al., 2004; Schumacher,
Hoffmann, Schmäl, Schulte-Körne, & Nöthen, 2007).
Interventions
When learning disabilities are suspected, the IDEA compels
teachers and other school professionals to develop an
Individualized Educational Plan (IEP). An IEP details a plan for
intervention and goals specific to the child's needs and learning
capacity. For instance, an IEP with a mathematics component
may specify that a child will learn the basic multiplication
tables with 95% accuracy; a reading goal may state that a child
will read a standard list of fourth-grade words in under 2
minutes with 90% accuracy. At a parent's request, local public
schools will initiate an IEP even for children who are home
schooled or attending a private institution. The IDEA then
requires public schoolchildren with disabilities to be placed in
the least restrictive environment, a placement that is as similar

12. as possible to a classroom of children who do not have
disabilities. The expectation is for children with special needs
to become as "typical" as possible.
The requirement of a placement in the least restrictive
environment has led to an increase in inclusion. Advocates of
full inclusion maintain that all children, regardless of special
physical, emotional, or cognitive needs, should be placed in a
standard classroom for all or most of the school day. The push
toward a more inclusive environment may be one reason that the
number of children served in special education has been
dropping steadily since 2004 (see Figure 10.7). It is also
possible that schools (in an effort to save money), or parents of
children with special needs (in the hopeful expectation to
optimize learning), are electing to keep children in regular
classrooms (see Focus on Behavior: Inclusion or Exclusion?).
An alternative to inclusion is mainstreaming, in which children
with special needs are placed in a regular classroom for only
part of a day, such as the period reserved for math.
Figure 10.7: Percentage of time spent in regular classrooms
among students with disabilities
Schools have been trending toward a more mainstream
environment for all children who receive special education
services.
Source: U.S. Department of Education.
In each of the various learning environments, the expectation is
for children with special needs to be given more individual
instruction geared toward their developmental level. By being
assigned work that is consistent with ability rather than age or
grade level, children are more likely to make progress. For
example, most special education teachers use a phonics
approach to reading; intensive repetition and flash cards is
helpful for those with specific math disabilities; and special
paper is used for dysgraphia to help young children stay
within lines.
Interventions focusing on strengthening working memory,

13. organization and planning, pursuing active coping strategies,
and other regulatory skills have shown success (De Weerdt,
Desoete, & Roeyers, 2013; Firth, Greaves, & Frydenberg,
2010). A longitudinal study that followed 571 LD and similarly
matched non-LD students aged 10 to 24 found that both groups
had similar years of college attendance and enjoyed similar
employment success and incomes. Research indicates that being
proactive in school (like having a parental advocate in
elementary school or taking advantage of tutoring labs in
college), setting goals, and having a supportive social network
are instrumental to success (Goldberg, Higgins, Raskind, &
Herman, 2003; Seo, Abbott, & Hawkins, 2008).
FOCUS ON BEHAVIOR: Inclusion or Exclusion?
Inclusion is certainly a better goal than previous models in
which special education students were often placed in isolated
classrooms with substandard services and children rarely moved
into a regular school environment. However, recent lawsuits and
budget concerns have scared many school districts into blindly
implementing inclusion to the detriment of all children,
including those in special education.
For instance, I recently volunteered in a classroom where 4 of
24 students (17%) have special needs and would benefit from
more intensive services. In all four cases, parents chose to keep
their children in the regular classroom, which is their right,
even though school professionals suggested other placements
may be more appropriate. Two of the four children are
moderately autistic with language deficits, and all four
demonstrate disruptive behaviors that are consistent with
emotional disturbance. They all have been removed from the
classroom multiple times due to misbehavior, losing out on
instruction.
Because these special education students do not receive the
more intensive services (and smaller class sizes) that would be
beneficial, they are not likely to progress as much as they could.
In addition, those with special needs disproportionately
consume the attention of the lone teacher, so the regular

14. students suffer, too.
This situation is hardly unusual. In the kindergarten classroom
next door, the parents of "Jun," a child with a moderate
intellectual disability, turned down special education services,
even though their son cannot even feed himself (his mother
comes in at lunchtime to assist). Jun is not disruptive, so he sits
in class most of the day doing very little. Again, the single
teacher does not have the time or resources to provide
appropriate attention to Jun. These circumstances highlight the
difficulties in a one-size-fits-all approach to education, when it
is clear that individual differences need to be addressed.
SECTION REVIEW
Outline the kinds of developmental disabilities that are
commonly seen in schools.
15.1 Preschool: Giving Children a Head Start?
Often, the first consistent relationship that children have
outside of family is in preschool. About two-thirds of children
attend some kind of center-based preschool program before they
enter kindergarten, an increase of 50% in just one generation. In
2012, about 54% of 3 and 4 year olds attended a center-based
preschool program, down from a peak of 56% in 2002
(Flanagan, McPhee, & Mulligan, 2009; National Center for
Education Statistics, 2014; U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1970).
Through popular wisdom and personal stories, we tend to think
that early childhood education is both necessary and
scientifically sound. But is it?

15. Types of Preschools: Child-Centered or Academic?
Does Daycare Impair Attachment?
Drawing conclusions from childcare and preschool studies is
complex.
Critical Thinking Questions
What is the difference between a childcare facility and a
preschool? How are they similar? How are they different?
How would you design a study comparing the effects of
institutionalized childcare versus home care?
Preschool programs can generally be classified as more teacher-
directed academic programs or more self-directed child-centered
ones. Academic programs focus on planning and structure.
Parents are expected to bring their children on a schedule, just
like they would when their children are in elementary school.
Teachers implement an academic curriculum that usually
includes repetition and drill in numbers, colors, shapes, letters,
and so forth. Standardized worksheets are not uncommon. At
designated intervals, there is unstructured playtime, singing,
and other activities as well.
Child-centered programs are devoted more to play and
unplanned invention. There is a natural flow to learning as
children count blocks, name colors of toys, and engage in social
play and discovery. A child-centered approach acknowledges
that children develop at an individual pace and that learning is
best served through exploration rather than a standard approach.
Whether or not Piaget was right about the stage-like progression
of development, most early childhood educators acknowledge
the necessity of developmentally appropriate activities for
children. This focus is a direct descendant of Piaget's theories.
Though perhaps paradoxical, evidence indicates that children
who attend child-centered rather than academic preschools
develop better math and reading skills, have more advanced
motor behavior and better social skills, exhibit less stress, and
become more actively engaged in learning (Burts et al., 1992;
Hart et al., 1998; Marcon, 1999). One of the reasons that the
child-centered approach has been found to be more effective is

16. because children choose their own activities. In this way,
children are more often engaged in developmentally appropriate
ways. In an academic preschool, as in any other school setting,
there is great variation in the skill levels of children. If children
are treated mostly the same, many will not be working at a
developmentally appropriate level.
It is, however, difficult to make general conclusions across
preschool environments since individual programs have a lot of
variation; research is confounded further by family variables.
For instance, wealthier parents are much more likely than
economically disadvantaged parents to send their children to
higher-quality preschools. And perhaps parents who opt for
child-centered preschool education spend more time on
academics at home. Although the level of parental education
and socioeconomic status (SES) are the most reliable predictors
of school success, as opposed to any particular school
environment, the ways in which family can influence
achievement are multifaceted and complicated (Kagitcibasi,
2014; Sohr-Preston et al., 2013; Yeung, Linver, & Brooks-
Gunn, 2002).
The Montessori Method
Nadezhda Prokudina/iStock/Thinkstock
The child-centered Montessori method encourages self-directed
learning and offers various forms of sensory stimulation.
One child-centered approach is the Montessori method. Maria
Montessori (1870–1952) was an Italian psychiatrist who worked
with children identified as physically and intellectually
disabled. She demonstrated that training and sensory
stimulation could help many of these children reach skill levels
equal to those of children who were developing normally. She
then broadened her techniques for use with all children. Over
100 years ago, when she began to implement her methods, the
prevailing wisdom was that children were simply small adults.
Instead, she showed that children benefit from different learning
environments and that young minds are capable of self-directed

17. learning. These ideas were one of Piaget's important influences
as he developed his theory of cognitive development.
In the Montessori method, children are offered considerable
choice and are not restricted from moving from one activity to
another (Montessori, 2004). In pure Montessori schools,
teachers are there to facilitate learning rather than direct its
course and only provide aid (like scaffolding) when it is
requested. Although having available role models remains
important, unlike Vygotsky's sociocultural approach to learning,
the Montessori method deemphasizes social interaction. Critics
point to this part of Montessori's philosophy as an important
shortcoming.
Reggio Emilia
Another popular child-centered program also originated in Italy.
Reggio Emilia differs philosophically from the Montessori
method by offering a social-constructivist approach;
collaborative learning is stressed instead of independent
exploration. It also differs in its emphasis on parental and
community involvement. Reggio Emilia teachers are not
necessarily trained; they become "co-learners" and partners in
participation and discovery. Parents are expected to have an
interactive relationship with the school and the community,
reflecting the idea that it "takes a village" to raise a child;
parents must be involved in school and public policy to ensure
community support.
In this setting, children promote their own play and learning
interests and long-term collaborative projects are emphasized
over individual discovery. The Reggio Emilia approach also
involves "intentional socialization," in which teachers
manufacture opportunities for children to participate in specific
dialogues or group conversations (Hewett, 2001; Rankin, 2004).
Specific activities in this environment are found to be quite
effective at increasing the enjoyment of school and decreasing
problem behaviors after children transition to kindergarten
(Schneider et al., 2014).
Head Start

18. Because evidence shows that SES is a strong determinant of
academic success, the U.S. government launched Head Start in
1965 as one way to fight poverty and improve outcomes for
children from low-income families. About 962,000 children
(including 848,000 children aged 3 to 5 years) attend Head Start
programs at a projected federal cost of about $8.6 billion for
2014, or more than $9,000 per child when local expenditures are
added in (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
2014). Head Start provides educational and nutritional services
for children and also attempts to address the social and
vocational needs of parents. When Congress reauthorized Head
Start in 1992, school readiness was made the program's official
goal, partly because its original intent to fight poverty was
largely unsuccessful (Zigler, 2003). More recently, Early Head
Start was added to focus on the cognitive needs of children as
young as newborns.
Some research outcomes comparing children who attend Head
Start with those who do not attend preschool have been
encouraging. Evidence indicates that children who attend Head
Start are less likely to repeat a grade, are more likely to
graduate from high school and attend college, and are less likely
to be arrested (Currie & Thomas, 1995; Garces, Thomas, &
Currie, 2002; Yoshikawa et al., 2013). In general, children who
attend Head Start enter kindergarten with better social skills;
they have fewer behavior problems; and they test higher for
language skills, reading readiness (including phonetic
decoding), attention, and overall cognition (Bierman et al.,
2014; Zhai, Brooks-Gunn, & Waldfogel, 2011).
Critical Thinking
How would you respond to those who are con-vinced a
particular preschool program is effec-tive because their own
children enjoyed large cognitive and social gains in the
program? From a scientific perspective, what are some impor-
tant issues to consider when addressing this conclusion?
Other research has been less favorable. A large-scale statistical
analysis of Head Start found that children exiting the program

19. do not perform any better overall than non–Head Start children.
Head Start has "repeatedly been proven ineffectual" due partly
to the home environment and partly to the inadequacy and
inconsistency of the various programs (Levitt & Dubner, 2006,
p. 170). The program's own analysis shows no long-term
academic impact beyond third grade (U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services, 2012). Once children exit Head Start, it
appears that parental variables and the complicated effects of
low SES override any cognitive benefits that early intervention
may have provided (Brooks-Gunn, 2003; Currie & Thomas,
2000; Fryer & Levitt, 2004; Gelber & Isen, 2013). As Zigler
(2003) remarked, "There is no magical, permanent cure for the
problems associated with poverty" (p. 10). Research with non–
Head Start programs has found similar patterns. It appears that
any academic gains attributable to early childhood education
programs disappear by third grade or, among disadvantaged
preschoolers, even sooner (Lazar & Darlington, 1982;
Magnusen, Ruhm, & Waldfogel, 2007; Yoshikawa et al., 2013).
It is difficult to weigh the relative importance of potential
nonacademic benefits that have been found, such as improved
fitness, emotional stability, and parental involvement and
behavior (Gelber & Isen, 2013; Lee, Zhai, Han, Brooks-Gunn, &
Waldfogel, 2013; Lipscomb, Pratt, Schmitt, Pears, & Kim,
2013). Head Start programs vary from state to state and even
among individual facilities in proximity to one another, which
makes comparisons difficult. Finally, although research
consistently finds that cognitive gains from Head Start
disappear by third grade, advantages seem to reappear after high
school. That is, even though standardized testing results show
that children who attended Head Start do not maintain an
advantage in elementary school, there appear to be gains in high
school graduation rates, college attendance, and future earnings
(Chetty et al., 2011; Gelber & Isen, 2013; Yoshikawa et al.,
2013)
ACTIVITY: What Makes a "Quality" Preschool?
Signs of high-quality early education include the following:

20. Qualified, experienced educators who speak and interact at the
child's level, including physically being on the floor.
Low child-staff ratio, allowing for frequent individual contact.
A variety of stimulating activities; children are not restricted to
one activity for an extended period of time.
Safety standards.
An inclusive, inviting atmosphere where unannounced visits are
welcomed.
Space for vigorous physical movement, even in colder climates
where outdoor activity may not be possible for weeks at a time.
Staff who engage children individually and an environment in
which not all children are expected to perform at the same level.
Generous periods of free play.
Close relationships with both children and parents.
High/Scope Perry Preschool Project
Rather than an imprecise network of Head Start schools, the
High/Scope Perry Preschool Study is a more closely monitored
project. Since 1962, children who attended a high-quality
preschool have been compared to those who received no
preschool. The project involved 123 black children who were
born into poverty and were identified as high risk for school
failure. Fifty–eight children were randomly assigned to the
preschool program, and the remaining 65 served as controls.
Children who attended the program attended closely monitored
classrooms for 2.5 hours each day, usually for 2 years. They and
their families also participated in weekly home visits from
project professionals. Follow-up reports were obtained
periodically. The most recent follow-up at age 40 demonstrated
significant gains, as Figure 15.1 shows (Schweinhart et al.,
2005). Children who attended Perry Preschool were less likely
than control subjects (i.e., not attending preschool) to become
pregnant in high school or to be arrested. They had higher
graduation rates from both high school and college. At 27 and
40 years old, they were more likely than controls to be
employed, to have higher incomes, and to own their own homes.
Although evidence indicates that gains might be overstated, the

21. High/Scope Perry model appears to deliver the family and
community support that Head Start programs do not always
provide (Gelber & Isen, 2013; Heckman, Moon, Pinto,
Savelyev, & Yavitz, 2013).
Figure 15.1: Perry Preschool findings at age 40
Favorable outcomes for children who participated in the
High/Scope Perry Preschool program included fewer arrests,
higher graduation rates, more employment, and higher incomes.
Source: From The High/Scope Perry Preschool Study Through
Age 40, by L. J. Schweinhart. Ypsilanti, MI: High/Scope Press.
© 1999 High/Scope Educational Research Foundation. Used
with permission.
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development
Until funding was discontinued in 2009, the National Institute
of Child Health and Human Development (NICHD) had been
tracking a group of more than 1,300 preschoolers since 1991,
investigating the overall effects of preschool on cognitive and
social development (see NICHD Early Child Care Research
Network, 1998, 2002, 2003, 2005). High-quality childcare
(providing a high measure of sensitivity, emotional support, and
cognitive stimulation) was an early predictor of preacademic
skills, but more hours of care was also associated with increased
behavior problems. Aggression and disobedience were
demonstrated toward mothers, teachers, and other caregivers
alike, and differences persisted into kindergarten and beyond.
In a newer analysis of the datasets, earlier findings regarding
academic achievement and behavior problems have been found
to persist into adolescence, though differences remain small
(Vandell et al., 2010). In addition, quality of care and quantity
of hours in care impact outcomes independently. High-quality
care was found to be a strong predictor of academic success
when compared to low-quality care, but more time spent in
nonmaternal care continued to predict a greater degree of
behavioral problems.
Findings from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study,

22. sponsored by the U.S. Department of Education, mimicked the
results from NICHD. Longitudinal research has repeatedly
found that preschool is associated with increased reading and
math skills at kindergarten entry, but is also associated with
increased behavioral problems and less self-control.
Furthermore, the academic gains faded by the middle of first
grade, but the behavior problems persisted (Lee et al., 2014;
Magnuson, Ruhm, & Waldfogel, 2007).
Conclusions
The direct benefits of preschool for children are questionable,
yet there is relatively little controversy. Critics of universal
preschool argue that the most important variable in school
preparedness is parental involvement. And they are correct. The
easiest way to predict the academic success of infants is to look
at the income level and educational attainment of parents.
Children in maternal care do not differ significantly from those
in childcare (NICHD Early Child Care Research Network,
2000).
FOCUS ON BEHAVIOR: School Readiness
My wife and I have differing views on Head Start and other
preschool programs that are designed to accelerate school
readiness. As a kindergarten teacher, she knows when children
have attended preschool because they are better prepared
socially and academically when they enter elementary school.
And I have no doubt that she can indeed identify those who are
school-ready from their behavior. However, I am a science guy,
and I know what the research up to this point says: By third
grade, all those kindergarteners will be at about the same level,
whether or not they attended Head Start or another program. So
does Head Start work? The answer is clear if you teach
kindergarten.
By contrast, proponents of universal preschool argue that
quality is the determining factor in the success of early
childhood education. Though effects are small, research
supports this position (Keys et al., 2013; Magnuson et al., 2007;
Zigler, Gilliam, & Jones 2006). That is, children who attend

23. high-quality preschools indeed benefit, but only compared to
those who attend lower-quality childcare facilities. On average,
groups of children who attend preschool do not consistently
outperform similar groups of children who do not attend. Once
again, family variables are much stronger predictors.
Therefore, formalized preschool in general is not an
overwhelming determinant of school success. Maternal care,
quality of the preschool environment, and later elementary
school placement are more predictive of academic outcome (and
all are associated with SES). Given demographic trends of
single-parent and two-working-parent families, the need for
preschool care is not going to disappear. The larger concern
then is for the estimated 60% of children who attend lower-
quality programs that are less responsive to children's needs
(Barnett, Carolan, Fitzgerald, & Squires, 2012; Reynolds & Ou,
2004). For other parents, research suggests that formal
programs do not offer any clear advantage. With the right
stimulation, parents can provide the same kind of academic
"head start" that preschools provide.
HOME
To measure the effects of the complexity of the home
environment on cognitive and academic outcomes, Bradley and
Caldwell (1977, 1979) constructed the Home Observation for
Measurement of the Environment, or HOME, scale. This
instrument assesses a child's home life, including quality of
supervision and discipline; family meals; richness of language
usage; availability of books, games, and discovery toys;
parental displays of warmth and affection; and the variety of
stimuli outside the home, like trips to the market or the park.
More positive HOME scores are associated with better academic
and cognitive outcomes for all children, regardless of ethnicity
or SES (Bradley et al., 1989). Just like the early language
studies by Hart and Risley (1995) discussed in Module 9, low
SES was associated with low HOME scores. However, parental
responsiveness and amount of stimulation are much stronger
predictors of outcomes than is SES. Although higher-SES

24. parents may have the means to invest more time and money in a
wider variety of resources and activities, it does not mean that
SES is always a barrier to achieving the same results.
SECTION REVIEW
Describe how different types of early childhood learning
environments may affect cogni-tive and psychosocial outcomes.